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Indonesia News Digest 38 – October 10-16, 2008
Detik.com - October 16, 2008
Moksa Hutasoit, Jakarta – It is as if protest actions are never
absent from the lives of Jakarta residents. Today, seven
demonstrations will be held by various different groups across
Greater Jakarta.
Based on data from the Metro Jaya regional police Traffic
Management Centre for Thursday October 16, the first protest
action will take place at 8am at the State Palace, the offices of
the Department for State-Owned Enterprises, the House of
Representatives building and the national police headquarters.
Between 10am and 4pm, it will be the turn of the Victims of the
Curator Employees Alliance (AKKK) to hold an action at the
Supreme Court, the State Palace and the Constitutional Court.
At 10am, the offices of the Central Leadership Board of the
National Awakening Party on Jl. Sukabumi, in the Menteng area of
Central Jakarta will be visited by the Jakarta Papua Social
Solidarity Forum (FSMPJ).
Starting at 11am, the Legal Aid Foundation Red and White Militia
(LBH-LMP) will be patrolling the central office of the state
housing company Perum Perumnas on Jl. DI Panjaitan in East
Jakarta.
Also at 11am, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia will hold an action at the
Hotel Indonesia roundabout in Central Jakarta.
At 2pm meanwhile, the Jakarta Office for Primary Education in
Jatinegara, East Jakarta, will be visited by the Teachers Reform
Forum (FGR).
The State Palace will again be the location for a protest action
at 4pm by the Solidarity Network for Victims and Families of
Victims (JSKKK).
Even though without the presence of protest actions Jakarta's
traffic will continue to be congested, it is advised that you try
to avoid these locations. (mok/mok)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Agus Maryono, Purwokerto – A group of farmers in West Ajibarang,
Banyumas regency, on Wednesday set fire to seven tons of unhusked
rice, claiming they had been betrayed by the Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The farmers said the party had promised to buy their harvest at a
high price, but had instead done nothing.
"We are really disappointed. We waited three months for PDI-P
officials to make good on their promise, but nothing was done,
and all the unhusked rice we harvested is now spoiled," said
Sartono, 45, one of the affected farmers.
The rice, developed in a PDI-P-sponsored project, was called MSP
– an abbreviation of Mari Sejahterakan Petani (let's make
farmers wealthy), and also the initials of PDI-P chairwoman
Megawati Soekarnoputri.
At the launch of the project, the PDI-P's Banyumas office pledged
to buy all the harvested rice at Rp 7,000 (72 US cents) per
kilogram, some Rp 1,000 higher than the market price. But when
harvest time rolled around, local party officials refused to buy
the rice, arguing they did not have the money for it.
"From the very beginning, PDI-P Banyumas chairman Suherman
convinced us his party would buy the entire harvest. Now we know
it was all a lie," said 60-year-old Sujadi Sumarto, chairman of
the West Ajibarang farmers group.
Sumarto added the MSP variety had given farmers a relatively
large yield of seven tons of unhusked rice from the 1.5 hectares
of fields used in the pilot project.
"With the promised price, we expected to earn some Rp 50 million
from the harvest. But thanks to their deceit, it has turned into
a big loss for us," Sumarto said.
He said because of the party's refusal to buy the rice, the group
was unable to cultivate their fields for the last three months
because they had no money to do so.
Sumarto also expressed concern over how a major political party
like the PDI-P could deceive the public in such a way, especially
with the 2009 general elections drawing nearer.
Along with the rice, the angry farmers also burned down a huge
banner reading "Mari Sejahterakan Petani" with a picture of
Megawati on it.
Supangat, deputy chairman of PDI-P Banyumas, confirmed the MSP
project was a PDI-P national initiative. "Because it was also
conducted in Banyumas, we were obliged to buy all the harvested
rice.
Pornography & morality
Aceh
West Papua
Human rights/law
Labour issues
Health & education
War on corruption
War on terror
Islam/religion
Elections/political parties
Armed forces/defense
Economy & investment
Analysis & opinion
Actions, demos, protests...
Seven protest actions to enliven Jakarta today
Angry farmers burn rice harvest, accuse PDI-P of betrayal
Students protest speech on US
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Bandung, West Java – Dozens of students in the National Student Front staged a rally at the Indonesia Education University (UPI) campus in Bandung on Wednesday, protesting against capitalism and a speech being delivered about the American election by a US delegate.
"America follows a capitalist system, and many Indonesian bureaucrats have become capitalists, but our brothers and sisters were refused entry to the university because they could not pay registration fees," Heru, one of the students, said. He spoke in front of the Isola building, where the meeting was held to discuss the US campaign information.
About 50 students attended the meeting to see a presentation by Commander Rolfe K White, US Embassy Office of Defense coordinator. After the meeting, White said the US Embassy in Indonesia just wanted to inform students about the stages in the presidential election to be held on Nov. 4.
"We started it (speeches) on the election within Indonesian universities to encourage more dialogue, so it is not just one way," he said.
A similar meeting was also held at the American Corner of the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) Library on Wednesday. About 50 ITB students listened to a presentation by US Vice Ambassador to Indonesia John Heffern.
| Pornography & morality |
Jakarta Post - October 13, 2008
Dicky Christanto and Luh De Suriyani, Denpasar – More than 5,000 people from various occupations, religions and organizations stormed Denpasar's main thoroughfares Saturday with one goal in mind – to protest against the pornography bill, currently being deliberated by lawmakers in Jakarta.
Among the rally participants were several noted figures, including Regional Representatives Council (DPD) member GKR Hemas, who is also the wife of Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, film director Garin Nugroho and folk singer Franky Silahatua.
"We want all of you here to know that we, Yogyakartans, have also refused the porn bill deliberations as it deeply harms our pluralism. Therefore you are not alone in this struggle. Let's unite to get rid of this dangerous bill once and for all," Hemas told the participants who gathered at the Bajra Sandhi square in Renon.
"And if the lawmakers insist on passing the bill then it can have only one meaning: that they have seriously violated the country's legal system," she added.
After listening to Hemas' speech, the crowd then marched five kilometers through the city to Puputan Badung square, in front of the Denpasar mayor's office.
The participants in the rally, which was organized by the Balinese People Component (KRB), carried a red-and-white flag about 230 meters long as they cheered the speeches given by several activists during the march.
At first glance, the mass rally resembled a national independence day commemoration carnival, usually held in August in cities such as Jakarta and Surabaya.
The protesters were welcomed at the Puputan Badung square by a troupe of female dancers. Their 10-minute energetic yet sensual modern dance performance apparently managed to attract most of the participants' attention as they pushed to get to the front, near the stage, waiting for more.
After viewing the sexy dance, the crowd was entertained by a music performance by local rock band the Geekssmile, whose song lyrics criticized the government's policies.
Next was a traditional Papuan dance performed by a group of Papuan students wearing their traditional dress: koteka or penis gourd.
"Most of the performances on this stage today would be in violation of the law if the porn bill were passed, so are we supposed to agree with the bill?" student activist I Gusti Agung Jelantik asked from the stage after the Papuans had finished their dance performance.
"No way do we agree with the dangerous bill," someone from the crowd yelled in response.
"If that's so, then we agree that this rally is not our last. We will continue to protest against the bill whenever the lawmakers try to deliberate it," Jelantik said.
"We will," the crowd answered in unison.
The KRB reiterated its position that the definition of "pornography" in the bill was too vague, meaning anybody could be named a suspect and their acts deemed pornographic.
"The bill has the potential to cause disintegration because not a single tribe in the country wants to be humiliated simply because its culture is considered to be 'pornographic'," said KRB coordinator I Gusti Ngurah Harta.
Some critics have said the bill is offensive to women because it considers them simplistically as the cause of sexual lust. "So let's oppose this bill which underestimates the role of mothers and women," the KRB statement said.
A special team from the House of Representatives drafting the bill is scheduled to hold public hearings in regions that strongly oppose the bill, namely Bali, Papua and North Sulawesi, from Sunday to Tuesday. The team is in Bali on Monday.
Agence France Presse - October 11, 2008
Denpasar – Thousands of protesters rallied on the Indonesian holiday island of Bali on Saturday to demonstrate against an anti-pornography bill denounced by critics as a threat to national unity.
More than 5,000 protesters surged through the streets of the mostly Hindu island's capital in opposition to the bill under deliberation in Jakarta.
The bill, which looked set to be passed several weeks ago but has been pushed back amid a public outcry, criminalises all public acts and material capable of raising sexual desires or violating "community morality".
Protesters denounced the proposed law as too broad and a threat to local customs on the island, where naked temple statues proliferate and skimpily dressed foreign tourists relax on beaches.
Demonstrators turned up to the rally in traditional Balinese clothes including semi-see-through temple blouses, saying such clothes could be deemed too suggestive if the law was passed.
"The porn bill clearly doesn't accommodate minorities and therefore it shouldn't be passed," student activist I Wayan Suardana said.
The protest took on a carnival atmosphere with western-style music and dancing by Papuan tribesmen wearing only traditional penis sheaths, body paint and headdresses made from leaves.
"If the lawmakers pass the porn bill, they will simply destroy our pluralism. It's a direct threat to our country's unity and it deserves to be gotten rid of for good," student activist I Gusti Agung Jelantik said.
The bill, which is being pushed by Muslim parties in Jakarta, is being challenged on other islands in the archipelago nation, which encompasses cultures ranging from conservative Islam to semi-naked animist tribesmen.
Although it is the world's largest Muslim-majority country, Indonesia has significant and officially recognised minorities of Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and Confucians.
| Aceh |
Jakarta Post - October 13, 2008
Ati Nurbaiti, Banda Aceh – Hasan Tiro, the supreme leader of the former separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), cited Sunday a string of heroes from Aceh's past in his appeal for his fellow Acehnese, including former rebels, to work for peace.
His message and visit also left little doubt for Acehnese that Hasan was personally committed to the peace agreement which ended GAM's earlier target of independence, an observer said.
The message on the second day of his visit to his homeland, the first in almost 30 years, was delivered in Indrapuri district, a former GAM stronghold some 25 kilometers east of the provincial capital of Banda Aceh.
Hasan, now a Swedish citizen, was paying his respects to the grave of Cik di Tiro, his great-grandfather and a national hero in Indonesia's fight for independence.
In a speech in Acehnese read by one of his trusted aides in front of the grave, Hasan cited nationally renowned figures, including Teuku Umar, Laksamana Malahayati and Sultan Iskandar Muda. The location of the grave itself is in the former territory of Kutaraja, the Aceh sultanate and "last fort of resistance" against Dutch rule, Hasan said.
The Acehnese are proud of their legendary resistance against occupying forces, with the province recorded as the last area in Indonesia to surrender to the Dutch.
Earlier on Sunday, Hasan prayed briefly at the graves of Iskandar Muda and respected ulema Syech Abdul Rauf Singkili, at the seaside Syiah Kuala cemetery.
The village of Meure where the grave of Cik di Tiro is located is now a peaceful-looking village of bamboo and wooden homes on stilts near green paddy fields, without the previously numerous military posts dotting the area leading to the GAM base. The base was used during military operations prior to the 2005 Helsinki peace accord.
Though Hasan had conveyed a similar call to maintain the peace at Baiturrahman Mosque in Banda Aceh on Saturday, Sunday's message, an observer in the audience said, reemphasized the value of the satria or warrior, "who is dauntless in war, but even more courageous in peace".
The audience members included several former combatants from Indrapuri and other areas, as well as those who now reside in various countries.
The observer, Ramli Daly, said Hasan's visit and statements added to people's confidence of his personal commitment to the peace process, and that he had agreed to the memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the Indonesian government and GAM.
"Hasan was not among the signatories of the Helsinki agreement," said Ramli, formerly in charge of historical documentation under the provincial administration. "So there were doubts that perhaps it was all the result of collusion (between the Acehnese and the Indonesian elite," he said.
After the speech, read by Malik Mahmud, who signed the MOU on behalf of GAM, Hasan left the decorated tent to enjoy lunch nearby. He ate rice and gulai Aceh meat curry and vegetable soup with his favorite beverage of Coca-Cola, witnesses said.
More than 30 cows had been slaughtered for the feast, villagers said. Several vendors profited by selling iced drinks, boiled peanuts and other snacks.
Jakarta Post - October 12, 2008
Hotli Simanjuntak and Ati Nurbaiti, Banda Aceh – Deafening shouts of 'Allahu akbar!' and 'Long live Wali Nanggroe!' greeted the long-awaited senior Aceh figure, Hasan Tiro, who arrived in the capital Saturday after an absence of almost 30 years.
The "Wali" or "inheritor" of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, and the leader of the former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in self-exile, was in tears as he saw the crowds occupying every inch of the field of the Baiturrahman Mosque, witnesses said.
Tiro, 83, had landed at 11 a.m. on a chartered flight from Kuala Lumpur with his entourage, immediately kneeling and kissing the ground on arrival. "He had been so impatient to come, he kept looking out the window," said Malik Mahmood, GAM's former prime minister in its shadow cabinet, at an afternoon press conference.
Throngs greeted Tiro, a Swedish citizen, along the road from the airport to downtown. The meeting at the mosque with thousands of Acehnese who had been streaming into the capital for days was the high point of Saturday's welcome to the leader who had fled his homeland in self-exile in 1979. He had briefly led GAM combatants in the late 1970s and was among those who had been hunted down by the Indonesian military.
His reputation had continued to grow "from mouth to mouth" and from one generation to the next, locals say, despite his long absence. "We missed him so much, that's why we've come all this way to meet him," said one young well-wisher from Pasai in North Aceh.
But on Saturday, after mounting a podium erected in front of the mosque, his only words were, "I am happy to have arrived in Aceh (Lon ka troeh u tanoeh Aceh), Allahu akbar!" He then sat down as Mahmood read out Tiro's statement which invoked for the Acehnese shared losses and unprecedented achievements of peace.
Some voiced loud disappointment at Tiro's brief address, an anti-climax after days of anticipation, but there were shouts and claps again as they heard the statement.
Dispelling lingering doubts of peace in Aceh, especially among Acehnese themselves, Tiro said in the speech that, "The freedom and peace across Aceh today is a precious gift given by Allah to Aceh. Never before in Aceh's history of colonialism and occupation by foreign nations, have the people gained freedom and peace in general as today."
The message was significant from the revered figure as many in the province often voice impatience at the pace of development and welfare improvement.
Tiro's own visit has raised fears of increased tension in the wake of a number of violent incidences and kidnappings in various areas during the past few months. Tiro appealed to his fellow Acehnese to maintain unity and avoid being provoked "by evil attempts of several subversive groups trying to boycott the peace".
The leader's approval of the negotiations between GAM and the Indonesian government is regarded as critical to the historical 2005 peace agreement signed in Helsinki, Finland, which finally ended three decades of bloodshed.
A day before his arrival in the capital the facilitator of the agreement, Finland's former president Marti Ahtisaari, won the Nobel Peace Prize to the praise of Acehnese leaders.
Reading Tiro's statement Mahmood added that having lost "everything, we cannot afford to lose our future. Reach for the future through the process determined in the memorandum of understanding (MOU, the peace agreement), with precision and utmost discipline".
The cost of war was high, he said, the cost of nurturing the peace was even higher. "Preserve the peace for the welfare of us all."
Tiro's speech voiced deep gratitude to all sides who had facilitated and monitored the MOU including the European Union, ASEAN, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla.
"If there are parties who still disagree and resist the MOU of Helsinki, I call on them to unite with the Aceh people who are striving to maintain and enjoy peace and freedom across Aceh."
Critics say former GAM members and supporters will continue to strive for independence.
A sea of hands waved and strived to touch Tiro as he walked around the podium before being escorted off of the field. Crowds surged to the front when they realized the event was suddenly over after a former combatant closed the meeting with a prayer.
In response to concerns voiced by a number of locals that Tiro's visit might revive aspirations of independence, Mahmood told a press conference that "all that is in the past. We now look to the future."
As to complaints that organizers involving former GAM supporters were using the opportunity for an early campaign start for the Aceh Party, Deputy Governor Muhammad Nazar said Tiro's visit to the province, which will last about two weeks, "should not be politicized and should not be a source of worry" to anyone.
"We thank Hasan Tiro for coming to Aceh, and we hope his visit will strengthen our efforts at peace," Nazar said.
As of Saturday Tiro had not publicly conveyed his impressions of the visit, leaving Mahmood to say that Tiro was "greatly moved" to have returned to his "beautiful" Aceh.
Agence France Presse - October 12, 2008
Stephen Coates, Banda Aceh – Pink from floor to ceiling and with hot pink windows and doors, the office of the Aceh Transitional Committee (KPA) looks more like a perfumery than the nerve centre of a former rebel army.
But the house in Banda Aceh was packed with weather-beaten, chain-smoking men as the demobilised guerrillas prepared for the return Saturday of their exiled hero, Hasan di Tiro, after almost 30 years in Sweden.
The 83-year-old proclaimed independence from Indonesia in 1976, igniting a separatist war which devastated the province on Sumatra's northern tip until the Asian tsunami forced the two sides to agree on broad autonomy in 2005.
The Nobel Peace Prize awarded Friday to former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari was recognition for his efforts to help broker the historic deal.
But di Tiro's return comes at a sensitive moment in the peace process, with tsunami aid money running out and allegations of intimidation and thuggery – often directed at the KPA – increasing ahead of elections in April.
The KPA is the new body set up to look after former fighters of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), the rebel force founded by di Tiro which is now known as the Aceh Party.
The party is expected to win most seats in the elections and push for the Helsinki peace agreement to be fully implemented, amid widespread complaints that Jakarta has failed to honour its side of the deal.
"The leaders of Aceh and Indonesia have to use this moment to sit down and talk about the past to make sure the conflict doesn't happen again, like they did in East Timor," politician Mohammed Saleh of the Aceh Unity Party said.
Scores of thousands turned out to hear the frail di Tiro speak at the Grand Mosque in central Banda Aceh on Saturday, where he confirmed his support for the Helsinki process.
But there are different ideas among the Acehnese factions over what to do with the old father of the independence movement, underlining the often bitter struggle for power and wealth which has engulfed the province since 2005.
Many of the demobilised guerrillas and Aceh Party loyalists who meet in the soft pink light of the KPA office think he should be installed as a king-like figure with the historical Acehnese title of Wali Nanggroe.
They say di Tiro has a hereditary right to the post, which should be imbued with the power to sack the elected governor. Other parties argue however that di Tiro has no hereditary claim and the position should be purely ceremonial.
"I want to see him become the Wali Nanggroe," former guerrilla Ruslan Zakaria, 37, told AFP. "I'd like to see a strong Wali Nanggroe with the power to sack the governor... like a king."
Zakaria is one of many ex-rebels who have traded in their guns for menial jobs with aid agencies rebuilding Banda Aceh after the tsunami, under a reintegration plan for former rebels and Jakarta-backed militias.
The agency in charge of reconstruction is due to wind up its activities in April, raising concerns that the election season could see clashes between competing factions using unemployed former combatants as muscle.
"The reintegration process is a mirage," said Aceh Party loyalist Mohammed Nasir.
Kidnappings are common and some analysts estimate up to 15 percent of the billions of dollars in tsunami aid money that has poured into the province is being robbed through extortion on behalf of political and criminal interests.
Politician Saleh said ex-GAM fighters should forget about reinstating di Tiro as a king-like figure and focus instead on providing jobs and democracy as promised under the peace deal.
"This is not the time for egos but to lobby and bargain with Jakarta" for more autonomy, he said over breakfast at the Jasa Saya Solong cafe, across town from the KPA headquarters.
"I don't know if Hasan di Tiro will change anything but I hope he can because in all countries after conflict there is movement from political crimes to plain criminality."
Deputy Governor Mohammad Nazar, of the SIRA party, said the peace deal made provision for a ceremonial Wali Nanggroe but not a powerful new "sultan."
"If they want to do that of course they have to change the law," he said, adding that more important challenges for Aceh included establishing a truth and reconciliation commission and a human rights court.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
Ati Nurbaiti, Banda Aceh – After three decades of absence, Aceh's former resistance leader Hassan Di Tiro arrived in Banda Aceh in Saturday to a cheerful greeting by thousands of his supporters.
Tiro landed at 11 a.m. to sound of adzan (Muslim calling for prayers) by the greeters, waving to claps of cheering crowds.
He was accompanied by former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) leaders, including Malik Mahmood, Zaini Abdullah and Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf. Tiro flew in using a chartered flight from Kuala Lumpur, where he met with former GAM leaders.
Tiro cried as he was hugged by his only living sister, Aisyah, after being corralled by flower wreath and powdered with flour in a traditional welcome.
Strict arrangements gave way to raucous convoy immediately headed to town, accompanied by two trucks full of percussion groups with the drums hanging from the metal bars.
Former GAM prisoners waved banners near the governor's residence, the venue to welcome Tiro, demanding release of remaining convicts.
Heavy congestion and big crowds jammed the way to Baiturrahman Grand Masque, the third venue to greet Tiro. For the meantime the waiting crowds had to be contended with a written speech read out by Malik Mahmood at the main mosque where Tiro came for noon prayers.
Tiro then was greeted at pendopo or government official residence. After brief performance by dancers Tiro was escorted to closed meeting with Governor Irwandi and other dignitaries
Organizers from the Aceh Transition Committee (KPA) are working with the police to keep order. Military tanks and personnel tucked away in a square near a local military office.
Earlier in the airport, a former GAM spokesman Bakhtiar Abdullah, said that after 29 years, Tiro would be "overwhelmed" by his return and by the reception.
"He is returning to a much changed Aceh," Bachtiar said: an Aceh after the conflict, the tsunami and the peace agreement between GAM and the Indonesian government although the implementation was lacking.
Well-wishers and critics, who fear possible revival of independence aspiration with Tiro's visit, say at least his visit should encourage Acehnese to work harder for peace and welfare.
"Some of us have jobs, some don't," said Usman, one of the greeters on the tarmac who were mostly former GAM militia members.
Reuters - October 11, 2008
Banda Aceh – Hasan di Tiro, founder of the former rebel group GAM in Indonesia's Aceh, returned on Saturday after more than 30 years exile, welcomed by thousands of people in the province on the tip of Sumatra.
His return came a day after Finland's former president, Martti Ahtisaari won, the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in global peacemaking including in Aceh.
Di Tiro, who is on his late seventies and understood to be in frail health, fled to Sweden after declaring Aceh independent in 1976, a move that triggered a long-running conflict in westernmost province of Indonesia.
About 15,000 people are estimated to have died in the conflict before a truce was reached with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in August 2005, facilitated by Ahtisaari.
Muchtar, who was among a crowd waiting to see di Tiro at the black-domed grand mosque in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh, said he had traveled from Central Aceh to see the former rebel.
"His arrival is special for me because I really admire him, especially his struggle for independence in Aceh in the past," said Muchtar, who like many Indonesians uses only one name.
The peace agreement has generally been regarded as successful although there are concerns elections next year could fan tensions in the province that still sometimes sees sporadic violence after decades of conflict.
A provincial police spokesman said a grenade was thrown by an unidentified motor cyclist at a car on Friday evening, wounding one person in North Aceh. (Writing by Telly Nathalia, editing by Ed Davies and Sanjeev Miglani)
| West Papua |
Lateline - October 16, 2008
Tony Jones: The Indonesian Government has confirmed that almost 40 police officers have been interviewed about the shooting death of a senior tribal leader at a peaceful rally in West Papua in August this year.
Human rights groups say they suspect the man was murdered by a gunman working for the military or intelligence services. Jeff Waters filed this report.
Jeff Waters: It was organised as a peaceful day of celebration. On the 9 August this year, watched over by a large contingent of police, thousands of indigenous Melanesian people gathered in Wamena, the most heavily populated area of Papua provinces' remote highlands.
It was United Nations World Indigenous People's Day. It may have been a peaceful event, but it wasn't long before gunfire rang out.
According to witnesses, police fired above the heads of the crowd. A photographer captured this image. But somehow Opinus Tabuni, a well-regarded member of the Lopago Tribal Council, was fatally wounded.
Paula Makabory, human rights worker: I didn't even think that they would shoot all of the people. One person is enough to create a conflict.
Jeff Waters: As evidence to their belief someone in authority was trying to spark a major riot, indigenous rights activists are circulating this photograph. of a man who may be holding a gun, in front of the police line. They say it was taken moments before the shooting. We can't confirm its veracity, or that this man was responsible for the death.
Paula Makabory: I think he is part of the Indonesian security forces. He's intelligent. It's an Indonesian guy with long straight hair and he has a black pistol in his hands.
Jeff Waters: How do we know that he's Indonesian?
Paula Makabory: His presence is totally different amongst all of those indigenous West Papuans.
Jeff Waters: The spokesman for the Indonesian Embassy in Canberra, Dino Kusnadi, says the rally was being held without a legal permit and that a high level investigation is being conducted into the shooting.
Dino Kusnadi, Indonesian Embassy spokesman: The Indonesian Government deeply regrets the violence that occurred during that public rally. We are very much aware of that incident. It's been considered both by the provincial government and also by the central government as high importance. I mean they've already questioned 46 people. If they want to add to these claims and to more official complaints to the police, we welcome that.
Jeff Waters: The shooting only happened after some of those present decided to raise a banned morning star flag, seen here on the left of the screen.
Dino Kusnadi: Raising the morning star is against the law in Indonesia. That it is not considered as a cultural symbol but it is considered even by these people as a sign of separatism, in this case, that is against the law in Indonesia.
Jeff Waters: If someone did try to stir-up a bloodbath that day, they failed. After the killing, successive speakers called for calm.
"We would like to solve this problem peacefully," this speaker says, "It is a failure that we haven't been able to achieve it so we have to be patient."
The massive rally, some say numbered 20,000, was then allowed by police to march through Wamena to the home of the dead man.
Such is the level of suspicion in Papua, that community leaders demanded to be present at Mr Tabuni's post-mortem. They filmed the removal of this bullet from one of his organs.
Opinus Tabuni may now be buried, but this issue is not. As well as the now Jakarta-based investigation into his death, activists say they fear a round-up of the rally organisers may be about to take place.
Jeff Waters, Lateline.
Agence France Presse - October 16, 2008
Thousands of Papuans demanded a referendum on independence from Indonesia during a peaceful rally watched by hundreds of riot police.
At least 5,000 people gathered in the Papuan provincial capital Jayapura to denounce the 1969 referendum that handed sovereignty of the resource rich former Dutch colony to Indonesia.
Carrying banners demanding "freedom" and calling for international attention, they tried to march on the provincial parliament building but were blocked by police.
"We refuse the 1969 referendum and urge the Indonesian government to organise a new referendum of independence for Papuan people," protest coordinator Bucktar Tabuni said.
One speaker told the crowd through a megaphone: "Our children weren't born to be tortured and killed by Indonesia's security forces. Our only wish is for Papuans to be treated well as human beings."
Many Papuans accuse Jakarta of stealing the rugged, largely undeveloped province's natural resources. Indonesia's military is also accused of rights abuses and corruption, especially around foreign-owned mines.
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Jakarta – About 2,000 people rallied in the Jayapura, Papua, on Thursday, calling for independence for the remote, resource-rich area in the far east of the country, Reuters reported.
Shouting "freedom", some protesters carried banners saying "Review the act of no choice in 1969", referring to a disputed vote that led to Papua being formally incorporated into Indonesia.
Papua, which occupies the western half of New Guinea Island, was under Dutch colonial rule until 1963, when Indonesia took over. Jakarta formalized its rule in 1969 in a vote by community leaders which was widely criticized as flawed.
Protest organizers said the march was timed to coincide with a gathering of parliamentarians in the British capital London on Wednesday in support of self determination for Papua.
About 10 trucks of police sought to block the marchers, although there were no reports of violence.
Separatist groups have stepped up protests in Papua in recent months. There have also been several small bomb blasts, including at an airport in Papua and near a copper mine run by the local unit of US mining firm Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc.
Police also arrested five people this week after an unidentified group hoisted a banned separatist flag in front of a local government office in Nabire.
Separately on Thursday, a group of Papuan students hoisted the Papuan separatist flag the Morning Star (Bintang Kejora). The students claimed nine other flags were also hoisted at none other places across Indonesia.
Tempo Interactive - October 16, 2008
Bernarda Rurit, Jakarta – The Free Papua Organization flag the Morning Star reportedly hoisted in Yogyakarta on Thursday morning to coincide with a convention on West Papua held in London.
The flag was reportedly raised at a dormitory for Papua students belonged to the Papua Province administration on Jl. Kusumanegara Yogyakarta at about 4 AM. No flag were seen at 7:20 AM at the student complex.
A spokesman for a Papua student association in Yogyakarta Roy Liqua said the flag was raised to coincide with the meeting of International Parliamenter for West Papua in London. The convention claimed by the students started on Wednesday and will end on Friday.
Students also said the flag was raised simultaneously in several region in the country, and they were planning an action in Jakarta.
Indonesia won controll of Papua from the Dutch Colonial in 1969, twenty four years after the country declared independence from Japan.
Agence France Presse - October 15, 2008
Timika – Five men have been arrested after an outlawed separatist flag was raised in Indonesia's remote Papua province, police said Wednesday.
A group of people unfurled the outlawed "Morning Star" flag early Wednesday at in four places including in front of the local assembly and government offices in Nabire town, local police chief Rianto Jatmono said.
"The five people are under police investigation. Those proven to have raised the flags will be named suspects on charges of plotting against the state," Jatmono said.
Anyone convicted of displaying separatist symbols faces a maximum of life in prison in Indonesia, a sprawling archipelago with a history of secessionist rebellions.
Indonesia won sovereignty over Papua, a former Dutch colony on the western half of New Guinea island, in 1969 after a vote among a select group of Papuans widely seen as a sham.
Many Papuans accuse Indonesia's military of violating human rights in the province and complain that the bulk of earnings from its rich natural resources flow to Jakarta.
Antara News - October 15, 2008
Jayapura – Police early Wednesday motning pulled down and confiscated four Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flags of the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM) which unidentified people had raised at four different spots in Nabire.
Nabire District Police Chief Adjunct Senior Commissioner Rianto said the outlawed flags were apparenly hoisted as the town was in a total blackout due to heavy rain.
He said two of the flags were found fluttering in front of Nabire Regional Legislative Assembly building and two others in ooutside the Nabire district admnistration office.
"The perpetrators remain at large but we have questioned five security guards from the Nabire district administration office, the Nabire Regional Legislative Assembly and the Nabire tourist office as witnesses," Rianto said.
He said the flags were discovered and lowered at 5 am by police officers on patrol duty.
Wednesday morning's incident was the third to have happened in Papua in less than a month.
On September 17, a group of unidentified locals also raised the separatist OPM flag at Timika's Kwamki Lama square but it was then taken down again before police arrived.
Again on September 23, or less than a week afterward, another group of people hoisted the Bintang Kejora flag again before dozens of others at Cemara street in Timika's Kwamki Baru subdistrict at a sport only about 100 meters from a police precinct.
According to Wikipedia free encyclopedia, the morning star flag represented the territory of West New Guinea from December 1, 1961 until October 1, 1962 when the territory came under administration of the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority (UNTEA).
The flag is commonly used by the West Papuan population including OPM supporters to rally self-determination, human rights support and is usually raised on December 1 each year in defiance of Indonesian domestic laws.
The flag consists of a red vertical band along the hoist side, with a white five-pointed star in the center. The flag was for the first time raised on December 1, 1961 and used until the United Nations became the territory's administrator on October 1, 1962.
Jakarta Post - October 15, 2008
Jakarta Post, Jakarta – About 100 people from the Anti- Corruption Papuan Society Alliance Community (KAMPAK) rallied at the National Police headquarters in Jakarta on Wednesday, demanding the police clamp down on what they claim is rampant corruption throughout their region.
The rally's coordinator, Julius S., said corruption in Papua had cost the people dearly and left many of them struggling in poverty.
"We demand the police move in and arrest those suspected of corruption who are still roaming free in Papua," Julius said at the rally, as quoted by Antara news agency.
Police personnel supervised the protesters, some of whom were wearing traditional Papuan costumes. The police then invited about 10 of the protesters into the police building to meet senior police officers.
The protesters said they would continue their demonstrations and would next visit the Attorney General's Office and the Home Ministry office. (rid)
Agence France Presse - October 10, 2008
Jakarta – Palm oil companies are clearing massive swathes of untouched forest in Indonesia's remote easternmost Papua region, environmental group Greenpeace said Friday.
"Palm oil companies have obtained the land conversion permits for tens of thousand of hectares," Greenpeace campaigner Bustar Maitar told AFP.
Observations from the air in the Lereh region near Papuan capital Jayapura showed palm oil producers including Indonesian giant Sinar Mas had started widespread clearing to make way for palm oil plantations, Maitar said.
Continued clearing and expansion of the concessions will have a devastating impact on Papua's forests, Maitar said, adding the land-clearing is allowed under Indonesian law.
Greenpeace in a statement called for an immediate moratorium on all forest conversion in Papua, which has so far been largely isolated from Indonesia's palm oil boom by poor transport links.
Fears are that the expansion of palm oil and logging could send Papua down the road of other Indonesian islands Sumatra and Borneo, where land-clearing and the illegal logging that has followed has stripped once-great forests.
"It is crucial that the last remaining intact tracts of Indonesia's forest are protected in order to combat climate change," Maitar said in the statement.
Local people in the area are heavily reliant on the forest for food and building materials and face the collapse of communities if clearing goes ahead, Greenpeace said.
"The locals can't depend on getting basic necessities from Java island or other places. And because of climate change, they can't predict the timing of rice harvests," Maitar said.
Sinar Mas could not be reached for comment.
Land-clearing for palm oil is a major source of deforestation in Indonesia, where the clearing of forests has pushed the country into the position of the world's third-highest carbon emitter.
Papua, which occupies the western end of New Guinea island, is a largely inaccessible region of highlands and thick forests that has been under the control of Jakarta since the 1960s.
Foreign journalists are barred from the region without a special permit.
| Human rights/law |
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta – For any senior citizen, receiving a permanent lifetime identity card should be as natural as the aging process itself. But not so for Nani Nurani.
It took her more than six years, a Supreme Court decision and many hours of anguish before she received her rightful ID three weeks ago.
For much of her life, the now 67-year-old spinster was branded an ex-political prisoner, a sympathizer of the now defunct Indonesia Communist Party (PKI).
Ten years after reformasi and more than four decades after the PKI was banned, the stigma surrounding those even remotely associated with it lives on.
Article 64 of a 2006 law on population administration guarantees the right of those above 60 to obtain a lifetime ID card without discrimination. However, when Nani applied for one, she was rejected by the Koja District Office in North Jakarta on the grounds of her political past.
Lawyers for the district office maintained that prior regulations concerning former political prisoners remained valid and that, based on data from the North Jakarta Population Bureau, Nani was regarded as a known member of a prohibited political organization.
Lobbying by the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) and the National Human Rights Commission on Nani's behalf proved futile, forcing her to file a lawsuit against the district office at the State Administrative Court.
The court ruled in Nani's favor, but its decision was appealed and went before the Supreme Court, which upheld the verdict last May.
The PKI was blamed by the New Order government as the mastermind behind a failed Sept. 30, 1965, coup. The following years saw a mass persecution of suspected PKI sympathizers. Some have estimated more than a million were jailed as a result.
Nani's life has never been the same since June 1965 when, as a young girl, she performed at a PKI gathering. She claims this was her only association with the PKI and contends no other involvement with it.
But that did not stop authorities from arresting Nani in 1968 at the height of the New Order's anti-PKI persecutions, and incarcerating her, without trial, for seven years at Bukitduri Women's Penitentiary in South Jakarta.
There were more than a dozen regulations and laws limiting the rights of suspected PKI members. Many have been repealed, but the mind-set has yet to change.
Asfinawati, head of LBH Jakarta, lamented the discrimination prevalent in society.
"Many former political prisoners were not tried or found guilty, but society still sees them as people who should be ostracized," she said.
"They fear the consequences of getting too close to these former political prisoners. The New Order regime made sure it worked that way... They made sure the stigma stuck. And it continues, even in the reformation era."
As recently as 2003, new laws still barred former members of the PKI or those believed to be members of its affiliated organizations from public office. It was not until 1997 that the classification of 'ET' (former political prisoner) was struck from national ID Cards.
Utati, another former political prisoner and sister-in-law of the late writer Pramudya Ananta Toer, recalls becoming a pariah after her neighbors learned her history.
"It's difficult to make friends openly with people other than former political prisoners because one often cannot speak openly," Utati, 64, says.
For Nani, the legal struggles she has endured the past few years are only the beginning. It her intent to ensure the stigma is washed away, for good.
"For us, it's not just a matter of ensuring that our rights are respected," she says. "This is a fight to regain our dignity."
Jakarta Post - October 15, 2008
Dian Kuswandini, Jakarta – A convicted accomplice in the murder of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib denied he was ever in contact with the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) or its former deputy chief Muchdi Purwopranjono, who is accused of masterminding the assassination.
Former Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, who was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment, testified Tuesday in the trial of Muchdi, who allegedly ordered him to kill Munir.
"I don't know Muchdi. I have nothing to do with him," Pollycarpus told the South Jakarta Court. "There was no order to kill Munir. I didn't kill Munir – that's crazy." Pollycarpus said.
Later during the trial, Pollycarpus did not respond when prosecutors presented to the court a record of phone calls supplied by state telecommunications company PT Telkom, which detailed incoming and outgoing calls made to and from his house's land line connection and Muchdi's cellular phone.
The records show the calls were made on Sept. 7, 2004, at around 10 a.m. and 3 p.m.; the same day Munir was found dead aboard a Garuda Indonesia flight to Amsterdam shortly after a stopover in Singapore. Munir, who died of arsenic poisoning, was on the same flight as Pollycarpus.
Some passengers reported that Pollycarpus had offered Munir a seat in the first class cabin and that he had continually hovered around Munir's seat during the flight.
"I offered the seat to Munir without any intention. I only thought he was someone famous," Pollycarpus said.
"I wasn't actually wandering around. I only went to a small bar to take some newspapers because I love to make news clippings. If they said the man died because I walked near him, then all of the other passengers should be dead too because I also walked near them."
Pollycarpus is serving his sentence at Sukamiskin Penitentiary in Bandung.
During Tuesday's court hearing, Pollycarpus said he had never handed former Garuda president director Indra Setiawan a letter from the BIN requesting the carrier's management assign Pollycarpus as an extra crew member on the Garuda flight from Jakarta to Singapore.
"I have no idea why I was assigned as an extra crew member," he said. Pollycarpus also said he denied knowing anything about the BIN, and refuted claims by the prosecution that he was a BIN agent.
Pollycarpus paused when asked if he had ever heard the names of BIN chiefs Syamsir Siregar and (former chief) AM Hendropriyono. "Sorry, I can't remember (ever hearing those) names," Pollycarpus said.
He said he denied ever knowing BIN agent Budi Santoso, who testified to the police that Pollycarpus had said the order to kill Munir had come from Muchdi. "I never received any money from Budi Santoso (to kill Munir)," he said.
However, Pollycarpus was silent when prosecutors presented more phone records of calls made between his cellular phone and Budi's. The police recorded 73 incoming and outgoing calls between the two phones before and after the murder.
Pollycarpus said several people had asked him to admit he was linked to the BIN. "A man offered me Rp 4 billion to confess that I killed Munir," he said.
Jakarta Post - October 10, 2008
Dian Kuswandini, Jakarta – Another key witness in the murder conspiracy trial of former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy chief Muchdi Purwopranjono gave confusing testimony, sparking laughter from courtroom observers.
Former BIN junior agent Raden M. Padma Anwar failed Thursday to recall his previous statements made for the police investigative file about four months ago. He claimed he did not remember many things, including his own position and salary at the agency.
He was testifying at the trial of Muchdi, accused of ordering the murder of human rights activist Munir.
"I don't remember," said Padma, known as Ucok, in response to questions from the judges about the time he worked for BIN.
"I can only remember (late former chief of the Intelligence Coordinating Agency) Arie Kumaat who asked me to cooperate with him between 2000 and 2001," he said further.
In his dossier Padma had stated he was a junior agent for BIN as assigned in an official recruitment letter. He had also said he was equipped with two guns and paid a monthly salary of Rp 1.5 million (US$156).
When the prosecutors reviewed his statements in the dossier for verification, Padma insisted he had forgotten. "Hey, I've never seen a gun in my life."
His statements sparked laughter from the audience in South Jakarta's District Court, including from the defendant Muchdi.
Padma had also been a witness in the trial of former Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison for his role in Munir's murder.
In that August 2007 trial, Padma admitted he had worked for BIN agent Sentot Waluyo, who had ordered him to monitor Munir's activities. Padma detailed a scenario of terror, poison and black magic which Munir had been subjected to, even visiting psychic Ki Gendeng Pamungkas for help with the scheme. He had also admitted seeing Pollycarpus at BIN offices in June 2004, driving a dark- colored sedan and wearing a white shirt.
However, Padma denied all key facts during the trial, saying he could only remember a few trivial matters, such as making crank calls to the place where Munir worked.
"I only remember calling the Imparsial office using a public phone to terrorize Munir. A man answered and I said, 'Munir, you're such a traitor to the state!'.
"What I remember most is a man scolded me, saying 'Damn you!'," Padma said, adding the one-minute call was his own initiative, not anyone's order.
Padma, who claimed to be a former NGO activist, also said he had forgotten his statement that he had seen Pollycarpus at BIN offices.
Presiding judge Haswandi told the witness not to lie or pretend to forget facts. "You're under oath. If you lie, it's your business with God. If you pretend to forget things, you could be forgetful for the rest of your life," he said.
Padma responded he was not feeling well. "I swear in the name of God, I didn't lie, but, please, understand I'm ill and can't remember anything," he said.
Despite his extensive lack of recall, Padma did not revoke any of his previous statements, saying he had not been unduly pressured during the police investigation.
| Labour issues |
Tempo Interactive - October 15, 2008
Dini Mawuntyas, Jakarta – Around three hundred workers demonstrated at the Regional House of Representatives in Surabaya East Java to demand rise on low pay.
The demo was organized by the Congress of Indonesian Trade Union Alliance (KASBI) urging the regional legislators to mediate negotiation to increase wage with their employers and the Surabaya city administration.
Workers demanded a regional minimum wage at Rp 1,5 million per month while the city administration set the minimum pay in the city at Rp 964 thousand (US$96.59). Workers said the current inflation has stretched their low income beyond limit.
Workers also demanded the regional representatives to summon PT Propindo Megah Tama, PT Istana Tiara Surabaya, and PT Fastfood Indonesia for not fulfilling the rights of hundreds of workers on oter violation of workers right, saying the regional labor office have failed to impose strict measures against employers.
Tempo Interactive - October 15, 2008
Syaipul Bakhori, Jakarta – Hundreds of workers occupied a timber company in Jambi demanding their unpaid salaries and severance pay.
Around 300 ex-workers of PT Loka Rahayu Plywood demostrated near the company's facility supported by the provincial legislators to demand the company to pay severance fund an unpaid salaries of 555 ex-workers totalled at Rp 31,5 million.
The support boosted the protesters to occupy the plant and a sleeping quarter for workers, forcing staff guarding the company's facility to leave.
The company reportedly owned by a Taiwan national, a regional representatives joining the demo said the company should fulfill its responsibility to its ex-workers.
Jakarta Post - October 12, 2008
Prodita Sabarini, Jakarta – In the weeks before and after the Idul Fitri holidays many middle-class households are busy with domestic matters. Now, however, is when families go hunting for maids. As the holiday ends and employees in the public and private sector return to work, anxiety begins to creep into the minds of families whose maids failed to return after joining the annual exodus (mudik) back to their hometowns.
"My housemate and I were forced to go and stay at my friend's parents' house because our housekeeper did not return from mudik," Leyana Riesca, 25 said.
Leyana said her maid, who was from Central Java, did not notify her of her resignation beforehand. "She just didn't return," she said. Leyana is now asking domestic workers in her neighborhood to search for a maid.
Leyana is part of the millions of middle-class households who depend on domestic workers to handle their household chores. The UN's International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated in 2003 that 2.5 million people work as domestic workers. Chairperson for the National Network of Domestic Workers Advocacy (Jala PRT) Lita Anggraeni said that due to the informal nature of the job, the actual number might be higher.
"We can say that around 75 percent of the Indonesian middle class hires domestic workers in their houses," Lita said.
However, despite this widespread use, Indonesia does not view the job as a profession. It is not recognized under Indonesia's Labor Law. As some workers live with the hiring family, the job remains in the realm of the private sphere of the family, resulting in no regulations for domestic workers.
Leyana's experience of having her domestic helper leave without notice is only one example of the result of the profession's lax regulation. But, the greater impact of non-existent regulation falls upon the workers.
Just as Indonesian migrants working in foreign countries are prone to exploitation and abuse due to lack of legal protection, domestic workers in Indonesia face the same risks.
ILO has stated that most Indonesian domestic workers have been denied their rights and many fall victim to abuse because they are not recognized as workers. A 2005 ILO survey found that 60 percent of the 500 domestic workers surveyed were either only partially paid or did not receive payment at all. About 20 percent of them suffered sexual harassment, while 40 percent faced psychological abuse.
"People rarely realize that domestic workers experience both physical and psychological abuse. Sometimes people do not view it as abuse. For example physical abuse due to long working hours and heavy workloads as well as psychological abuse from being scorned are considered normal in our society," Lita said.
Jala PRT recorded 412 cases of domestic worker abuse between 2000 and 2007.
In July of this year, a housewife with a history of mental illness allegedly beat her maid to death in South Kedoya, West Jakarta.
In August last year, two maids from Lampung working for a family in Jatinegara, East Jakarta, were beaten, scaled with hot water and locked in a cabinet for drinking the milk of their employer's children. In the same month, an employer in Bengkulu abused a domestic worker who was a minor, 13, by placing a hot iron on her skin.
Djazirotin Nikmah, Care International Indonesia project officer for programs on child domestic workers said a third of the domestic workers were children.
"These children are more prone to exploitation and abuse as they are not as mentally developed as adults," she said.
Jala PRT – consisting of a network of 28 organizations – attempts to fight for and protect domestic workers' rights nationally, Lita said. Jala is drafting a proposal for a bill to protect domestic workers which will be presented to parliament. "Hopefully, it will be deliberated in parliament in 2010," Lita said.
Jala PRT decided to develop an entire new bill rather than amend the 2003 Labor Law. This decision was taken due to the urgent need to protect domestic workers, Lita said. "Domestic workers should be recognized in the Labor Law. However, it would take a very long time to amend the law, and a regulation is badly needed."
The proposed bill includes a salary of at least the regional minimum wage and includes working hours. "Domestic workers' needs are the same as any other workers, therefore they should receive at least the minimum wage."
Salaries for domestics vary from as little as Rp 200,000 to Rp 1 million.
Legislator Maria Ulfa from the House of Representatives Commission IX overseeing manpower affairs said Jala should submit their proposal to the parliament soon. "I think it is time that domestic workers have legal protection," she said.
| Health & education |
Agence France Presse - October 16, 2008
Jakarta – The HIV/AIDS infection rate is exploding in Indonesian prisons because intravenous drug users are being kept in the same overcrowded cells as other inmates, officials said Thursday.
"There should be a separation between people who have been convicted of drug-related crimes and other types of crime," National AIDS commission head Nafsiah Mboi said.
About 27,000 of the 136,000 prisoners in Indonesia are drug users, she said.
Christian Kroll of the United Nations Office of Drug and Crime said overcrowding was another factor behind the high rates of HIV/AIDS in Indonesia's jails.
"The capacity is only for 70,000 inmates. The total number of inmates are 136,000," he said.
"The individuals who have been convicted of drug-related crimes should be treated as people who need therapy instead of criminals. Judges and prosecutors should be given further education while the number of treatment facilities should be increased," said Kroll.
The commission said the country had to invest in more drug rehabilitation centres.
Indonesia has the fastest-growing HIV/AIDS infection rate in Southeast Asia, according to the United Nations.
| War on corruption |
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – Former Bank Indonesia (BI) governor Burhanuddin Abdullah has accused former deputy Aulia Pohan of masterminding the misappropriation of an Indonesian Banking Development Foundation (YPPI) fund.
"Aulia Pohan informed me that the fund was necessary (to settle) the BLBI (BI liquidity support) case. I think it is clear enough that I was not the instigator (in the use of the YPPI fund)," Burhanuddin read out his defense plea at the Corruption Court on Wednesday.
Aulia, the father-in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's son, was questioned by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) as a witness in the case.
In 2003, the BI board of governors decided to take Rp 100 billion (US$10.2 million) from the central bank's YPPI fund to settle a BLBI case, ensure an amendment to the BI law and finance legal aid for several BI senior officials implicated in a graft case.
The decision to tap the fund was made during two board of governors meetings, on June 3 and July 22, 2003.
However, Burhanuddin testified that some of the money had been disbursed by Aulia and former BI deputy governor Maman Sumantri before the July 22 meeting.
"Why did Aulia come up with the suggestion? It could have been investigated whether it was his decision or someone else's," Burhanuddin said.
"Why am I the only one being made responsible for a decision made by the board of governors?" he said, adding that all of the members of the board that approved the decision over the two meetings should be made responsible.
"Am I a scapegoat being sacrificed for the greater good? I don't know the answer. All I know is that I am a suspect because I served as BI governor," he said.
Burhanuddin is charged with violating article 2 of the Anti Corruption Law, which stipulates that a person found to have enriched themselves or others or a corporation resulting in state losses is liable to a maximum sentence of life in prison or a minimum of four years in prison.
The KPK prosecutors demanded the court sentence Burhanuddin to eight years' imprisonment.
Burhanuddin said BI's policy of giving financial legal aid to former BI senior officials had long been in place when he began his tenure as BI governor on May 20, 2003.
"I only implemented and continued the policy that had been carried out by my predecessors," he said.
Burhanuddin's lawyer, M. Assegaf, said it could not be proven that his client's use of the YPPI fund had resulted in state losses because several experts presented in the trial had disagreed on whether the fund could be classified as state money.
"So it cannot be proven that the decision caused state losses because a foundation fund can not be defined as state assets," he said.
The prosecution objected to the defense's plea, saying they would stick to their indictments.
The trial will be adjourned until Oct. 29, when the verdict will be read.
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Triwik Kurniasari, Jakarta – The accountability and transparency of city administrations across the country, including the Jakarta administration, have decreased in the past four years, the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) reported Wednesday.
BPK head Anwar Nasution said the decrease was indicated by the proportion of errors and irregularities in more than 250 of the financial reports submitted during 2004-2007.
In its audit, the BPK employs the terms "unreasonable", "disclaimer", "reasonable with exceptions" (WDP) and "reasonable without exceptions" (WTP). The worst level of accountability is "unreasonable" and the best is WTP.
The BPK recorded that the number of financial reports that earned a WTP rating fell from 7 percent in 2004 to 5 percent in 2005. It continued to fall, sitting at 1 percent in both 2006 and 2007. Most reports during the four-year period earned a WDP rating, with a total of 173 WDP reports in 2007.
"In the meantime, financial reports with the 'disclaimer' rating jumped from 2 percent in 2004 to 17 percent in 2007. Financial reports with the 'unreasonable' rating also increased from 3 percent in 2004 to 19 percent in 2007," Anwar said at City Hall during a one-day public dialogue about the city administration's accountability and transparency.
"We declared the Jakarta administration to now be in the 'disclaimer' category after finding numerous irregularities in the city's bookkeeping.
"The city should immediately improve its system because it is considered poorer than other capitals in the region, such as Kuala Lumpur and Singapore," he said.
In June the BPK issued a "disclaimer" rating for the city's 2007 financial reports.
The BPK said the audit resulted in the discovery of irregularities totaling Rp 5.6 trillion (US$594 million).
Anwar said the BPK had suggested some initiatives to help lift the rating. He said the administration should improve its systems, including its bookkeeping, computer applications, assets and debts inventory, financial reports submission schedule, financial reports quality assurance systems and human resources.
He also recommended it work with local universities and the State Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) in developing and applying a better financial system.
"The city council also should set up a public accountability committee to improve its financial reports," he said.
Governor Fauzi Bowo said that in response to the BPK audit results he had signed about 100 notification letters to institutions that did not work effectively.
He said the administration had cooperated with the BPKP to improve the financial reporting system.
"We have also worked with the Corruption Eradication Commission to give some sessions on how to prevent corruption in the institution," Fauzi said.
Meanwhile, head of the BPK's Jakarta office, I Gde Kastawa, said two city working units – the social welfare assistance bureau and the legal bureau – were still undergoing investigation by the BPK for alleged corruption in 2007.
"We are still completing the reports on the social welfare assistance bureau case, while we are still investigating the legal bureau because there's an indication that there was a similar case in 2006," Kastawa said.
Jakarta Post - October 15, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – On any other day, members of the House of Representatives would be on the prowl for TV and print journalists, in an attempt to publicize what they claimed to have done for their constituents back home.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has changed the celebrity style of many legislators and, for some, struck terror into them.
On Monday, 10 legislators from the House's Commission IV, which oversees forestry, slunk unnoticed into the anti-graft commission's office as they fulfilled summonses for questioning in connection with a bribery case in the conversion of a protected forest in Banyuasin, South Sumatra, to the Tanjung Api-api Port.
Most took the back door and removed the official pins they flaunt proudly on ordinary days, as they sought to conceal their identity from journalists.
Those who for the most part were silent during House sessions and thus overlooked by the press, had the temerity to deny they were legislators as they made their way through dozens of journalists thronging the KPK building after the questioning.
KPK investigators quizzed them as witnesses after it was revealed that the politicians were among the recipients of Rp 5 billion (US$506,945) allegedly paid in cash by businessman Chandra Antonio Tan to secure a contract to build the port.
Commission member Sarjan Taher and former member Al Amin Nur Nasution are currently on trial in the case, while fellow member Yusuf Emir Faisal is in police custody pending his trial.
Emerging from the interrogation room, the legislators fled to their waiting cars and remained tightlipped as journalists bombarded them with a flurry of questions and camera flashes. Robert Yopie Kardinal of the Golkar Party and Indria Oktavia Muaja of the Democratic Party were forced to sprint as reporters chased after them.
"No, no, nothing happened," Robert said repeatedly as his driver rushed him away.
Zainal Arifin Muchtar, executive director of Gadjah Mada University's Center for Anti-Corruption Studies (Pukat) in Yogyakarta, said the legislators had sent a signal they were guilty.
"Why else would they run away like that? Isn't being a witness a noble duty? I think that deep down, they already feel guilty, and only confirmed the accusation they took bribes," he said.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said although some of the legislators handed over the money, criminal charges against them would stick if they failed to submit the money within 30 days of receiving it.
Suswono, who admitted to receiving the money twice, said he and three fellow Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) legislators had handed over the money to the KPK 10 days after taking it.
The KPK has arrested six legislators for bribery and questioned dozens more since the anti-graft tide turned on the House early this year.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
Pandaya, Jakarta – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has been accused of turning a deaf ear to public demands that former Bank Indonesia deputy chief Aulia Pohan be charged over his involvement in the Rp 100 billion (US$10.3 million) BI scandal, even though he has been implicated by key suspects and witnesses in the ongoing trial.
Many believe it is because he has the protection of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who happens to be the father-in-law of Aulia's celebrity daughter.
But the President has personally proved this perception wrong, at least from the optimist's point of view. Last week, he publicly asked the KPK not to hesitate to continue legal proceedings against anyone, including Aulia.
Not only did the President specifically mention Aulia but he also unambiguously asked the KPK to take action against any of his Cabinet ministers implicated in the high-profile scandal that has already ensnared many senior lawmakers.
Yudhoyono said that he wanted the BI scandal – and a host of other high-profile cases – out in the open and that everybody implicated should be treated equally before the law.
"You know, my besan (in-law), Pak Aulia Pohan, has been under investigation. As head of state, I want the KPK to handle the case as fairly and accurately as possible in order to show the public that justice is being served," Yudhoyono told journalists.
Aulia's current legal status is as a witness in the graft saga that has already put former BI governor Burhanuddin Abdullah in the dock along with his former deputies Rusli Simanjuntak and Oey Hoey Tiong.
At various hearings, witnesses have testified that Aulia approved the disputed appropriation of Rp 100 billion from BI's Indonesian Banking Development Foundation (YPPI). The "hot money" was siphoned off to help former BI senior officials with their legal troubles over graft and to the House to smooth the amendment of the BI law.
In fact, Yudhoyono was essentially repeating his statement of Sept. 24, in which he made it clear that he wanted the KPK to do its job professionally and indiscriminately, although in that statement he did not specifically mention Aulia by name.
Obviously buoyed by this year's Transparency International report about the improvement in Indonesia's corruption perception index, he appears eager to see the KPK maintain its rigor.
So what else could possibly be making the KPK reluctant to press charges against powerful personalities such as Aulia when the President has given the green light?
KPK chief Antasari Azhar, who always denies accusations he does not have the courage to take on such powerful personalities, keeps saying that nobody should tell him what to do because the KPK has its own strategy.
Or – who knows – criminal law expert Romli Atmasasmita's theory may be right: The KPK plans to handle Burhanuddin's case first and if he is proved guilty, then it will be a lot easier to charge Aulia. Remember that Burhanuddin was accused of committing his crimes "in collaboration" with others.
"It's only a matter of a legal technicality," Romli was quoted as saying in Kompas. "It would not be tactical for the KPK to charge Burhanuddin Abdullah and Aulia Pohan simultaneously because the law doesn't allow one suspect to testify for another suspect."
But Yudhoyono's guarantee of noninterference undoubtedly puts the KPK in an awkward position. If the KPK does act eventually, then it will look embarrassingly soft – and even worse if it doesn't.
His statement is also full of political overtones, especially because it came so soon after Transparency International showered him with praise for his fruitful anti-corruption campaigns.
The watchdog has time and again angered state institutions such as the police and the House of Representatives for rating them as the most corrupt in the whole of Indonesia.
While the President may be genuine in seeking to lift the KPK's spirit, it's difficult to set aside suspicions that he is exploiting his popular anti-corruption campaigns for his reelection bid.
Unless properly handled, the "Aulia factor" could make the BI scandal a mere political commodity, as Yudhoyono has in fact appeared to have started doing. If that is the case, law enforcement will depend on politicians.
The KPK is expected to maintain its courage and integrity in handling the BI scandal, in which powerful figures, including state prosecutors, politicians and former lawmakers now in the Yudhoyono Cabinet have been implicated.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
Dian Kuswandini, Jakarta – The Attorney General's Office (AGO) has said the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is welcome to follow up an investigation involving the alleged misappropriation of Bank Indonesia funds by AGO prosecutors.
Attorney General Hendarman Supandji said in Jakarta on Friday the KPK had the authority to take action against the prosecutors, who allegedly received money in exchange for dropping investigations into a graft case involving two former central bank top executives.
"This case belongs to the KPK because the anti-graft body initiated the investigation. We don't want investigations into the case to overlap," he said. "It's a matter of a person giving (a bribe) to another. It's a corruption charge and that lies under the jurisdiction of the KPK."
During the trial of Golkar Party politicians Hamka Yandhu and Anthony Zeidra Abidin at the Corruption Court last Tuesday, former BI legal bureau head Oey Hoey Tiong said Rp 68.5 billion (US$7.12 million) from a Rp 100 billion Indonesian Banking Development Foundation (YPPI) fund had been channeled to members of the prosecution in a different graft case involving the alleged embezzlement of Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) funds.
Hamka and Anthony have been charged with receiving some of the misappropriated BI funds.
The BLBI scandal has also implicated former BI governor Soedradjad Djiwandono, former deputy governor Iwan R. Prawiranata and three former BI directors.
During the trial, it was revealed that implicated AGO lawyers YW Mere and Baringin Sianturi had been on the prosecution against Iwan; while Mere, Chairul Amir, Enriana Fahruddin, Andi M Iqbal and Robert Pelealu had been on the prosecution against Soedradjad.
"It's not that we don't want to follow up the court findings, but the hearing itself didn't name any prosecutors. We are monitoring the case as it is still in session," Hendarman said.
Tuesday's trial saw defense lawyers read out the transcript of a recorded conversation between Oey and Anthony dated this year. The conversation evidenced the handover of the funds to the prosecutors. Oey later admitted his role in the conversation.
"The finding is based on the taped conversations, and information presented on a tape is not considered legal evidence in a court hearing," AGO spokesman Jasman Panjaitan said.
"If there's any significant update in the future and it requires our involvement, then we'll move on it."
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said his office required more information to follow up on the court findings. "The names of the prosecutors have not been mentioned yet in court. We're still waiting for more evidence in addition to the taped conversation," he told The Jakarta Post.
Johan said any court finding would be followed up. "The trial is still going on, and we'll see what we can get from there. We'll follow up every new lead to compile enough evidence for our investigations," he said.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
Adianto P. Simamora and Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Dozens of corruption suspects have made it onto a provisional list of legislative candidates recently published by the General Elections Commission, poll watchdogs say.
The People's Voters Education Network (JPPR) and the Indonesia Parliamentary Watchdog (Formappi) said some of the listed candidates were being investigated in connection with the alleged misappropriation of Bank Indonesia funds.
JPPR executive director Jerry Sumampow said 21 candidates in line to contest seats at the House of Representatives were involved in criminal cases, including nine implicated in corruption cases.
The watchdog also found that a further 23 candidates running for provincial legislative seats were connected with criminal activities.
Law No. 10/2008 on elections allows crime suspects and people who have served prison sentences of less than five years to run in elections.
The JPPR reported the names of the "problematic" legislative candidates to the Elections Supervisory Body (Bawaslu).
Jerry said the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) candidate list included eight politicians implicated in corruption cases and that the Marhaenism Party had submitted two candidates who allegedly submitted fake diplomas during the registration process.
During a separate media conference, Formappi unveiled 21 legislative hopefuls linked to various criminal cases. "Surprisingly, 11 of the "problematic" candidates are from the PDI-P," Formappi executive director Sebastian Salang said.
The Formappi said the PDI-P had nominated incumbent House representatives who had continually failed to show up to House sessions, naming Taufik Kiemas, Guruh Irianto Soekarnoputri, Sabam Sirait and Alexander Litaay.
Formappi said that, combined, the legislators had attended less than 30 percent of House sessions in 2002.
"If they are nominated as legislators, how will the quality of the House be improved?" Sebastian said. Formappi's list of questionable candidates includes 11 filed by the PDI-P, five from the Development Unity Party (PPP), two from the National Mandate Party (PAN), and one each from the Indonesian Democratic Vanguard Party (PPDI), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Republican Party. "We will file our findings with the KPU on Monday," Sebastian said.
PDI-P legislator Ganjar Pranowo said he was afraid the report could smear the party's image ahead of the elections. "But we accept such criticism. We respect analysis from the activists, but the accusations have not been proven," he said.
The country will hold the House and regional legislative elections on April 9, 2009.
The KPU published the names of 11,868 legislative candidates via the media Wednesday, beginning a 10-day period during which the public may lodge complaints or objections.
The KPU is authorized to reject candidates based on public complaints lodged during the 10-day period.
On Thursday, the Elections Supervisory Commission said it had so far received 24 public complaints regarding the listed candidates.
Jakarta Post - October 10, 2008
Desy Nurhayati and Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Anti-corruption observers have criticized the Attorney General's Office for dropping investigations into two high-profile cases, saying the halts expose the incompetence of the law enforcement body in resolving such cases.
The cases involve the Clove Marketing and Buffer Stock Agency (BPPC) and an oil refinery project in Balongan. They are linked to Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra – son of the late former president Soeharto – and Regional Representatives Council Speaker Ginandjar Kartasasmita respectively.
They are only two of several cases involving powerful figures the AGO has been unable to bring to court. In late February, the AGO gave up its probe into the Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) multimillion-dollar graft cases.
The alleged graft in the BPPC and Balongan projects is believed to have caused Rp 175 billion and more than Rp 100 billion in state loses respectively.
"The AGO hasn't resolved any major graft cases to date. It always fails when it comes to either politically well-connected figures or wealthy people accused of stealing huge sums of state money," said Zainal Arifin Muchtar, executive director of Gadjah Mada University's Center for Anti-corruption Studies in Yogyakarta.
Emerson Yuntho of Indonesia Corruption Watch criticized the AGO as being too hasty in its decision over the BPPC case, and too weak and too slow in handling the Balongan case.
"The AGO needs public input before halting the BPPC case, because the state lost a lot of money. And we know the AGO was stalling for time when dealing with the Balongan case, waiting until the case expired," he said.
Emerson said the halt of the BPPC case had diminished the state's chances of recovering money deposited by Tommy at BNP Paribas bank.
However, Attorney General Hendarman Supandji defended his office's decision, saying there were other cases that could be mounted against Tommy in a move to seize his assets, valued at 36 million euros and stored at the BNP's Guernsey branch.
To seize the money, the AGO must first prove the money was the result of corruption.
Hendarman said he had approved the halt of the investigation into the case after studying the evidence. "I have read all the reports and evidence, and that is why I agreed to halt the investigation. There are no state losses in this case. (The payment of the BPPC's debt to the state) has been completed," he said.
The AGO issued a letter declaring it would officially cease investigating the BPPC case, citing no state losses had been incurred.
The BPPC, headed by Tommy, was established in 1992 through a presidential decree issued by Soeharto. The agency received a Rp 759 billion loan from the government, to be channeled to clove farmers. The money was allegedly embezzled by BPPC officials through several companies belonging to Soeharto cronies.
Tommy was once declared suspect in the case. During the investigation last year, he denied any wrongdoing and said the agency had repaid all its debts and had secured a letter from the central bank to that effect.
With the BPPC case dropped, the government now has only two graft cases – Vista Bella and the Supersemar fund – in which to target Tommy.
In the Balongan case, Hendarman said the assistant attorney general for special crimes had declared the case had exceeded the statute of limitations and was thus out of date.
| War on terror |
Reuters - October 12, 2008
Luh de Suriyani, Denpasar – Survivors and relatives of the victims of the 2002 Bali nightclub bombings said prayers and lit candles on Sunday during a small, private ceremony to remember the sixth anniversary of the deadly attacks.
About 50 people, some choking back tears, gathered at the Australian consulate and laid down flowers in memory of the 202 people who died when blasts ripped through the Sari Club and Paddy's Pub in the heart of the tourist strip in Kuta.
"This tragedy awakened us to the important things of love, life and brotherhood," said Bali Governor Made Mangku Pastika, who as Bali police head at the time led investigations into the attacks by Islamic militants.
Twenty-two candles were lit to symbolize the nationalities of those who died in the attacks, as Ave Maria and the Indonesian memorial song Lilin-Lilin Kecil (small candles) played in the background.
"Six years ago, 88 Australians lost their lives and many more were injured in the bombings in Bali. Today we honor their memory," Australia's ambassador to Indonesia, Bill Farmer, said in a speech read on behalf of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.
"We pause also to remember the 38 Indonesians and 76 people from other countries who were killed in that dreadful attack."
Security was tight with scores of police guarding the area in the provincial capital of Bali, a Hindu enclave in mostly Muslim Indonesia.
On Saturday night, there had also been a candle-lit vigil at the site of the bombings in Kuta, while commemoration ceremonies were held in Australia as well.
Three Islamic militants – Imam Samudra, Amrozi and Mukhlas, also known as Ali Gufron – are on death row for the bombings.
Indonesia's attorney general said in August his office would wait until after the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan in September to execute the men, who have refused to seek clemency from Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and said they want to die as martyrs.
Indonesia has not suffered a major bomb attack since 2005, when suicide attacks on Bali beachside restaurants killed 20. (Additional reporting by Andreas Ismar in Jakarta; Writing by Ed Davies; Editing by Jerry Norton)
| Islam/religion |
Jakarta Post - October 12, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Indonesians should base their lives on the values of pluralism and respect for differences which they have inherited from their founding fathers so as to allow people of different ethnicities and religions to work together for prosperity, religious leaders agreed on Saturday.
During a peace conference organized by Sant'Egidio community to celebrate its 40th anniversary, Catholic and Muslim leaders praised Indonesia's founding fathers for choosing Pancasila as the state ideology rather than Islam, despite the fact that the majority of the population were Muslims.
Forum attendants included chairman of the Indonesian Bishops Council Martinus Sitomorang, Sikh HS Dillon, chairwoman of the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace Siti Musdah Mulia and ambassadors from various countries.
Visiting president of Sant'Egidio Marco Impagliazzo told hundreds of participants that choosing Pancasila, which upholds unity and peace in diversity, had allowed the nation-state to survive the challenges of disintegration.
"I believe the path taken by Indonesia in these decades since independence in 1945 – the path of unity and peace in diversity – and the history of the Sant'Egidio these past 40 years, still can say much to the world. We can exist only if we are capable of living together," he said.
Sant'Egidio is a Christian community which is officially recognized by the Catholic Church as a "Church public lay association". The community, which was established in Rome in 1968, claims 60,000 members in more than 70 countries.
Beside regular religious activities, the community is very active in helping the poor with basic needs and free education as well as forging dialogues with members of other religions and non- believers.
Siti said Indonesia still had problems with pluralism, as some groups have tended to force their religious views on others.
"Our founding fathers have wisely picked Pancasila, and I believe our choice of pluralism is our strongest social capital for our national development and in preventing disintegration," she said.
Observers have expressed concerns over the increase of religious- and ethnic-related conflicts, such as attacks on minority groups and small religious sects as well as the destruction of churches by radical groups.
Many concerns have also been raised over the implementation of sharia-based ordinances in more than a dozen regions and the persistent move to pass the controversial anti-pornography bill. The former is seen as a means to fulfill the interests of certain groups.
On Saturday AFP reported thousands of protesters rallied in Bali against an anti-pornography bill denounced by critics as a threat to national unity.
More than 5,000 protesters surged through the streets of the mostly Hindu island's capital in opposition to the bill under deliberation in Jakarta.
The bill, which looked set to be passed several weeks ago but has been pushed back amid a public outcry, criminalizes all public acts and material capable of raising sexual desires or violating "community morality".
Protesters denounced the proposed law as too broad and a threat to local customs on the island, where naked temple statues proliferate and skimpily dressed foreign tourists relax on beaches.
Demonstrators turned up to the rally in traditional Balinese clothes including semi-see-through temple blouses, saying such clothes could be deemed too suggestive if the law was passed.
"If the lawmakers pass the porn bill, they will simply destroy our pluralism. It's a direct threat to our country's unity and it deserves to be gotten rid of for good," student activist I Gusti Agung Jelantik said.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has called on Indonesian Muslims to alter their perception of mudik (journeying to one's hometown), citing the many people who died in road accidents during the Idul Fitri holiday.
The MUI says mudik should no longer be considered sunna (traditional Islamic custom based on the words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad), but rather makruh (an offensive act).
MUI deputy chairman Amidhan said in Jakarta on Friday that many Indonesian Muslims who had migrated to urban areas believed mudik was sunna because it advocated silaturrahim (maintaining ties of friendship and family). However, Amidhan said the destruction and death that the tradition had sparked meant it could not be considered sacred.
"Islam profoundly respects human life. Any activities that inevitably result in casualties are haram (forbidden); so we perhaps need to redefine the status of mudik," Amidhan told The Jakarta Post. "This is for now still only a discourse, but we'll try to discuss the issue in meetings of the MUI's edict commission."
Amidhan said the annual Idul Fitri exodus should be regulated to avoid fatalities, adding that motorcycles should not be allowed to carry more than two people during the occasion to reduce casualties. "Or, travelers could be divided into groups, which would be easier to supervise," Amidhan said.
According to the National Police, this year's exodus saw 1,320 traffic accidents, resulting in 616 fatalities, a decline from 1,875 accidents and 798 fatalities last year.
This year, 780 travelers were seriously injured in accidents, while 1,336 suffered minor injuries. In 2007, the figures were 952 and 2,034, respectively. The bulk of the injured were motorcyclists. This year, an estimated 2.5 million motorcycles were used during the exodus.
MUI's edict commission will also discuss how to regulate the distribution of alms to avoid further loss of life, Amidhan said. Last month, 21 women, most of them of old age, died during a stampede when a local businessman was distributing Rp 30,000 (US$3.12) in alms to hundreds of people in Pasuruan, East Java.
The incidence has raised debate over how zakat (mandatory alms) and shadaqah (suggested alms) should be distributed in the country.
Citing the Koran, Amidhan said the distribution of alms should be managed by the state, but added that it was forbidden to prevent people from directly distributing alms to the poor in times of need.
"It is a tradition here that alms be distributed via local figures, such as the ulemas and kyai. The donators don't want to channel their funds through official institutions". "But, (they should understand) that good intentions that result in deaths will annul the value of the offered awards in the eyes of God."
Jakarta Post - October 10, 2008
Cirebon, West Java – His face blackened by smoke and dust, and sweat streaming into his eyes, Sugeng took a break by the roadside after clocking 100 kilometers, halfway to Jakarta from Cirebon.
"I'm really tired. I'm taking a rest," he told The Jakarta Post while seated on a food vendor's bench and stretching his feet, shortly before the Idul Fitri holidays.
Many motorcyclists, including employees of the Post who took part in the annual exodus, suffered from cramped legs.
Six hours on a motorcycle blurs the vision and diminishes one's ability to control the vehicle and concentrate on traffic. It also leaves the hips feeling extremely sore.
Noxious exhaust fumes emanating from thousands of vehicles make it a struggle just to breathe. There was a family of four on one motorcycle, the mother trying to soothe her weary children by giving them water bought from one of the numerous food sellers.
Glazed expressions, a sign of heavy fatigue, were a common sight among the motorcyclists resting by the roadside.
Nearby, hundreds of motorcycles were lined up at a gas station. The four-lane road in the town of Patrol, near Subang, was inundated with thousands of buses, cars and motorcycles.
Sugeng was one of 2.5 million Indonesians who made the homecoming journey by motorcycle.
"I only spent Rp 40,000 (US$4) to go to Cirebon. It's more efficient than taking an economy-class bus that costs about Rp 100,000 (US$10) for two," said Sugeng, who works in a cargo company in Jakarta.
Compared to taking a bus or train or airplane, going home by motorcycle was the cheapest option the 26-year-old had to reunite with his family in Gamel village, Cirebon.
Motorcycles have increasingly become a favorite mode of transportation for home-bound travelers over the last five years. However, motorcycling has its pitfalls.
More than 1,200 motorcycles have been involved in accidents, according to police, in which 550 home-bound motorcyclists died so far. Last year, 789 people died in transportation-related accidents during the Idul Fitri holidays, most of them motorcyclists.
In spite of the risk, Sugeng said he would keep riding his motorcycle home every Idul Fitri, just as he had done in the last five years, because of its many advantages.
"I can rest wherever I want when I get tired, and I can visit my relatives back in the village, which cuts public transportation costs," said Sugeng, who was accompanied by his girlfriend. "The truth is, I'm scared of riding home by motorcycle," he said.
"I can get overly exhausted or lost my concentration. All these could lead to accidents, but can be overcome by taking more care in riding and having a good rest." (pmf)
| Elections/political parties |
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – The General Elections Commission (KPU) is still processing public feedback, including complaints, on its recently published preliminary list of legislative candidates.
As of Wednesday, the poll body had received complaints about 85 legislative candidates from 26 political parties.
"We are still collecting public complaints including those sent directly to KPU members via e-mail. I estimate that more than 100 candidates will be implicated in public complaints," KPU member Endang Sulastri told reporters in Jakarta on Wednesday.
"We also received 44 complaints lodged with the elections supervisory body (Bawaslu) late Tuesday. It was reported that three of the referenced candidates allegedly submitted fake diplomas (to meet the registration requirements)."
According to Endang, the majority of the complaints reported allegations of corruption and raised concerns about the morality of certain candidates.
Some 11,868 candidates from 48 parties made it on to the KPU's preliminary list. They will vie for 560 seats at the House of Representatives. The list was published via the media on Oct. 7. The deadline for public complaints was Oct. 14.
An estimated 140 million people will cast their votes when Indonesia holds its second direct legislative elections on Apr. 9 next year.
"We have set the deadline of Oct. 22 for political parties to produce clarifications in response to the public complaints. During the period, the parties can also propose new names to substitute the 'problematic' nominees," she said.
The 2008 law on legislative elections requires parties to respond to public complaints filed against them.
The law also allows crime suspects and people who have served jail terms of less than five years to run in elections. A candidate must be at least 21 years old and have graduated from senior high school.
If a party fails to offer an explanation in response to public criticism, the KPU will drop the suspect candidate from the list. The final list will be announced on Oct. 30.
The legislative election law requires the KPU to open a 10-day window for public complaints once the preliminary list is published.
Poll watchdogs have criticized the KPU's efforts to gather public feedback.
The Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) reported 77 "problematic" legislative candidates to the KPU on Tuesday. The names include 14 candidates vying for House seats, 50 provincial council candidates and three Regional Representatives Council candidates.
The People's Voter Education Network (JPPR) reported that 21 candidates running for House seats were involved in criminal cases, including nine implicated in corruption cases.
The JPPR also said a further 23 candidates running for provincial legislative seats were connected with criminal activities.
The Indonesia Parliamentary Watchdog reported 21 legislative hopefuls linked to various criminal cases.
Jakarta Post - October 13, 2008
Dian Kuswandini, Jakarta – The ideal proportion of votes a party must win to be able to put forward a presidential candidate would be around 20 percent, which would create a solid and effective government, experts say.
Political analyst J. Kristiadi of the Centre of Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said a minimum threshold of 15 to 20 percent would be the most reasonable.
"A higher percentage is needed for an effective government, but it shouldn't be 30 percent. That would close the door for smaller or medium parties which may have better presidential candidates than those proposed by bigger parties," he said Sunday.
Legislators, who are currently deliberating the presidential election bill in the House of Representatives, have yet to decide on the minimum percentage of the total vote that a party must win in the 2009 legislative elections to be eligible to nominate a presidential candidate. The House's factions are suggesting the threshold be between 15 and 30 percent.
Kristiadi said the 15-20 percent threshold could create a strong and solid coalition, as long as parties had the commitment to support the candidates and create political agreements.
"The parties must 'belong' to the government. The government and the candidates must share the same political agenda and make clear compromises. They must commit to maintain that agenda during the five-year term," Kristiadi said.
"What is happening now is there's no beneficial relationship between the government and the House, which has weakened President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's position. We don't want this to happen again in the future."
Political expert Ani W. Soetjipto of the University of Indonesia said the ideal threshold would be around 20 to 25 percent.
"It won't kill small and medium parties and will offer more candidates to the public, yet it could establish a quite stable coalition as well," she said.
According to Ani, only two parties would be able to nominate candidates if the threshold were set at 30 percent: the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"I agree that a 30 percent threshold would create a stronger government. But the idea is too good to be true. For small parties, the higher threshold would not be fair," she said.
"It's not fair for them because they can't compete against the big parties. They are not ready yet, in terms of infrastructure and membership, but they also want the chance to run."
Lawmaker Ganjar Pranowo of the PDI-P said earlier his party had proposed the 15-30 percent threshold to secure permanent support of a presidential candidate.
"This is important because we don't want to repeat the case of Yudhoyono. He initially received fragmented support. That's why he has got a lot of strong critics in the final year of his term," he said.
Yudhoyono received support from his Democratic Party and the Crescent and Star Party (PBB) during the first round of the 2004 presidential election. In the second round, he received backing from the Golkar Party and other parties.
"We also want to push for a more affordable election next year," Ganjar said. "If a candidate can receive strong support, there would be only one round of elections and that would save a lot of time and money."
Jakarta Post - October 13, 2008
The General Elections Commission (KPU) has, after some delays, finally published the preliminary list of 11,868 legislative candidates for the total 560 seats in the 2009 elections. The list was published early last week in Republika daily and on state-owned television channel TVRI, and is open for public scrutiny until Tuesday. However, the delays, the short period for scrutiny and questions over the competency of some candidates – some are celebrities or family members of party elites – have raised concerns over the quality of the next elections. Political observer from University of Indonesia Ani W. Soetjipto discussed the issue with The Jakarta Post's Erwida Maulia on Saturday. Following are some excerpts.
Question: How do you see the composition of the interim list of legislative candidates in terms of competencies?
Answer: In general, some parties submitted names for the list only for the sake of filling it. Their competency was not the main consideration. For new parties, I think (the problem is) they're not ready to enlist enough candidates to reach the maximum of 120 percent of the total (560) seats at stake, and place candidates in each of the 77 electoral districts. That is why some parties are not running candidates in some electoral districts.
Unfortunately, the seven or eight relatively well-established older parties have made it seem that they're only after the short-term goal of winning as many votes as possible when enlisting their candidates. Most of their candidates are popular figures expected to win votes.
I've also noticed a nepotism phenomenon, in which wives, children or children-in-law of party elites can be found in many parties' lists of candidates. They looked for figures simply based on their popularity and not on their competency.
The competency aspect will be tested. They might be popular public figures but that doesn't mean they have the competencies to be legislators. So (voters) need to first see their track records: whether or not they have the capability and the competency to be legislators.
With such a list, what do you think will be the impact on the quality of the next House of Representatives?
I don't expect that the 2009-2014 House will be much better than the current one. Not only because of the (quality) of the legislative candidates offered by parties, but also because of other conditions, including that the wider public is not well aware of the publication of the interim list of candidates. How many people know and care about scrutinizing the list?
Secondly, the KPU's role in informing the public about this. I have no idea if parties actively inform to their constituents about the list so they can scrutinize it.
Thirdly, because attempts by civil society movements to reach the public are limited. Many of our voters live in rural areas and have no idea about corrupt politicians, which is an urban phenomenon.
In these conditions, I'm really worried that people will in the end vote without knowing anything about the candidates.
The preliminary list has only been published after a number of delays and KPU violations of its own scheduling regulation. What do you think will be the consequences of this?
It is very difficult to find the edition of Republika carrying the list (last Tuesday). The KPU only published it for one day, not five days in a row as required by the law. How can we get input from the public with one day of publication? The list won't be available for public comments after Oct. 14. It looks like there will only be slight changes to the list.
Who will sit in front of the TV to scrutinize the list? This is very ineffective.
What about the requirement for 30 percent of candidates to be female? Has that been properly met by parties?
Only four parties failed to fulfill the 30 percent quota. But, if we look at the details, female candidates are not running in every electoral district. Parties have 30 percent of women from their total candidates across all the districts, although what the law mandates is 30 percent in each district.
Secondly, the system of placing female candidates alternately in the list. Parties still put women at number 3, 6, 9 and so on, on the list. Some are placed at number 1, but that also doesn't automatically give them a bigger chance of winning. For example, the Golkar Party has 13 female candidates at the top of (13) electoral district lists, but they can't automatically win because Golkar selects candidates based on a majority vote, not on the party ranking. The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) adopts the ranking system, but it has only three female candidates at the top of electoral district lists.
I think the chance that women's representation will be improved in the 2009 elections is still small. Judging from the available data, there are only 27 female candidates who can surely win the elections. In general, I'm not very optimistic that the number of women in the House and regional councils will increase significantly.
How will all these problems impact on the quality of the 2009 elections?
The quality will be worse than that in the 2004 and the 1999 elections. It will be worse in terms of democracy, organization, preparation and the dissemination of information to the public.
The 2009 elections are not well organized; everything is always late and wrong. There are always delays. Parties have picked their candidates perfunctorily. Voters are not optimally informed. We don't even know whether the public knows about the changes in the election laws and in scheduling. Do they follow the changes? As a result, the upcoming 2009 elections will be of poorer quality.
What can civil society groups do to change this situation?
The scale of work for NGOs now overseeing the elections is not as massive as in 1999 or 2004. These watchdogs must shout louder in reporting, scrutinizing and overseeing the performances of the KPU and the parties, while massively informing the public and making them care more about elections. If no one cares about voting, our situation over the next five years will not change.
Jakarta Post - October 10, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The Golkar Party is facing the threat of internal disintegration, with influential members and affiliated groups seemingly at odds with party chairman and Vice President Jusuf Kalla.
The threat could diminish Golkar's chances of repeating its achievement in the 2004 elections, when it won 22 percent of votes to secure 128 seats at the House of Representatives.
Ten days after Kalla hinted he would sign on again as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's running mate in next year's election, the Golkar-affiliated Central Organization for Indonesian Employees (Soksi) nominated Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X as its presidential candidate.
"The sultan is a figure who can bring change to the nation, because this series of crises should not go on. There should be immediate fundamental change," Soksi chief patron Suhardiman said after the announcement on Wednesday. Hamengkubuwono subsequently accepted the nomination.
The announcement also signals that Soksi and party affiliates MKGR and Kosgoro are opposed to the Golkar central board's decision to delay the nomination of a presidential candidate from within the party until after the legislative election on April 9, 2009. "It's an indirect coup against Kalla," Reform Institute executive director Yudhi Latif said.
Recent surveys reveal that Hamengkubuwono can win far more votes than Kalla, either as a presidential or vice presidential hopeful.
Kalla's hint that he would run with Yudhoyono has effectively shut the door on other Golkar stalwarts from standing as the party's presidential candidate, and according to Yudhi, has sparked a rebellion against him and weakened the party's mechanism to woo voters.
"It's dangerous; party members will not work hard enough to get votes for Golkar in the election because they won't see any reason to do so," Yudhi said.
In the run-up to the 2004 elections, Golkar held a convention to choose its presidential candidate – a move that boosted the party's standing by unifying party members in a single goal.
The threat of mutiny within Golkar is not a new issue. In 2004, the party's presidential candidate Wiranto and his running mate Solahudin Wahid were at loggerheads with Kalla, who ran with Yudhoyono, nominated by the Democratic Party.
House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono may follow in Kalla's steps by running as the deputy of Megawati Soekarnoputri, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman.
Other factions within Golkar, including that led by former chairman Akbar Tandjung, MKGR's old guards and young guns like Yuddhi Chrisnandi, all look set to challenge Kalla.
However, Golkar deputy secretary-general Rully Chairul Azwar dismissed suggestions the party was breaking up, saying it would convene after the legislative election to decide who would represent the party, with all elements working to choose a presidential candidate.
Golkar legislator Harry Azhar Azis said the difference of opinion between the party's elements indicated a functioning democracy within the party.
| Armed forces/defense |
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Despite an earlier pledge to cut military spending this year, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has promised the Indonesian Military (TNI) modern equipment to enhance its capacity to defend against foreign attacks.
During a ceremony to mark TNI's 63rd anniversary Tuesday, the President, also the supreme commander of the TNI, spoke of the importance of Indonesia's ability to defend itself from external threats.
"For that reason, TNI must be ready to face all kinds of threats, be they conventional, asymmetric or unconventional," he said.
He said many countries were implementing power politics and achieving objectives through military might, leading to the possibility of a global "cold war" era.
However, observers questioned Yudhoyono's fears, saying the threat of foreign attack was highly unlikely in the current international environment. They said his promise of providing new military equipment was absurd given the current global economic crisis.
Makmur Keliat, a political expert at the University of Indonesia, said the President had issued a bizarre statement given the financial difficulties faced by the country and his administration's move to cut military spending.
"It's more of a political statement than a defense statement. At the very least, it was confusing and aroused suspicion he is trying to win the heart of the military ahead of the election," he said, adding that the proposal promised a lot of money the country could not afford.
"For instance, a pilot must fly 190 hours per year to be considered war-ready, and an affluent country like South Korea only manages to meet the tally by spending big," he said.
Earlier, military expert Andi Widjajanto said it cost Rp 700 million (US$72,165) for a single jet fighter to fly one operation.
The government has proposed a lower defense budget of Rp 35 trillion in 2009, down from Rp 36 trillion in 2008.
Rizal Sukma of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies said the budget would be sufficient if the military served as a national guard rather than as a deterrent against foreign attack.
He said the military had identified Indonesia's biggest threat as natural and maritime disasters.
"So, if we are consistent with the statement then we don't need many jet fighters or submarines. If we focus on these threats, the Rp 36 trillion allocated for defense is enough," he said.
Jakarta Post - October 15, 2008
Indra Harsaputra and Abdul Khalik, Surabaya, Jakarta – The country's soldiers will have to wait at least until after the 2009 elections to exercise their right to vote, after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono instructed them Tuesday to remain neutral in next year's polls.
In a ceremony to mark the 63rd anniversary of the Indonesian Military's (TNI) establishment, the President, who is the TNI supreme commander, ordered all soldiers to stay out of politics and loyal to the elected government.
"In the face of the 2009 elections, I instruct all TNI soldiers to commit to neutrality, and avoid involvement in practical politics," he said.
Neither the 2008 election law nor the 2004 military law ban soldiers from voting.
First Lady Ani Yudhoyono, Vice President Jusuf Kalla, several Cabinet ministers, legislators and foreign envoys were also in attendance at the ceremony at the Surabaya Naval Base.
Yudhoyono said that in a democracy like Indonesia, a government could change every five years, but the TNI's loyalty to the state and legitimate government should be constant.
Observers expressed concern over the President's instruction, given that many active and retired military officers are seeking legislative and executive seats in regional and national elections.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) professor and military expert Ikrar Nusa Bhakti said the TNI still considered itself not ready to vote, for fear of creating a political chasm within the armed forces.
"The TNI leadership is worried that soldiers, especially those far from Jakarta, will be politicized and used by certain groups or political parties for their own interests, causing clashes among one another and sparking civilian conflicts," Ikrar said.
However, he said, the order to remain neutral might not work, with many high-ranking officers and retired generals set to contest regional and national elections.
"Soldiers in certain regions tend to prefer candidates with a military background. The military and its intelligence capacity can be used by such candidates in a psychological war or smear campaign against their political opponents," he said.
Earlier, scores of military analysts and activists claimed the TNI was still heavily politicized, with many officers taking part in the elections in the wake of the military reform.
The political tide within the TNI, combined with a slashed defense budget, will weaken the military, the analysts concluded at a press conference in Jakarta on Monday.
As a consequence, they went on, the reform movement would either take off, or the nation's soldiers would grow frustrated, resulting in a possible formal political intervention by the TNI.
Yudhoyono insisted the TNI reform had run well, and vowed to carry on with the process. "The TNI has gone through crucial moments during the past ten years, but its overall transformation will take time," he said.
Jakarta Post - October 14, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The Indonesian Military (TNI) is still heavily politicized, with many of its key members joining the elections race more than 10 years on from the outset of the military reform, experts and activists say.
The political tide within the TNI, combined with a slashed budget, will weaken the military, a joint press briefing heard in Jakarta on Monday.
As a consequence, analysts said, the reform movement would either take off, or the nation's soldiers would become frustrated, resulting in a possible formal political intervention by the TNI.
During the session, the civilian court was criticized by the event's organizers for failing to prosecute incriminated military personnel.
The event's organizers were the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Indonesian Solidarity, Imparsial, Infid, Pacivis, the University of Indonesia, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and ProPatria.
They also argued that an ongoing movement to transfer military- controlled businesses to civilian hands was half-hearted and non-transparent.
Kontras coordinator Usman Hamid said the military had proven unable to distance itself from politics, citing the more than 100 active military officers registered to compete in regional and legislative elections next year as well as more than a dozen retired generals set to contest the presidential election.
"The military can forget their main duty to defend the nation because its officials are creating internal conflicts by competing against one another in the elections," he said.
Military expert Andi Widjajanto of the Institute of Defense and Security Studies said the government had failed to improve the welfare of low-ranked soldiers, and that there were concerns the military budget would be slashed.
"Looking back at history, the economic crises, such as the 1998 crisis, have always weakened the military. While a weakened military opens the door for civilians to reform it, it will also frustrate the soldiers," he said.
Andi said the current economic crisis would further weaken the military, increase frustration and, if the government failed to act properly, risk political intervention or even a coup.
"The military may get weaker in 2010 or 2011. There is a 'curse' on the military that it will always return to politics. If the government doesn't do anything, it will happen again," he said.
Rizal Sukma of the CSIS said the government must identify any potential threats and act accordingly by allocating money on a needs basis. He said the military had said Indonesia's chief threat was from natural and maritime disasters, rather than from foreign attacks.
"We don't need many jet fighters or submarines to handle these. If we focus on these threats, the Rp 36 trillion (US$3.67 billion) allocated for defense is enough," he said.
| Economy & investment |
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The Bakrie family, headed by welfare minister Aburizal Bakrie, is unlikely to go bust any time soon, as the government ponders allowing state firms to buy stakes in the clan's companies to help avoid a possible debt default.
A failure by the family to secure immediate funding means it could risk losing the ownership of its crown jewel companies.
State enterprises minister Sofyan Djalil said the government could allow state miners PT Tambang Batubara Bukit Asam (PTBA) and PT Aneka Tambang (Antam) to acquire stakes in Bakrie unit PT Bumi Resources, the nation's biggest coal producer.
"If they (PTBA and Antam) have the money to buy the shares and the price is good, we will let them," Sofyan said after a meeting at the Presidential Palace on Wednesday.
However, Sofyan, who served as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's campaign manager during the 2004 presidential election, denied reports the go-ahead to buy Bakrie shares was aimed at helping the group's companies from being taken over entirely by other investors.
On Oct. 12, Bakrie's flagship PT Bakrie & Brothers, the country's largest publicly listed company, announced the offering of shares in its units, including a 10 percent stake in publicly listed Bumi.
The company claims the offering is aimed at helping raise some US$1.2 billion to pay all outstanding debts, some of which are not due for the next two years.
While Bakrie remains deliberately vague about the reason for the early payment, there are widespread reports the company is in dire need of cash to help prevent shares of its firms pledged as collateral to creditors from losing their value as a result of the global financial meltdown led by the credit crisis in the United States.
Bakrie & Brothers borrowed $1.43 billion in short-term loans between April and September from, among others, Oddickson Finance, JPMorgan, and India's ICICI Bank for refinancing, funding investment and working capital.
Shares in Bakrie units were put up as collateral, including in Bumi, plantation firm PT Bakrie Sumatra Plantation and energy firm PT Energy Mega Persada, whose subsidiary Lapindo Brantas sparked the massive mudflow disaster in Sidoarjo, East Java, in 2006.
The value of the shares pledged was initially estimated at $6 billion, before plunging to $1.35 billion on Oct. 6, with creditors demanding Bakrie top up the covenant to assure the stake value remained intact, or risk being seized.
With Bakrie refusing to disclose its debt arrangements, the Indonesia Stock Exchange is still suspending trading in the shares of six Bakrie companies, blamed by Finance Minister Sri Mulyani for exacerbating the recent havoc in the stock market.
Help from the government will mean a lot for the Bakrie family, noting Aburizal's role as a key financier of the Yudhoyono presidential campaign in 2004. Aburizal also played a major role in putting Vice President Jusuf Kalla, also chairman of the Golkar Party, on the national radar back in the 1990s when Kalla was a relatively unknown businessman from eastern Indonesia.
While Kalla worked his way up the ladder, Aburizal was already an iconic native tycoon, locally termed pengusaha pribumi.
If Sofyan Djalil does finally move to save the Bakrie business empire, it will be the third time the family has been rescued by the government; the first was a financial bailout during the late-1997 Asian financial crisis, and the second was over the Lapindo debacle.
In response to questions over the troubles plaguing the empire, Aburizal merely said everything was actually in order. "Everything is secure," he said before a meeting with Yudhoyono.
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Mustaqim Adamrah and Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The government has unveiled plans for aggressive nontariff barriers aimed at protecting the domestic industry from an influx of overseas goods in light of slumping exports that will force local companies to rely on domestic demand.
Diah Maulida, the Trade Ministry's director general for foreign trade, said the government would heighten its supervision of the implementation of the Indonesian National Standard (SNI) as one of the protective measures.
"We need to protect our domestic market by, among others, enforcing the implementation of the SNI to impede imports," Diah said recently.
She also said the ministry could expand SNI requirements for several food and beverage products. The SNI is supposedly used to control the quality of products marketed in the country.
A number of products subject to SNI requirements include steel, energy-saving lamps, tires, flour, salt and packaged beverages. The government is also trying to encourage imports of goods and machinery for production only, according to Diah.
She said she believed none of the measures would breach international trade regulations.
The government is preparing the measures amid fears the global economic turmoil may prompt exporting countries to dump their products in Indonesia to help offset slowing demand in the United States and Europe.
Sofjan Wanandi, chairman of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo), warned such attempts by other countries would jeopardize local industries that need to shift their sales focus to the domestic market as demand from overseas declines.
"I'm afraid foreigners will dump their overproduction of goods in the Indonesian market. This is bad for us because we expect sluggish exports to be compensated for with domestic demand," he said.
Budi Darmadi, the Industry Ministry's director general for automotive, telecommunications and informatics industries, said the government would enforce the SNI implementation for electronic products, including energy-saving lamps.
"Our local production of energy-saving lamps is estimated to reach 195 million units this year," he told The Jakarta Post. "That's enough to meet local demand amounting to 100 million units, without depending on imports."
Ketut Suardhana Linggih, the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry's (Kadin) vice president of trade and distribution, told the Post now was the right time for the government to enforce the barriers to help curb unnecessary imports.
"The SNI will hold back imports, especially illegal ones, for six months to a year, while exporting countries adjust to Indonesian regulations," he said.
Other measure that could be taken, Ketut went on, include anti- dumping policies, a requirement for Indonesian ingredient labels for food and beverage products, and Indonesian user manuals for electronic devices.
"Many radios, mobile phones and cars are still equipped with Japanese user manuals," Ketut said.
"Requiring Indonesian ingredient labels and user manuals are the simplest measures that can be applied," he added.
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – The government and lawmakers have set a "compromise" 6 percent target for next year's economic growth, as part of a revision to the 2009 budget assumptions. This reflects the global financial crisis, projecting a possible world economic downturn.
The House of Representatives' budget committee had wanted a 5.8 percent growth target, anticipating severe negative impacts from the global credit crunch on Indonesia's economy, according to vice chairman Suharso Monoarfa on Wednesday.
The 5.8 percent would have been "more credible", but the government requested the growth target be raised to 6 percent, said Suharso.
Committee member Hasto Kristianto said that as part of efforts to persuade the committee to agree to the new target, several members were summoned late on Tuesday by Vice President Jusuf Kalla. "It violates the parliament's rights," he said.
Kalla heads the Golkar Party which holds the largest block of seats in the House.
The government is convinced that the impact of the current crisis on Indonesia's economy will be limited and that therefore a 6 percent target for next year is manageable.
Finance Ministry's head of fiscal policy Anggito Abimanyu said a slow down in exports next year would be mitigated by higher consumption given a projected lower interest rate environment.
"We expect the (central bank's interest) rate to decline as inflation will not be as high as this year's. With the rate declining, businesses are expected to be able to expand," Anggito said.
Inflation is expected to be lower next year, at 6.2 percent, supported by a decline in the prices of commodities.
Exports would probably be the first to suffer negative impacts from the current global crisis, since the United States, one of the world's largest importers, is on the brink of a recession.
However, as Indonesia will have general and presidential elections in 2009, robust consumption is expected to be triggered by the retail sector, Anggito said.
In the first half of 2008, the economy grew by 6.4 percent growth, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported. BPS will release the data on the country's economic growth in the third quarter of 2008 next month.
Anticipating relatively low inflation, the central bank's interest rate has been targeted at 7.5 percent for next year. The central bank raised its rate to 9.5 percent early this month to curb inflation.
On year inflation in September stood at 12.14 percent, according to BPS.
On the budget deficit, Suharso said that with 6 percent economic growth, the deficit would be set at 1 percent of GDP. "Foreign loans will provide secondary reserves. Deficit financing will be obtained mainly from government bonds and local banks."
Jakarta Post - October 14, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – Feeling the heat from the global financial woes, the government has revised down budget assumptions for next year – including economic growth, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati says.
On Monday, the government submitted to the House of Representatives' budget committee its plan to cut the current economic growth assumption of 6.3 percent to between 5.5 percent and 6.1 percent.
Inflation is now assumed next year at 7 percent, up from the 6.2 percent set earlier, which is still in line with the central bank's estimate of 6.5 percent (plus or minus 1).
Sri Mulyani said the revision was needed as "the global economy has worsened since the House's budget committee set the assumptions on Sept. 24, 2008".
"To fulfill the aspirations of the House, (business) players and analysts, the government and the House need to anticipate the impact of the global economic crisis."
Despite the change in assumptions, the government will not reduce the budget allocation for government offices and ministries, and will maintain the education budget at 20 percent of government spending, she added.
Within the new range of between 5.5 percent and 6.1 percent, Sri Mulyani said the economy was expected to grow by 5.6 percent in 2009, citing September's consensus forecast of the World Economic Outlook issued by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The economic slowdown in major economies is likely to harm exports, while a high interest rate at home would derail private consumption. But, "we will try to protect people's purchasing power from the impact," Sri Mulyani said.
The government said that if the macroeconomic assumptions were left untouched, it would have to look for Rp 53.9 trillion (US$5.26 billion) in deficit financing.
The government suggested the deficit be cut to Rp 71.3 trillion, or 1.3 percent of GDP, from the earlier assumption of Rp 91.8 trillion, or 1.7 percent of GDP.
Under the revision, the government will reduce the amount of government bonds issued next year from Rp 103.5 trillion to Rp 54.7 trillion, in anticipation of the global financial crisis shrinking investors' appetite for bonds.
"US and European investors, Indonesia's largest global bond buyers (65 percent so far) will lose their appetite. National banks will need liquidity for borrowing," she said.
To plug the deficit, the government will therefore look for other financing schemes from multilateral agencies and institutional investors who want to buy Islamic bonds (sukuk).
Meanwhile, the House's committee vice chairman Suharso Monoarfa said lawmakers in general understood the government's move and would speed up the deliberation of the proposed revision.
"We will finish all discussions by tomorrow (Tuesday) before we step into detailed spending allocations," he said.
Nevertheless, disagreement persisted during the deliberation, in particular on the central bank's benchmark interest rate. While the government proposed the rate at 8.5 percent, the lawmakers wanted a lower rate to help stimulate domestic industry.
Late on Wednesday, an agreement was reached to set the rate at 7.5 percent. "Most countries are now cutting their rates in the wake of the meltdown," Suharso said. (ewd)
Jakarta Post - October 13, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – With the global financial crisis currently battering local markets and expected to hit middle and low-income families within the next three months, domestic politics could turn ugly in the lead up to the April 2009 general elections.
The economic slump could be prolonged if the government, political parties and lawmakers at the House of Representatives become locked in a battle for popularity, rather than joining together to fight the crisis, experts warn.
"The crisis will be felt by middle-income families at least, as high costs start to bite companies and commodity prices go up sometime in January," University of Indonesia political expert Hariyadi Wirawan said.
Massive layoffs could be unavoidable as companies try to cut costs, which could lead to a rush on banks because the low public trust in authorities means the domestic economy remains vulnerable to rumors, he said.
This would be similar to the situation during the Asian financial crisis, which began in late 1997.
"It's unfortunate that it will happen just a few months before the legislative and presidential elections," Hariyadi said.
"We are worried that political parties and politicians will take advantage of the situation to attack the government without offering solutions, thus worsening the crisis."
He urged all national political elements, including opposition parties, to unite to help avoid a financial crunch.
Political economy expert Makmur Keliat said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should explain to the public the implications of the suspension of the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) and the role of the Bakrie Group in the suspension decision.
"Many are wondering what is really happening. This is the kind of incident that could wipe out public trust in authorities and business. So the public needs to get a logical explanation," he said.
In addition to the regional trend of falling share prices, many have suggested another factor behind the Jakarta market's free fall from Monday to Wednesday last week was that speculation over PT Bakrie & Brothers and its units dragged down the group's shares.
The decline in stock prices of Bakrie and its units, in particular PT Bumi Resources, was the main driver behind the IDX's 10.03 percent fall last Monday, with transactions involving the group making up around a third of the total transactions.
The speculations center on concerns Bakrie will not be able to pay its short-term debts, which amount to US$1.43 billion. The loans are backed by the shares of affiliated companies, including Bumi, PT Energi Mega Persada and PT Bakrie Sumatra Plantations.
Makmur said the suspension send the public a strong signal that the financial crisis was politicized, given that the Bakrie Group is linked to Aburizal Bakrie, Yudhoyono's coordinating minister for the people's welfare.
"Politics begins to play a part here and it creates uncertainty," Makmur said. "The government must be transparent about what companies here have been hit by the bankruptcy of US financial firms. We need to know if the tentacles of the financial trouble are reaching to Indonesian firms to protect the public."
Lawmaker Ganjar Parnowo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) promised his party would not stand in the way of any government efforts to soften the crisis as long as the policies made sense.
Jakarta Post - October 11, 2008
The impact of the global financial crisis will be felt the deepest next year, economists said at a discussion on Friday.
Amid a slowing global for Indonesian products, the economists said the manufacturing industry will face a pressure from a liquidity squeeze and a slump in people's purchasing power, they said.
The above condition would impose an enormous pressure on economic expansion, which they predict, would only grew four percent instead of the 6.2 percent predicted by the government earlier in the middle of the year.
"Things will get worse next year. Manufacturing industry will be weaker, and unemployment rate will soar. High cost of borrowing on housing and vehicles will hit the middle class people," said former bank commissioner Ichsanudin Noorsy.
Instead of focusing on attracting foreign investment, Ichsan advised the government to strengthen the small-scale industry while continue reducing foreign debt. "As you know, small-scale industry absorbs 90 percent of workers, while the capital intensive industry just three to four percent," Ichsan said.
Hendri Saparni of the advisory group on economy Econit urged the governemnt to create massive jobs for the people through state- owned enterprise. "It will boost income, and creating bigger domestic demand then turning the economic wheel," Hendri said.
The country's manufacturing industry and commodity producers, she said, could no longer rely on exports to pump up growth while warning the government to avoid making more foreign debt. (ast)
| Analysis & opinion |
Australian Financial Review - October 16, 2008
Angus Grigg – In less than two months, former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari will rise in Oslo's City Hall and formally receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Norway's King Harard V will be there to see the peacemaker receive his medal, diploma and a cheque for $US1.5 million ($2.2 million).
It will be just recognition for a life's work, but the Nobel Committee must be nervous. That's because before Ahtisaari delivers his speech, Aceh, for which he was recognised along Kosovo and other trouble spots, might be less than peaceful.
The World Bank's Conflict Monitoring Update shows August was the most violent month in Aceh since 2005, when Ahtisaari's Helsenki agreement was signed. The rise in violence has been attributed to an increase in "political tension" as campaigning begins for next April's district, provincial and national elections. But this is not the full story. The World Bank said reports were circulating about a network of "rogue ex-combatants" looking to resume the armed struggle for independence.
"The level of support such groups command among the wider population and ex-combatants remains extremely weak," the bank said. "However, the potential exists for support to rise if those who come to power do not address the needs and grievances of the electorate."
But even without such threats, violence is certainly on the rise. The World Bank said the number of violent incidents was up 70 per cent in August, compared with the average monthly total for January to July. And there are growing concerns that foreigner organisations, which have previously been left alone, are being targeted.
The kidnapping of a World Bank consultant, a security guard from Save the Children and seven Chinese nationals working in the private sector has alarmed observers. Such worries were exacerbated by a grenade exploding at a Save the Children office in May and repeated reports of violence between former members of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
These incidents appear to have won the Australian government's attention. The Department of Foreign Affairs is known to be considering raising the travel warning on Aceh, which currently recommends exercising "extreme caution". To raise the warning would cause the Rudd government and Australia's Ambassador to Indonesia, Bill Farmer, a few headaches but it may also be prudent.
In a report released last week the International Crisis Group also warned about the dangers of pre-election violence in Aceh. "Aceh is politically vibrant but on edge," the report says.
"Many people in Jakarta and the international donor community have declared Aceh a success and turned to other matters," said Sidney Jones, a senior adviser with the Crisis Group.
"But complacency is misguided – the tensions are palpable and need to be addressed." Jones made her comments before the Nobel Committee awarded Ahtisaari the Peace Prize, but she could easily have been referring to them. From the Crisis Group's perspective mistrust appears to be the biggest problem.
They say the Indonesian military (TNI), which controlled the drug and illegal logging trade in Aceh during the years of conflict, is worried about Partai Aceh, GAM's political wing, winning control of local legislatures and challenging Jakarta's authority.
Partai Aceh, for its part, is said to be worried about overt or covert interference from Jakarta. Smaller parties are worried about intimidation by Partai Aceh, which sees itself as the natural party of government. To make the situation a little more complex the current governor, Irwandi Yusuf, is reportedly not well.
The former GAM leader with an unparalleled ability to keep the ex-combatants in line is thought to have suffered a slight stroke in August. This has not been confirmed but his cooling presence and support for the peace process are seen as vital for stability in Aceh.
But like most conflicts this one is also about money. In many areas of Aceh, former GAM fighters have come to operate like mafia, involving themselves in extortion and protection rackets.
Those on the ground say much of the violence revolves around control of these illegal trades, but there are fears the increasing level of violence will provoke a response from the TNI.
So far the upsurge in violence is being handled by the police but there is little doubt the military would like to move back in and take control of its old businesses.
Such an action would certainly broaden the conflict. On the positive side, however, GAM's supreme commander, Hasan DiTiro, came out strongly in favour of the Helsinki agreement when he returned to Aceh over the weekend.
Hasan, who was has lived in self-imposed exile in Sweden for last 30 years, made it very clear he was committed to the peace process. But the 83-year-old has little control over GAM these days and some believe his presence in Aceh may actually stoke the fires of independence.
All these negatives in Aceh are not designed to take away from Ahtisaari's lifetime of achievement. He did, after all, halt a war which raged for 30 years and killed 15,000 people, but as has been proved the world over, it's always dangerous to declare a separatist movement dead.
Green Left Weekly - October 15, 2008
Farida Iqbal – "The right of self-determination is important because it's part of the pure principle of democracy", Jacob Rumbiak, foreign affairs co-ordinator of the West Papua National Authority (WPNA), explained to Green Left Weekly during the national conference of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) on September 13-14.
"West Papuans must choose their future. [Wanting] to be free, separate from Indonesia, that's their right. If they want to choose to support autonomy that's also their right."
The conference also discussed the issues of political prisoners, human rights violations by the Indonesian military, environmental destruction and HIV/AIDS. The conference was followed by a rally outside the Indonesian embassy.
Independence
Rumbiak cited poll results published by Indonesian paper Sinar Harapan in 2003 that revealed that more than 75% of Melanesian West Papuans want independence from Indonesia. A 2001 poll put the figure at 95%.
West Papuan activist and former political prisoner Herman Wainggai explained to GLW why West Papuans supported independence rather than the "special autonomy" law introduced by Indonesia in 2001: "Special autonomy is not the best solution for Papuan people. West Papuan people have experienced a lot of human rights abuses living under the Indonesian government, such as killings, rapes and disappearances, and a lot of Papuan political people are in jail. "For us, special autonomy is like a coffin."
Joe Collins, AWPA secretary, explained to GLW the necessity of Australian support for West Papuan self-determination: "West Papua is one of our nearest neighbours. It's like if you have domestic violence going on next door. It's your moral duty to help."
Collins point to a Newspoll that showed 72% of respondents supported self-determination for West Papua.
"Some West Papuan student activists and political prisoners have been living in jail for ten to fifteen years", Wainggai noted.
"Philip Karma for has been imprisoned for fifteen years. In Manokwari, there are 11 students waiting for their sentences How many years [will they get]?"
"People are still being arrested. Like my cousin Jack Wainggai. I ask for Australian people to write letters to politicians in Canberra or [PM] Kevin Rudd to advise the Indonesian government to free these political prisoners.
"The second thing is to write to the Australian government to advise the Indonesian government to withdraw all their military forces. There is a lot of military building up in Papua now."
Papuan unity
Rumbiak spoke to GLW about the significance of the WPNA, first formed (as the West Papua National Front for Independence) in 2002. It was the first West Papuan umbrella organisation to unite guerrilla fighters, political groups and civil society groups.
"[The WPNA] is a provisional government to run the West Papuan nation-state. It has been built to fulfil the criteria to become a new government", Rumbiak said.
"Democracy will come when independence comes. Papuans will run elections. Papuans will choose their own government when we overcome Indonesian occupation. But for now we must try to fulfil the criteria of a nation-state.
"So we must have a provisional government [and] constitution" as well as a national anthem and flag. "We must have symbols. We already have these."
"In the provisional government, we already have a political, intelligence, diplomatic and military wing. Last year [Indonesian armed forces Chief] General Ryacudu said that West Papua is already ready for independence. It only needs a declaration and international recognition.
"We must have a provisional government to tell Jakarta that we are ready [for independence]. Because Jakarta said 'we never saw your provisional government inside'. Now they have seen it.
"So now, choose what you want! Lawyers, bureaucrats, technocrats, all of us are in the WPNA as a transitional government."
A second significant umbrella organisation was established in April. Rex Rumakiek, secretary general of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, explained to GLW: "The WPNCL is a forum of about 29 organisations and sister organisations. They signed a memorandum of understanding that they want to work together.
"Soon we will be laying out our timetable, program, the kind of things that we'd like to do together. That's the agenda that we're going to send out to groups around the world. We want them to support us all."
Recent events
According to a September 14 WPNA statement, the Indonesian military has recently initiated incursions up to six kilometres into Papua New Guinean territory. "A so called free trade zone established between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea has been annexed by Indonesian soldiers", Rumbiak stated.
The Indonesian embassy in Camberra attempted to invoke the Lombok security treaty, signed between Australia and Indonesia earlier this year. to prevent the West Papuan community from holding a cultural night in a multicultural centre owned by the ACT government.
The Lombok treaty followed the diplomatic row between Australia and Indonesia resulting from the granting of asylum to 43 West Papuan refugees who came to Australia by boat in 2006.
The treaty stipulates that Australian government resources cannot be used to promote West Papuan "separatism".
Yahuda Korwa, one of the 43 refugees and participant in the cultural night, expressed his disappointment. "We came to Australia 2006 two years ago because we know in Australia is a free country so we can do anything in here", he told ABC Radio on August 1.
The event went ahead after organisers argued that it was purely a cultural event.
Jakarta Post - October 16, 2008
Al Makin, Heidelberg, Montreal – Our honorable members of the House of Representatives seem to put "personal bravado" above long-term national interest in their intention to pass "the already softened version" of the anti-pornography bill – and are undeterred by the mounting protests from numerous societal groups.
The legislators have made blatant mistakes in the deliberation of this bill. I just want to mention some of the major ones.
The first grave error rests on the perception built by those who defend the bill that the critics have not carefully read the draft. The truth is that the bill's draft has been circulating around many Indonesian mailing lists for a long time.
Have the honorable members of the House read any of the many high-quality op-ed pieces penned by our "pundits" and published by numerous Indonesian newspapers on the bill?.
Do they also carefully listen to what the protesters – marching on the streets across many cities of Indonesia – have demanded? If so, why did these members then held their own version of a public hearing? Don't they regard these voices as those of the public?
There are concerted efforts to silence the voices of these critics by meeting only people who support the bill.
Moreover, the philosophy behind it is truly misleading, with regard to our commitment to democracy education in Indonesia. The proposed bill implies a form of old fashioned power control, which sounds very New Order-style. In other words, the government will keep the morality and ethics of the Indonesian people under surveillance.
True democracy should run to the contrary. It means the Indonesian people should keep their eyes on the government – legislative, judicative, and executive – with respect to their morality and work ethics. Thus, in a democratic country where the government performs its duties and responsibilities, people watch the government officials and grade their performance – not the other way around, i.e., the government spying on the people.
There are legislators who said passing the bill would be a "Ramadan gift" to Indonesian Muslims.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla – who already hinted he may run again as the running mate to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the next election – said the anti-pornography bill is not religiously motivated. This is only half true. The other half is that not only is this bill "religiously motivated", but it is also "politically motivated" by using religion as a lethal weapon to threaten the public critics.
The arguments, contained in the anti-pornography bill, originally resonated with the aspiration of "Islamism" in Indonesian politics. Due to the resistance of the Indonesian public against this ideological trend, however, its elements have gradually been softened.
Indeed, Islamism is currently receiving less and less sympathy from many Indonesian Muslims. The public, in this vein, exactly knows how this kind of ideology has sneaked around to find a place in Indonesian politics.
Another major flaw of the bill lies in the title itself – "anti-pornography bill". This fake subject seems to address some fake issues and fake morality. How much impact on our morality will this bill will make by banning porn images? If we are honest enough we are currently faced with much more serious and real issues, such as rape, domestic violence, migrant workers who are raped by their bosses and other sexual harassments – themes which the even "softened version" of the anti-pornography bill doesn't even touch.
For example, if a certain sexual crime happened, the police – holding the proposed "anti-pornography bill" – would either arrest the one who posted the porn pictures on the Internet or blame the women who are then accused of showing their body in a sexual manner which could lead to their being raped. The perpetrator, in turn, would be arrested, after public pressure mounted. Of course this sounds ridiculous. Yet that is what the "anti-pornography bill" will lead us to.
Thus, if our honorable members of the House have any good will to revise the current proposed bill, they should fundamentally change its title. "Anti-sex under age bill", "anti-sexual violence bill", "anti-rape bill", or "protecting the victims of sexual violence bill" are subjects which are much more relevant in today's Indonesia than "anti-pornography bill". The content of the bills should then follow the proposed titles.
[The writer is a lecturer at State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. He can be reached at nabiy13@yahoo.com.]
Jakarta Post - October 14, 2008
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Ni Komang Erviani, Bandung, Denpasar – The controversial anti-pornography bill is drawing yet more opposition from various parts of the country, with many fearing the bill could threat the traditions of several ethnic groups in Indonesia.
In Bandung, dozens of women wearing kebaya (a traditional blouse) staged a rally at the West Java Legislative Council demanding the council reject the bill.
Members of various women's organizations said they wanted the councilors to support their cause by sending a letter to the House of Representatives stating their objections.
Agnes Dwi Rujiati, spokeswoman for the West Java Network to Reject the Anti-Porn Bill, said the bill was a serious threat to freedom and human rights, and opened the way for intervention in women's rights over their body.
"Our country recognizes pluralism, but the bill would require all people to have a uniform opinion on morality and how to use their bodies," she said. "This is very unfair."
Agnes said by wearing kebaya, the women were showing it off as a traditional attire and also an indelible part of Indonesia's identity.
In Denpasar, a forum held at the governor's office lambasted the House's working committee deliberating the bill. Hundreds of Balinese representing various social, political, religious and women's organizations, took turns presenting their objections to the bill.
Among the groups in attendance were the influential Grand Council of Customary Villages, the United Front of Mount Agung, and the Bali's People Component (KRB) – a loose coalition spearheading the opposition movement against the bill.
Bali Governor Made Mangku Pastika, who presided over the gathering, also stated the Bali administration's official objection to the bill. Pastika sent his letter of objection, addressed to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and House Speaker Agung Laksono, early last week.
Dewa Ngurah Swastha, representative of the Grand Council of Customary Villages – an umbrella organization of more than 5,000 customary villages across the island – argued for the bill to be rejected because it threatened the integrity of the unitary republic of Indonesia.
"The Balinese people reject the bill because it also poses a grave danger to the culture and traditional customs of the Balinese," he stressed.
Swastha went on to threaten the island's split from the country if the government insisted on passing the bill. "If they push the bill through, then we might proclaim Bali as a free state," he said.
In Manado, the North Sulawesi Legislative Council rejected the bill with a 43-2 vote, saying it would do nothing to deal with provincial aspirations.
"So far the bill has not contributed positively to the pluralistic Indonesian society, so we must reject its deliberation," Arthur Kotambunan, the council's deputy speaker, was quoted as saying by Antara.
He said North Sulawesi was a province that highly respected freedom by embracing local religions and cultural values, thus an anti-pornography law was not needed.
Jakarta Post - October 14, 2008
Evan A. Laksmana, Singapore – The Indonesian Military (TNI) celebrated its 63rd anniversary on Oct. 5. Its formal commemoration, however, will be held on Oct. 14 because the original date was too close with Idul Fitri, which fell on Oct. 1.
Sixty-three years after its inception and ten years after the birth of the reform order, the complex challenge of repositioning the military in Indonesia's democratic setting and building a professional military to tackle the changing security environment remains.
On the domestic front, several contentious issues seem unsettled, including past abuses of military force, despite significant and commendable progress in internal reforms. Meanwhile, the traditional challenge of fighting a conventional war is compounded by an array of modern security issues such as terrorism, disaster relief and illegal fishing.
Richard D. Kohn, a professor at the University of North Carolina, contends that creating a strategic and professional military means dealing with three challenges: the intellectual, political and moral.
The intellectual challenge deals with how to prepare the military to operate successfully in a variety of security environments. For the TNI, this would amount to providing the intellectual foundation for officers to be repositioned.
Despite commendable legal efforts to do so, the intellectual challenge of tackling traditional and modern security challenges in a democratic setting enables us to reconstruct the mind-set of the officer corps by reconsidering the military education and training system along with the military's basic doctrine.
The former might involve a revamp of previous curricula and teaching methods, since the legacy of the old system preparing officers to play a sociopolitical role, under the now-defunct dual function doctrine, might still linger.
For example, we could consider increasing and refining core military subjects, such as geopolitics and modern warfare, while further improving existing key nonmilitary subjects, such as history, humanitarian law and international relations.
This would not only lay a stronger intellectual foundation for officers by exposing them to critical thinking, but it could also pave the way to civilianize the teaching staff as the courses could be taught by numerous qualified civilian instructors. Plus, more officers could be sent abroad for further education to expose them to other militaries, providing them with a broader strategic perspective.
Although the TNI's external defense role is legally prescribed, given the low military budget and domestic economic problems, efforts to assist the people is commendable. After all, the devil gives work to idle hands, as the old saying goes.
However, given history, where such "civic missions" were misused by president Soeharto for his own political purposes, a continued persistence on domestic operations might raise concern about possible excesses in the future.
One often overlooked external mission might be considered to help downplay the problem of "idle capacity", namely international peacekeeping operations. Not only is the TNI's track record excellent in this regard, but such operations have the potential to replace domestic operations as a key consideration in career promotions while boosting Indonesia's international image.
However, a modification of the military's basic doctrine of Total People's Defense – born from Indonesia's guerrilla warfare against the Dutch in the 1940s – might be needed to complement any education and training efforts. One could argue that an archaic formula assuming the TNI to be underdeveloped to face an external attack, and therefore needs to "prepare" the people for guerrilla warfare, could hamper the dynamic and critical thinking necessary to tackle more complicated security challenges, especially in the realm of modern security.
Meanwhile, the political challenge is the military's political neutrality and subordination to the legally constituted civilian authority. Considering Indonesia's turbulent civilian-military relationship, this challenge is perhaps the least clear cut.
Thus, a civilian defense community is needed to create a triangular balance and achieve the so-called concordance civil- military relations where the government, officer corps and civil society have a cooperative relationship stressing dialogue, accommodation and shared values.
This could be done through several steps. First, the government could reduce suspicion and grievances within the officer corps by not politicizing the military, especially on the eve of next year's elections, and by not interfering excessively in internal military affairs.
Second, the military could maintain the trust extended by the political leadership by continuing the momentum of military reform.
Finally, the moral challenge addresses the internal honor and integrity of the officer corps.
Polls have shown that the military's public image has significantly improved over the past decade, largely due to perceived civilian corruption and political bickering. However, the recent spat between the National Commission for Human Rights and retired officers regarding investigation into past human rights abuses by the military suggests that a perceived "culture of impunity" might become a "pebble in the shoe" for the military's public image.
[The writer is a research analyst at the Indonesia Programme at S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.]
Jakarta Post Editorial - October 14, 2008
A chasm of perceptions, of mind-sets, is unfortunate but inevitable between a people claiming to have been oppressed and those deeply offended by such a claim.
This situation is again apparent in the current visit to Aceh by Hasan Tiro, the most senior living leader of the province's former resistance movement, returning after 29 years of self- imposed exile. Some common understanding might bridge this gap, if indeed we all have a stake in supporting the 2005 agreement to stop decades of bloodshed.
There are those for and against the now frail leader's trip, made all the way from Sweden, the adopted country of the man referred to with reverence here as Teungku Prof. Mohammad Hasan di Tiro, or "Wali Nanggroe" – the inheritor of Aceh as entrusted to his ancestor Cik di Tiro by leading ulema, so the popular history goes.
At 83, Tiro is no longer the bearded, fierce-looking and hard- headed leader who was regarded as one of the main obstacles to peace in Aceh. Yet regardless of suspicions about whether the Indonesian government and Military helped to make the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) seem larger than it really was, and Tiro's long detachment from life on the ground, he remains the one that the Acehnese look up to. The crowds gawking at his presence brought the entire town of Banda Aceh to a standstill on Saturday.
If his visit, planned to last around two weeks, strengthens the sense of unity and commitment to peace among the Acehnese, then this is the boost badly needed in the post-conflict and post- tsunami period, when many have voiced frustration at the slow delivery of promises. Worse, many are wary of a return to insecurity, with violent incidents such as bombings and kidnappings in a number of areas over the past few months.
To avoid unnecessary tension, officials have dropped plans to have Tiro meet President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla. For now it is sufficient that the former leading voice for independence explicitly and repeatedly thanked these crucial supporters of the peace agreement in front of the Acehnese public.
This message also responds to the nagging question, mainly voiced in the media outside Aceh, about whether his visit might revive those aspirations of separatism. This is a valid concern of a public distraught over the loss of East Timor, which they blame on a hasty decision by a president who chose to let go of an embarrassing problem rather than patiently patching things up.
And indeed, some of those who came from near and far to see Tiro told this newspaper that separatism was still the better option for Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. They said they doubted whether even the memorandum of understanding, which contributed to its facilitator Marti Ahtisaari winning the Nobel Peace Prize, could suddenly bring about a genuine, long-term commitment from the government to patch up their broken hearts, devastated by years of injustice and sacrifice.
But locals do not have the luxury of analyzing whether former GAM members and supporters could summon up the will and energy to take up arms again – given the surge of trust in Jakarta in the wake of the December 2004 tsunami and, nine months later, the Helsinki agreement.
Jakarta's political and military leaders, and the GAM leaders, who were all for war, were forced to respect the people's wishes, to resort to the ballot instead of the bullet.
Independence may still be the quiet goal of Partai Aceh, the Aceh Party formed by former GAM leaders, but next year's election will show them how popular that aspiration really is. The former rebels, treated with a mixture of awe, affection, fear and silent disgust, given their confusing variety of elements and behavior, are now just part of another political party. The ordinary civilian can now speak up.
These civilians demand that everyone uphold law and order. This week people have complained that Partai Aceh is stealing a start on the election campaign – the party's flags with their dominant red, white and black, the tricolor of the former GAM, have been everywhere among the crowds welcoming Tiro.
Locals are therefore far removed from the question of whether Tiro will again inspire the Acehnese, as he did in the 1950s. As a young man awarded a scholarship to study law in the United States, he instead publicly denounced Sukarno's government and threatened to take action if there was no end to the "bloodshed" against people in Aceh and other areas then affected by insurgency.
The Acehnese people's new trust in the government, however, has not wiped out their traditional reservations about the capital, which strengthen every time they feel "Jakarta has broken its promise" when pledges are slow to materialize. Thus their polite bemusement when we ask whether this legendary people of warriors might stab us in the back again.
While appealing for continued international monitoring in the early years of peace, the Acehnese are heavily counting on themselves to better the lives of their families and communities. They needed to see a long-lost leader, albeit briefly, and went back to business, fulfilled. Tiro has not said much in public, but they only needed that uplifting sense of a figure who clearly acknowledged what they were going through.
Sharing that acknowledgement is the least we could do. We often forget that Indonesians in many areas, not only those in Aceh, are also preoccupied with ensuring we can live in dignity and peace of mind, free from fear of those who think it is their birthright to abuse power.
Kompas - September 29, 2008
"... although legislation represents an important start, its role cannot be more than just a beginning. It is political reform that will continue to be sustainable and must be complimented by economic, social and cultural reforms – as a comprehensive approach for problems that are likewise comprehensive." (Sarah Wagner, in Feminism Changes Society, the Women's Liberation Struggle in the Venezuelan Bolivarian Revolution)
Zely Ariane – One more legal umbrella has been added for the advancement of women in Indonesia. Law Number 2/2008 on Political Parties, which bolsters the political opportunities for women to take part in thinking about the direction of the country and the advance of its people.
The broadening of space for gender mainstreaming has been realised, but it should not just be restricted to formal equality in political, professional and academic circles. It also demands the distribution of economic justice for women who are poor, dignified employment and improving knowledge, as well as affordable, easy and quality education so that women are no longer just become a reserve of votes in the name of women representation in politics.
The 30 percent figure is the minimum limit that has been agreed to internationally to promote women's representation in both parliament as well as public positions. The campaign for this quota is a form of the continuing struggle by women following the achievement of demands for women's right to vote in the early 20th Century.
The women's quota campaign aims to fight the domestication of women (fighting the politics of patriarchy) because domestication and male domination over women under a patriarchal society is not preordained. But this campaign will not be completed through women's representation in the political parties and parliament.
In principle, this figure should be increased to 50 percent, as is in effect in Cuba and Venezuela, which will be impossible to achieve if the state continues to maintain patriarchy as part of its political system and capitalism as its economic system.
As an example, the obstacles to the application of this quota in Indonesia will grow if scholarly interpretations of religious teachings are not developed and protected by the state, if illiteracy is high and if women's levels of education and healthcare remain low. This is the source of the low social capacity of women in Indonesia that must be overcome, rather than blaming women themselves.
Women are moving from an initial point that is not on an equal footing with men. Indonesian women have a higher rate of illiteracy than men and education levels that are lower then men. It is the mass political organisations that are capable of becoming a bridge to increase the awareness and political knowledge of the majority of women who are the victims of the feminization of poverty.
The women's movement
The success of the 1998 democracy movement has made an extraordinary contribution to the broadening of women's organisations. A new challenge is starting to emerge however – the spread of these organisations has not been followed by the broadening of the women's (political) movement. This situation is a consequence of the weak political position of women in the face of the state so it is extremely easy for women to be coopted by political means (particularly the political parties) that are not really struggling for women's liberation, but rather are only "serving up" women in their leadership structures as a means to increase their vote.
It is because of this therefore, that the development and the broadening of the women's movement is a key factor in bring about reform. There will be no reform for women without a women's movement. Universal suffrage was won by the first wave of feminism, including the winning of March 8 as International Women's Day, along with the economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights that were won by the second wave of feminism. The influence of the women's movement on the advancement of women's equality in the world was huge. Without a movement there will be no progress, as we are experiencing at the moment.
In Indonesia, Kartini has already laid the basis the concept of the women's struggle for liberation, but this concept was realised and advanced by the women's movement of the 1950s and the 1960s era. A number of advances related to the marriage law, such as the age limit for the marriage of women and men along with the freedom to determine one's life partner, are the results of women's movements such as Istri Sedar (Aware Wives), Gerakan Wanita Sedar (Women's Awareness Movement) and Gerakan Wanita Indonesia (Gerwani, Indonesian Women's Movement). This is also the case with the Draft Anti-Pornography Law which was revised due to the widespread rejection by the movement.
It is because of this therefore, that formal gains, such as the birth of various laws that benefit women, must be seen as legal instruments that must be based in practice and in a consistent manner though pressure from the movement in order to provide the greatest possible benefit to overcoming the feminization of poverty.
Notes:
Kartini was an Indonesian regent's daughter during the Dutch colonial period who, through her letters home, outlined her dreams of a better life for women. She died aged 25 a few days after giving birth to her first child. A variety of myths have made the original Kartini a nationalist hero and feminist symbol.
[Zely Ariane is the Director of Education and Literature with the Perempuan Mahardhika (Independent Women's) National Network, the spokesperson of the Peoples Democratic Party-Political Committee of the Poor (KPRM-PRD) and Hands Off Venezuela-Indonesia.
[Translated by James Balowski.]