Banjir Ambarita – A police officer was found laying in a pool of blood in Keerom, Papua, after the man's fellow officers accidentally left the officer behind when pulling out of a restive village on Friday.

Local police were called to Arso Kota village on Friday to investigate reports that an armed group was looting buildings and robbing residents in the streets. When the officers arrived on the scene, a mob of reportedly intoxicated men began to hurl stones at the police.

"When the officers arrived to reprimand [the gang] a group of people resisted and began to hurl stones at them," Papua Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Sulistyo Pujo said.

The officers pulled back, with the plan of returning to their post and calling for backup, Sulistyo said. But when the officers fled the scene, they allegedly left one of their own behind.

When they returned, First. Brig. Sudaryo was found bleeding heavily from unspecified wounds. The officers rushed their coworker to a nearby hospital.

He did not live through the night. "When taken to the hospital, the victim passed away," Sulistyo said. An investigation is ongoing by the Papua Police.

Tackling domestic violence in Papua

IRIN News - December 14, 2013

Jayapura – Papua is taking steps to combat violence against women and children as concerns grow about the level of domestic abuse. According the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan), Papua province recorded 1,360 cases of gender-based violence per 10,000 women in 2012.

"Many people still resort to violence to solve problems. Even parents and teachers believe that if corporal punishment is not used, children won't have discipline," Dwi Utari, a senior program assistant in charge of child and mother protection at the UN Children's Fund (Unicef) in Papua, told IRIN.

Unicef points out that in 2011, in a survey conducted in three of Papua's 29 districts between 67 and 79 percent of children under the age of 15 said they had been physically punished, with 24 to 31 percent indicating "severe" physical punishment. The findings indicate that those in charge of protecting children – parents, caregivers, teachers – often perpetrate the violence.

But the figures may not reflect the reality, because many cases of gender violence in Papua remain unreported, said Margaretha Hanita, deputy chairwoman of the government-run Center for Woman and Child Empowerment in Jakarta. In 2012 the Komnas Perempuan recorded the highest number of incidents in Jakarta – 1,699 per 10,000 women.

"In Jakarta many women have the courage to report and have much greater access to information on where to report," unlike in Papua, where there is less awareness and advocacy on the issue, as well as lower levels of formal education," said Margaretha.

The Asian Human Rights Commission said in May 2011 that indigenous women in Papua reported high rates of domestic violence perpetrated by their husbands and partners, and little protection from police or state agencies.

Why so violent?

Papua, which consists of West Papua and Papua provinces, is a predominantly ethnic Melanesian region with a population of 3.8 million. It is rich in natural resources, including the world's largest gold deposit, but lags behind the rest of the country in several development indicators. Papua has one of the largest budgets out of the country's 34 provinces – nearly US$600 million in 2012 – and the fifth highest gross regional product.

But its human development rankings are among the nation's lowest, including an adult literacy rate of only 64 percent, and less than six years, on average, of formal schooling per resident. Women are often denied entitlements and resources available to men, while poor access to education fails to harness the potential of young people.

Alcohol consumption, a widely recognized problem among men in Papua, and long-held traditional beliefs are among factors fueling domestic violence, Unicef's Dwi said.

"Alcohol has a lot to do with domestic violence. When people are under the influence of alcohol, they can't think clearly, and even engage in violence, including forced sexual intercourse."

Papua New Guinea (PNG), the neighboring country whose residents have similar cultural identities and languages as Indonesian Papuans, has also grappled with gender-based violence. The PNG Law Reform Commission noted that 70 percent of women in PNG said they had been physically abused by their husbands, and in some parts of the country that number reached 100 percent.

Response

In July 2013, Papua enacted a bylaw on domestic violence, drafted with the assistance of Unicef. Three districts – Jayapura, Keerom and Jayawijaya – are piloting the bylaw's implementation, which has provisions for services for the victims as well as the perpetrators of domestic violence, including treatment, counseling, rehabilitation and mediation.

"This bylaw seeks to protect and provide greater access to people who are weak, vulnerable and marginalized, who make up a large part of Papuans," said Reky Ambrauw, an assistant in the provincial governor's office.

Unicef is working with the local government in Papua to educate schoolchildren and communities by promoting healthy relationships, providing life-skills education, and teaching them about reproductive health and the dangers of alcohol, Dwi said.

"There's a local saying that 'there's gold at the tip of the whipping rod'," said Dwi, meaning that corporal punishment will result in better behavior. "There's also this perception that because the groom brings money [dowry] to the bride at marriage, he owns his wife."

West Papuans tortured, killed and dumped at sea, citizens' tribunal hears

The Guardian (Australia) - December 13, 2013

Marni Cordell – Scores of unarmed civilians were tortured and killed and their bodies dumped at sea in a massacre by Indonesian security forces in West Papua 15 years ago, a "citizens' tribunal" held in Sydney has found.

On 6 July 1998, West Papuans demonstrating for independence on the island of Biak were murdered in a co-ordinated attack by the Indonesian military and police and a large number were detained, according to the findings of the Biak Massacre Citizens' Tribunal.

Many of those in custody were subsequently raped and mutilated in horrific circumstances and the security personnel responsible for the attack have never been held accountable, the tribunal heard.

The citizens' tribunal was held this year at the University of Sydney on the 15th anniversary of the incident. The event was conducted in the manner of a coroner's inquest before presiding jurists John Dowd and Keith Suter, with former NSW director of public prosecutions Nick Cowdery as counsel assisting.

The co-ordinator of the event, Jim Elmslie, said much of the testimony heard by the tribunal was "incredibly shocking". "The viciousness with which [the attack] was carried out has left me shocked. And it's clear that it's not just one sick person doing this, it's a system," he said.

The alleged incident occurred several days after the raising of the banned morning star flag by West Papuan political prisoner Filep Karma, which was attended by dozens of demonstrators. The attack was well planned by Indonesian security forces and local and regional officials were also involved, the tribunal heard.

One anonymous witness told the hearing: "The army and police were everywhere. Bullets were raining down. The sky was on fire. We could hear them shooting people."

Another testified via video: "My family and others were directed down to the harbour... We followed the other families with our hands up over our heads. You could feel the bullets starting to fly over our heads... I could see so many children who had been killed. They were shot on the wharf. They died right there."

Navy ships were used to dump the bodies at sea, the tribunal heard. Ferry Marisan, the director of the human rights organisation Elsham Papua, told the hearing that fishermen later found the bodies offshore. "The bodies were mutilated. Some of them lost their legs or their genitals were not there," he said.

Other witnesses told of being tortured and sexually abused in custody in the days and weeks following the attack. One victim described being stripped naked in a room with other women and girls.

"Then I saw a man [a soldier] showing me a little knife, the one that you use to shave, and he said 'we are going to use this to cut off your vagina, from above and below and from the left to the right'. A lit candle was penetrated inside me, they cut off my clitoris and they raped me.

"I saw a little girl and they raped her and she died," she told the tribunal. Out of the 12 women in detention "eight women were killed and four of us stayed alive", she said.

Elmslie told Guardian Australia the purpose of the tribunal was to create an official record of the atrocity.

"The Biak massacre is widely known in anecdotal terms in West Papua as being a really severe event but it's not acknowledged officially at all - certainly not by the Indonesian government," he said.

"It's rare that a situation in West Papua is definitively investigated - you often have lots of rumours or just stories that can be denied. We thought if we could establish, to a large degree of accuracy, the details of one event, it would be powerful and useful.

"By exposing that one event you expose the broader pattern of Indonesian occupation," he said.

The tribunal found that the Indonesian government had attempted to play down the seriousness of the actions of the Indonesian security forces in Biak and had not punished those responsible.

It recommended that the Indonesian government be presented with the evidence and findings of the tribunal, that an investigation into the massacre be carried out by an independent prosecutor and that "criminal proceedings be instituted against such persons as may be found to have committed crimes and crimes against humanity".

The Australian government, which is "responsible for training military and naval officers of Indonesia", should also be provided with the evidence before the tribunal and should "pressure the government of Indonesia to commence appropriate investigations and criminal proceedings", the report notes.

Dowd told Guardian Australia that this was the first time to his knowledge that such an event had been held in Australia and that while a citizens' tribunal had no legal power "it's a very useful vehicle to make sure these issues are not hidden under a carpet".

"The publicity of things like this makes it less likely that this sort of thing will happen again. We can't undo the atrocity that occurred, but it sends a message to [the Indonesian] government... that they may not do it again."

The tribunal was hosted by the Centre for Peace Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney. Guardian Australia has seen a copy of the tribunal's findings, which will be released on Monday.

Bus carrying military officers fired upon in Papua

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – A bus carrying Merauke Military Commander Brig. Gen. Bambang Haryanto and other military officers was fired upon by unidentified assailants near Freeport Indonesia's Grasberg mine in Mimika regency, Papua, on Thursday.

Papua Police spokesperson Adj. Sr. Comr. Sulistio Pudjo confirmed the attack and said no one had been injured.

"The attack happened at 12:23 p.m. local time, on Jl. Tambang near the mining area of PT Freeport Indonesia. Of the six bullets fired, only one hit the bus," he said in a telephone interview. Jl. Tambang connects the capital of Mimika, Timika, to Tembagapura sub-district, where the Grasberg mine is located.

A day before the attack, Bambang and Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian inspected three spots where unresolved shooting attacks took place in Mimika between Dec. 8 and 10.

None harmed in two Freeport shootings

Jakarta Post - December 11, 2013

Two vehicles operating at copper and gold producer PT Freeport Indonesia's (PTFI) mine were targeted in shootings on Sunday and Monday in Timika, Papua. No casualties were reported in the incidents.

"A water tanker was shot at in the Mile 41 area on Monday at around 2 p.m. local time, by unidentified persons as the truck was heading to Post 41 to refill water," Papua Police chief spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Sulistio Pudjo said via text message.

He added that the tanker driver, Agustinus Weyai, was unharmed. The perpetrators shot at his truck six times from the left. When police inspected his truck, they found five bullet holes on the left door, tire and radiator.

Earlier on Sunday, unidentified people also fired shots at a Toyota Kijang Innova, driven by Chief Pvt. Warsidi, a Mimika Infantry Brigade personnel.

The incident took place at around 12:55 p.m. local time when the car was on its way from Timika to Mile 50. As the car arrived at Mile 41, it was shot at by unidentified persons from the left and right directions. "There was no casualty in the incident," said Pudjo.

Separately, in a press release, PTFI corporate communication vice president Daisy Primayanti said she had received the reports from the incidents from the command center and that the vehicles were not owned by PTFI, and the drivers were not employed by the company.

Human rights & justice

Indonesia faces human rights 'emergency'

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

Ati Nurbaiti, Jakarta – Indonesia is in a state of emergency regarding human rights violations, according to the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) and the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas PA).

"With the increase of rights violations, unresolved past cases and the potential of many more victims, we can say Indonesia is in a state of emergency in its human rights situation," said Komnas HAM chairwoman Siti Noor Laila.

She was addressing the press during a one-day annual hearing on rights violations, held by the three institutions on Thursday in Central Jakarta.

Komnas HAM commissioner Imdaddun Rahmat said their joint assessment of there being a "state of emergency" was also due to the state's "unwillingness" to prevent rights violations, "but it covers this up with the reason that it is unable [to do so]." He added that Komnas HAM had received 6,000 reports of rights violations this year compared to 5,000 cases in 2010.

The commissions said the themes selected for the hearing, which centered on cases considered to be increasingly "large scale" with the potential of creating many more victims, were violence and sexual violence toward women and children, and discrimination and violence against minorities.

New museum brings Munir's cases, death to public view

Jakarta Globe - December 9, 2013

Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, Malang, East Java – A museum built in honor of Munir Said Thalib, a prominent human rights activist assassinated in 2004, was officially opened on Sunday on what would have been his 48th birthday, featuring items belonging to him as well as those related to his still unresolved death and cases he was working on.

"We continue to fight the case regarding his death," Suciwati, Munir's widow, said at the opening of the Omah Munir Museum in Malang, East Java, in a building that used to be the couple's home.

Visitors can see Munir's personal effects, such as a pair of battered brown sneakers, bulletproof vests, and a desk he used when he worked at the Surabaya Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Surabaya), where he first began his career in the fight for justice and human rights.

A human rights causes championed by Munir are also displayed on a wall inside the museum. The cases include the murder of three farmers in Madura, East Java, in 1993; the murder of female labor activist Marsinah in 1994; and advocacy for victims of human rights abuses by the military in East Timor in 1992.

"There has been no enforcement of human rights, and the cases presented here are a symbol of how rotten our court system is," Suciwati said.

Munir's own death was no less controversial than the cases he took on. The activist was poisoned with arsenic on board a Garuda Indonesia flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam, via Singapore, on Sept. 7, 2004. Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, an off-duty Garuda pilot, was convicted of the murder in 2005. But the ruling was overturned in 2006 for insufficient evidence, before being reinstated in 2008.

Munir's supporters, however, contend that Pollycarpus was just a pawn in the scheme, and that the real masterminds behind the plot were never touched. In 2008, State Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy chairman Muchdi Purwoprandjono went on trial for allegedly ordering the murder, but was later acquitted.

Muchdi was said to have held a grudge against Munir after being dismissed as the head of the Army Special Forces (Kopassus) in the wake of revelations by the activist that Kopassus had abducted 13 student activists during the upheaval of 1997-1998.

Suciwati said she hoped the new museum would prompt renewed public scrutiny into Munir's death and the unresolved cases he was working on. "We will keep trying to uncover the truth behind Munir's murder, no matter who is involved." she said.

Sexual & domestic violence

School asks 'rape victim' to move to a different school

Jakarta Globe - December 14, 2013

Fana F. S. Putra – A vocational school in East Jakarta has asked one of its students to move to another school after she was raped by her classmates, the alleged victim's lawyer has claimed.

The 16-year-old identified only by the initials "N. F. R." – who was allegedly raped by three other students after being bound and gagged – is now two months pregnant.

"The school said she was an embarrassment and that every pregnant student would follow in her footsteps," the victim's lawyer Herdiyan Saksono told reporters at the East Jakarta Police station on Thursday.

Herdiyan said the school was attempting to cover up the case and his requests for the victim to be allowed to continue attending class had gone unheard.

"We sent a letter asking for a meeting, but we didn't get any response. They are really shutting us out, they don't want to give us any information," Herdiyan said.

He condemned the school's attitude and its failure to report the rape to police, even though staff were aware of the incident. Herdiyan added that the school had offered to mediate between the victim and her attackers to prevent the case from being reported to the police.

"An education institution is supposed to guide and educate. Legal enforcement should be their priority, not offering mediation or covering it up. The school already knew about it but it did not report it to police," he said.

School's head teacher Karto Manalu contradicted Herdiyan's claims, saying the school would allow the girl to continue her studies if she was not too embarrassed. Karto said that since the rape case emerged, the girl had regularly missed class because she had felt ashamed in front of her friends.

"The student's status depends on the student herself. If she is not embarrassed, go ahead come to school," Karto said in his office on Friday, adding that the school would give her a recommendation letter to study in another school.

Karto argued that moving the student to another school would protect her. "We will accept if she wants to leave, we respect her as a victim," he said.

Karto claimed that he did not report the rape to the police because he had not received any report from the girl's parents about the incident.

"If the family of the victim had reported it to me, I would have started a legal process. Now that the case is already in the hands of the police, let's leave it with them... That's much better," he said.

The girl was allegedly raped by her seniors, identified by their initials: T., A. and P., on Sept. 28 in their rented room in South Cipinang Besar, East Jakarta. The rapists are reported to have tied her hands and stuffed her mouth to prevent her from screaming.

According to the victim's second lawyer Suyadi Karyadi, one of the accused invited her to a food stall and then took her to the nearby room, where they raped her.

Suyadi said the two other accused initially threatened to report the rape, but after the first accused tried to bribe them with Rp 200,000 ($16.65) not to do so, they instead joined in, taking turns to rape her.

Suyadi said the victim had been deeply affected and not been herself since the incident. Her family discovered that she was pregnant after she did not get her period for a long time.

The victim's mother reported the case to the East Jakarta Women and Child Protection Unit. The police rounded up the three students on Tuesday and detained them on Thursday.

KPI 'harassment victim' says she was not offended

Jakarta Globe - December 13, 2013

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Activists have demanded an explanation from legislators over alleged verbal harassment toward a female candidate during a test to select prospective members of the national broadcasting watchdog, despite the supposed victim denying that anything untoward took place. Yuniyanti Chuzaifah, chairwoman of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), said in a statement on Thursday that her office sought to ensure that the House of Representatives was serious about upholding human rights and eliminating discrimination against women.

Yuniyanti said she believed questions asked by some members of House Commission I to the female candidates for posts on the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) were irrelevant.

Some legislators, she said, were asking about the candidates' physical appearance and personal relationships.

The controversy came to light after Komnas Perempuan reported four legislators to the House Ethics Council for alleged harassment of KPI commissioner hopeful Agatha Lily, 33, during vetting in July.

Tubagus Hasanuddin, a deputy chairman of House Commission I, which oversees, foreign, defense and information affairs, was accused of flirting with Agatha and asking her personal question about her marital status.

Another legislator is alleged to have publicly asked for her phone number and complimented her for being beautiful.

But Agatha has said there was no misconduct on the part of the legislators.

"There was no harassment and I was really surprised when my name was mentioned and it was said that I was teased by some legislators during the questioning," she said.

"I know Komnas Perempuan is defending women, but I would have reacted harshly if I was harassed and I didn't feel like I was disrespected," she said, adding that the context of the situation had been blown out of proportion.

Komnas Perempuan has chosen to pursue the issue, regardless.

Yuniyanti said questions asked by the legislators could "disrupt the candidates' integrity and focus" and in the long term could set a bad precedent and prevent capable female candidates from being selected.

"The questions and comments often disguised as jokes could be considered harassment if looked at with gender equality in mind," she said, adding that it was not the first time that legislators had asked female candidates inappropriate questions in tests for KPI selection.

Tubagus claimed he was only trying to be friendly because he knew Agatha personally and that his jokes were only meant as an ice-breaker.

"Agatha used to be a KPI official and she often met with Commission I members. So we already knew each other. We didn't think there were any barriers to joking around with her. It was just normal," he said on Wednesday.

Tubagus said that following the report by Komnas Perempuan, he immediately contacted Agatha to ask whether she felt harassed during the test.

Mahfudz Siddiq, the House Commission I chairman, said Komnas Perempuan's accusation was baseless and unreasonable, and questioned why it was reporting the matter five months after the vetting took place.

Mahfudz also criticized Komnas Perempuan for filing a report to the House Ethics Council without verifying the allegations with Agatha.

Nurul Arifin, a female Golkar Party member who was present during the vetting, also said that she did not witness any improper conduct on the part of her male colleagues.

"There was no such thing, not even verbal harassment, because it if happened I would have protested," she said.

Women's legal aid foundation demands Sitok to be investigated for rape

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Jakarta – The Women's Legal Aid Foundation (LBH APIK) has demanded the Jakarta Police charge noted poet Sitok Srengenge with a heavier charge than that of a mere misdemeanor.

Sitok was reported to police by a University of Indonesia (UI) student for alleged rape, which made her pregnant.

LBH APIK director Ratna Batara Munti said in an official statement on Friday that Sitok needed to be held responsible for more than a misdemeanor after further investigation with the student's counselor.

"Based on the information gathered from the counselor, communication between SS [Sitok] and the student initially took place when the poet promised to help her with her thesis. Therefore, clearly there was an abuse of power between SS and the victim, which then led to dependence and vulnerability on the student's part leading to the alleged sexual exploitation," Ratna said.

"Therefore, the alleged sexual act that took place between SS and the victim was not consensual."

On previous occasions, Sitok had said that he was willing to take responsibility for the student's pregnancy. However, according to Ratna, this was not enough.

"Despite the fact that SS has stated that he is willing to take responsibility, we want to affirm that this is not the main issue. The main issue is that what happened was non-consensual sexual intercourse, which is usually described as rape. The incident has also severely affected the victim's psychological condition, causing her to attempt suicide on at least two occasions," she added.

"Therefore, we want the police to investigate this case as a rape, not merely as a misdemeanor," she concluded. (hdt)

Lawmakers accused of sexual harassment

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) has reported several lawmakers to the House of Representatives' ethics council for allegedly harassing a female Indonesia Broadcast Commission (KPI) candidate during an interview.

Commission chairman Yuniyanti Chuzaifah said she had received reports that members of the House asked sexist questions during a screening for KPI candidates. "We did not get the reports from the victim directly. We are now seeking clarification from the House," she said as quoted by tribunneews.com.

The House's ethics council will summons the accused lawmakers from the House's Commission I to clarify the allegations

Council member Ali Maschan Moesa said they were told that Agatha Lily was asked: "Why are you beautiful?" and "How many times did you go to the spa today?"

One of the accused lawmakers, TB Hasanudin, said that the lawmakers were only joking and that they had known Agatha for a long time.

Media urged to protect rape victims

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

Yogyakarta – The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) has called on the Press Council (Dewan Pers) to closely monitor and strictly censure media outlets that run inappropriate stories on sexual assault cases against women.

"We have learned that the Press Council has been passive in dealing with this issue. It only makes a move if it receives complaints," said a member of Komnas Perempuan, Andy Yentriyani, on Wednesday.

She said that stories published in the media influenced the investigations of certain cases, adding that the most violations were found in online media. In a rape case, for instance, many media use the euphemism "sexual harassment". "Media should be careful in the terms it uses because this can mislead the police who are handling the case," Yentriyani said.

Such mistakes will also affect public opinion, she added. In many cases, she went on, the victims ended up being blamed by the public, when they should be receiving sympathy.

Ika Ayufrom of the Yogyakarta Women's Network (JPY) also shared a similar thought. "Many media still print the full names of victims. This has caused an increased burden on the victims," said Ika.

Meanwhile, Press Council member Ninok Leksono said the council was actively handling complaints filed by the public.

"We have released guidelines on managing cyber media and have disseminated it in a number of regions. The problem is maybe that the socialization has yet to occur," Ninok said.

Political parties & elections

100 billion rupiah for TNI to secure general elections

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Jakarta – The House of Representatives has approved a budget of Rp 100 billion (US$8.3 million) for the Indonesian Military (TNI) to secure the 2014 general elections.

"The TNI proposed Rp 100 billion and we agreed," chairman of House Commission I overseeing intelligence, defense and foreign affairs, Mahfudz Siddiq, said in Jakarta on Friday.

Mahfud said that as the budget was not taken from the Rp 83 trillion already allocated for the Defense Ministry, the disbursement of the special funds for the TNI required approval from the Finance Ministry.

Earlier, the House also approved Rp 3.45 trillion for the National Police to secure the upcoming elections. The two institution will work hand-in- hand to provide security for the general elections.

National Police chief Gen. Sutarman warned his subordinates against misappropriating funds.

"I remind all the precinct leaders to use the funds properly. Do not duplicate [transactions], let alone misappropriate the funds, which are corrupt practices," he said at National Police headquarters in Jakarta recently.

Indonesia's Dangdut king prepares for presidential race

Jakarta Globe - December 14, 2013

Indonesia's "King of Dangdut" Rhoma Irama opened his presidential campaign headquarters on Saturday in a move that left at least one rival candidate questioning how a dangdut singer was qualified to lead the fourth-largest nation on earth.

The celebrity, who has made no secret of his presidential aspirations, secured the support of the National Awakening Party (PKB), a small but popular Islamic party associated with Abdurrahman Wahid – the former Indonesian president popularly known as Gus Dur.

The party has thrown its support behind several presidential candidates in the lead-up to the election, including former Constitutional Court chief Mahfud MD and former vice president Jusuf Kalla, but has yet to announced a two-person ticket for the race.

Rhoma, clad in a PKB-green batik shirt, took the microphone on Saturday, shed a single tear and then launched into a rousing rendition of his hit song "Hak Asasi," ("Rights") leading the crowd of fans gathered outside the "Rhoma Irama for Republic of Indonesia," headquarters on Jalan Dewi Sartika, in Cawang, East Jakarta, in an ode to individual freedom, according to reports in the Indonesian news portal Liputan6.

"Religious... Freedom..." Rhoma sung to the crowd. "That's our right," the crowd sung back. "As long as it does not violate the Pancasila," the singer clarified.

Indonesia's constitution protects the rights of six religions – Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism – but not several others, like animism, that are practiced throughout the archipelago.

Rhoma, a Sunni Muslim, has attracted controversy in the past for his less- than-tolerant speeches urging Jakarta residents to vote along race and religious lines. The sermons, delivered at area mosques, were seen as a failed attempt to bolster support for former Governor Fauzi Bowo, who was staging an unsuccessful re-election campaign against current Governor Joko Widodo and his running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama – a Chinese Christian.

The statements, while controversial in the press, have seemingly done little to hurt his base. Rhoma's campaign office, dubbed Riffori for short, will be run by volunteers who say they are committed to the rock singer's presidential bid.

"We appreciate the PKB for trusting Rhoma Irama," Riforri chairman Waskito told local media. "Riforri is supported by volunteers who sincerely want to support a person who deserves to be supported."

But rival candidates were less than convinced that Rhoma deserved the people's support. Former Army General Wiranto, who is staging his own campaign, scoffed at the thought of Rhoma Irama sitting in the Presidential Palace.

"These days a dangdut singer in a [presidential] candidate," Wiranto told the Indonesian news portal Detik.com. "Before long, acrobats will be nominated as well. This is why corruption keeps going on and on."

Rhoma brushed off the criticism on Saturday, offering some advice to the former general. "Listen to the words of God," he told Detik.com. "You, Wiranto, should not insult people. Who could know if another person is better than yourself?"

PKB chairman Muhaimin Iskandar suggested that Wiranto take a look at himself before slinging mud at others. "Who has more knowledge? Rhoma Irama or Wiranto?" Muhaimin told Detik.com. "I'm sure Rhoma has more."

Wiranto's words received the backing of the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), which is supporting the former general's campaign. Hanura lawmaker Yudy Chrisnandi defended Wiranto's statement, explaining that a presidential candidate shouldn't be going around to stumping events and singing like a celebrity. It wasn't meant as a dig at Rhoma's chosen profession, the lawmaker said.

"[Wiranto] did not mean to attack Rhoma Irama," Yudy told Detik.com. "Pak Wiranto was only speaking in general terms. If you are named as a presidential candidate, then you shouldn't be performing [as a musician at the same time]."

The former general, himself a controversial figure, last polled below Rhoma on voter popularity. A survey conducted by the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) named the "King of Dangdut," as the nation's third-most popular candidate, behind ex-president Megawati Soekarnoputri and former vice president Jusuf Kalla, polling at 89.2 percent.

Wiranto trailed in sixth place, polling at 77.8 percent last May, according to the Indonesian newspaper Kompas.

Joko Widodo has since edged-out the competition in a series of more recent polls, many of which failed to include Rhoma's name. The presidential election is scheduled for July. Only candidates who received the support of 25 percent of the seats in the House of Representatives or backed by a coalition that secured 20 percent of the total vote in April's legislative election can run.

Ghost of Suharto gives life to his old political party

Reuters - December 14, 2013

Kanupriya Kapoor & Jonathan Thatcher – Indonesia's autocratic former President Suharto left office in disgrace, his political empire and the economy in ruin, but 15 years later, his old ruling party hopes nostalgia for his legacy will sweep it back into power.

Indonesia, third largest of the world's democracies, and one of its youngest, heads to the polls in 2014, first to elect a parliament and then its first new president in 10 years.

Polls show the Golkar Party, which Suharto created as the parliamentary rubber stamp for his 32-year hardline rule, is running around second place.

After Suharto's fall from office in 1998, Golkar tried to distance itself from him. No more. Now it's very positive, says Aburizal Bakrie, 67, head of Golkar and the party's presidential candidate next year.

Although in the end Suharto's rule became a byword for nepotism and greed, in its early days it won wide praise for strong economic management.

It is that success Golkar hopes voters will remember as a slowing economy dims the hopes of Indonesia's millions of poor, waiting for their turn to join the emerging middle class.

"People [in villages] believe that Golkar... has done a good job managing the economy during the Suharto era," Bakrie said in a rare interview on the cavernous 46th floor of the modernist Bakrie Tower, part of the vast family conglomerate that has made him one of Indonesia's richest men.

It is also one of Indonesia's most controversial corporate groups, with high levels of debt and a lack of transparency that have long prompted questions about its business practices.

A bitter public dispute with British financier Nathaniel Rothschild over their joint coal venture Bumi Plc has spread that reputation internationally.

The fit-looking Bakrie, a keen tennis player, says he long ago stepped away from the business, except for advice on strategy, and even that would stop if he became president.

"I believe Golkar will get around 170 to 180 seats in parliament in the April general election. That is more than 30 percent [of total seats]."

That's well above the 20 percent a party needs to nominate a candidate for president next July. Opinion polls suggest Bakrie is very optimistic and the biggest group of voters has yet to decide.

But with the fortunes of the scandal-hit ruling party of outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in sharp decline, Golkar usually runs second in surveys.

Ahead is the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the party headed by Megawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of founding President Sukarno, who was widely admired as a nationalist and orator but left the economy in shambles when he was effectively shoved from power by Suharto in 1965.

Suharto vs. Sukarno legacy

Asked if next year's election would be a battle between the Sukarno and Suharto legacies, Bakrie replied: "I don't think that you are wrong," but added he was also a fan of Sukarno and Indonesia's shift to democracy. Suharto was 86 when he died in 2008.

"Golkar as a party will always succeed because at the grassroots level they have a lot of experience and support from people," political analyst Effendi Ghazali said.

Bakrie's electability was increasing as he travelled around Indonesia and ran frequent television advertisements, Ghazali said, adding, "I think a lot of people feel as though living in the Suharto era was better than now." But he doubted that perception would win Bakrie the presidency. Polls mostly show Bakrie lying a distant third.

Way out in front is Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo, nicknamed "Jokowi," who has captivated voters with his no-nonsense leadership of the sprawling capital. What Joko does not yet have is a party to back him, although he is a PDI-P lawmaker. Fresh on the national political scene, he is a marked change from Golkar's lineup of elderly Suharto-era stars.

Reports have been swirling in the media too of dissent in Golkar ranks, with some party leaders making no secret of their view that Bakrie is not the man to match Joko's common touch and huge popularity among Indonesia's mostly have-nots.

Bakrie is seen as a product of Indonesia's moneyed elite. He acknowledges the controversy associated with his name, invoking Thaksin Shinawatra, the embattled Thai politician and wealthy businessman behind years of recurring civil unrest in Southeast Asia's second-biggest economy.

While Bakrie does not compare himself to Thaksin, he said, "Even though the elite do not like Thaksin, the people voted for him or his sister or his new party. I haven't proven myself in an election but what I have already proven is that in every survey I'm always one of the top candidates."

He pointed to the popularity of T-shirts and stickers displaying a smiling Suharto emblazoned with the question: "Things were better during my time, right?"

Youths still wary of politics, but determined to engage in 2014

Jakarta Globe - December 13, 2013

Kennial Caroline Laia – As the nation moves closer to the upcoming 2014 general elections, an often overlooked and underestimated group of voters may be a key factor in deciding the nation's future: its youth.

Indonesia's youth voters will make up 30 percent of the estimated 170 million registered voters, according to Central Statistics Agency (BPS) figures. Some 40 million voters between 17 and 30 years old will be electing the nation's new president and legislative candidates next year. An estimated 14 million of them will be first-time voters.

Disna Harvens, an officer with AyoVote, a youth initiative aimed at educating young voters ahead of the 2014 elections, said that despite being large in number, there remained a large chunk of the nation's youth who were reluctant to vote due to negative perceptions about Indonesian politics.

"Most of the youth think that their vote will not affect the outcome of the election. They are reluctant because of the stereotype, and they say politics is dirty and a field only for the older [generation]," Disna told the Jakarta Globe.

"Young voters should know that existing policies, or future ones established by the government, will have a direct impact on their lives, such as education policies or anti-pornography legislation."

Disna emphasized that the large number of youth votes next year was too important to be wasted.

For Rinaldy Sofwan Fakhrana, 22, taking part in next year's elections is not something to look forward to.

"Politics are dirty," Rinaldy said, arguing that none of the candidates were convincing or worthy of his trust.

He also noted that the electoral process in Indonesia remained corrupt.

"Each of the candidates have their own unfinished business. They don't have a good enough track record," he said.

Rinaldy cited Prabowo Subianto, the founder and chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), who was involved in the disappearance of student activists during the tumultuous period before the downfall of Suharto, his father-in-law.

Prabowo, a former Army general, is widely expected to run for president.

Rinaldy also cited Aburizal Bakrie, another presidential candidate and the chairman of the Golkar Party, who has long been criticized for his handling of a mud volcano in East Java that experts have attributed to gas drilling operations conducted by a company in his business empire.

Audrey Gabriella, 24, said she would not vote in next year's elections because politics did not interest her and because none of the candidates met her criteria for the ideal Indonesian leader.

"The leader of this country must prioritize the public interest and also listen to the public's opinions. He shouldn't act on behalf of certain parties," she said.

Despite the negative perceptions, a recent survey by pollster Indo Barometer involving 1,200 first-time voters nationwide showed that 86.9 percent of Indonesia's youth voters said they would vote.

"The survey results indicate high enthusiasm among young voters in the country," Indo Barometer executive director Muhammad Qodari said in Jakarta on Wednesday.

Of those who said they would not vote, 38.1 percent said they still needed to study the candidates' platforms.

Qodari said the result showed an improving opinion toward politics among first-time voters, with 81 percent agreeing that involvement in elections was an important step toward improving the nation's political scene. Some 73.5 percent said the elections were an important part of Indonesia's future.

Yunarto Wijaya, a political analyst from the consultancy Charta Politika, said that in the 2009 elections, the youth vote did not materialize as expected.

He said candidates this time around should take a fresh approach in trying to attract the younger demographic.

"Political candidates must use a new and fresh approach to get youths interested in politics," he said, citing strategies used by candidates in US presidential elections.

"When Barack Obama was first elected, he used third-party entities to eventually earn the biggest amount of voters in history," Yunarto said.

Candidates, he said, should implement a wide range of strategies to woo young voters, including engaging in critical dialogue with voters rather than preaching at them, as is typical in local campaigns.

"The second is culture and education, which means candidates must present fresh and youth-related issues," he said.

Yunarto said candidates should also be social media-savvy as well as promote campaigns that would benefit the youth communities.

"But many candidates are not directly involved in social media use. Most of them have administrators to do that, and still cling to a very formal and stiff style of language. That kind of approach won't work," he said.

In a bid to draw the youth vote, several presidential hopefuls have taken to social media, including Twitter.

Others have set up websites to promote their platforms and key campaign issues, while others have resorted to hiring individuals with Twitter followers in the tens of thousands, known as "influencers" or "buzzers," to sing their praises.

Yunarto said that while greater social media engagement was important for any candidate, its limitation was that it would only reach urban candidates, a large proportion of whom access such media through their smartphones and computers. Voters in rural areas, who still make up the majority of the country's voter base, will need to be approached using a completely different strategy, he said.

Disna said it was necessary for youths to realize that their involvement at the ballot box was important. "They have to determine their own future through their involvement in the election," he said.

Full disclosure: AyoVote is affiliated with the Jakarta Globe and BeritaSatu Media Holdings.

Most parties hush up finances, KIP says

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

All political parties except the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) were secretive about their financial reports, according to the Central Information Commission (KIP).

From the 12 parties contesting the 2014 elections, only the PDI-P was willing to be assessed by the KIP in a public institution transparency study.

The study, conducted between Oct. 7 and Dec. 4, assessed the level of transparency of institutions at the national and regional level using self-assessment questionnaires. "From the 12 political parties we gave the questionnaire to, only one submitted an answer," KIP chairman Abdulhamid Dipopramono said during the 2013 Public Information Transparency Awards at the Vice President's Office on Thursday.

Dems 2010 congress 'awash in cash'

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – As the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) stepped up its probe into allegations that the Democratic Party's (PD) 2010 congress in Bandung, West Java, was funded by illicit money, a senior politician revealed that cash was indeed distributed to members at the event.

Democratic Party advisory board member Ahmad Mubarok said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is currently the party's chairman, had allowed participants to receive Rp 5 million (US$415) each to cover transportation costs.

Mubarok, however, denied the practice was a form of money politics.

"All [candidates for the party chairmanship] were given [the money]. [The practice was] legal, [it was] allowed by Pak SBY," he told reporters after being questioned at the KPK headquarters in Kuningan, South Jakarta.

The KPK questioned Mubarok over the allegation that vote-buying took place during the congress, with candidates for the party chairmanship, including Anas Urbaningrum and Andi Mallarangeng, allegedly paying their fellow members for their votes.

At the time Mubarok was the head of Anas' campaign team.

While acknowledging Anas' team had distributed transportation money to party members, Mubarok said he had no knowledge about its source. "I did not deal with [the] money," said Ahmad.

The allegation that the convention was awash with dirty money first surfaced when Diana Maringka, former head of the party's Southeast Minahasa branch in North Sulawesi, said publicly last year that she was paid Rp 100 million, $7,000 and Rp 30 million in installments by Democratic Party executive and lawmaker Umar Arsal in return for her supporting Anas at the convention.

During the trial of Deddy Kusdinar, former head of financial and internal affairs at the Youth and Sports Ministry, a defendant in the Hambalang sports complex graft case testified that Anas used Rp 2.21 billion from the project to fund his campaign during the convention.

Deddy's indictment stated that the money came from the Hambalang project tender winner, state-owned construction company PT Adhi Karya.

According to the indictment, Andi also spent Rp 2 billion of the money he skimmed off the Hambalang project to finance his bid for the party chairmanship.

The money – reportedly from PT Global Daya Manunggal, one of the companies subcontracted by PT Adhi Karya – was allegedly delivered through Andi's younger brother, Andi "Choel" Zulkarnain Mallarangeng.

Besides vote-buying, the indictment also said that during the congress Mahyuddin MS, the former chairman of House Commission X overseeing sports, of the Democratic Party allegedly received Rp 600 million from Wafid Muharam, then a secretary at the Youth and Sports Ministry.

The money was paid to Mahyuddin for him to approve the Hambalang budget proposal without a proper meeting of the commission and the ministry.

Mahyuddin denied the allegations on Thursday, saying he was not at the congress.

"I did not attend the congress. I was not involved in the congress' campaign teams. But I did attend the opening [of the congress]," he said, after a questioning session on Thursday.

Mahyuddin, however, previously said that he was a member of Anas' campaign team, although not, he claimed, an active member.

Certain elements to disrupt security ahead of 2014 election: President

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said certain elements in civil society were designing movements to disrupt security and order ahead of the general election next year. The President said he had been informed about the movements by National Police chief Gen. Sutarman.

"I received information from the National Police chief there would be certain elements who would try to disrupt security and order in certain places. They are being watched closely and Insya Allah (God willing), their actions will be prevented," Yudhoyono said as quoted by tribunnews.com on Thursday.

The President made the remarks at the Halim Perdanakusuma airport before leaving for Japan on a working visit. He said it was natural to see the political situation heat up ahead of the election, but he urged all political parties and politicians to restrain themselves before the official campaigning period began.

"There is a level of appropriateness in election campaigns to prevent people from being targeted. I'm am confident that my colleagues, those among political elites and politicians, will be able to maintain their cool during the campaign period," he said.

"But it is not impossible that there will be certain parties who harbor improper motives. In that situation, people have to be on alert while the state apparatus, especially security personnel and law enforcers, will have to work harder," he added.

Cash-strapped Democrats struggle to keep convention going

Jakarta Post - December 11, 2013

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – After spending lavishly on opening its presidential convention in September, the Democratic Party's (PD) coffers appear to be spent as it attempts to pay for the event.

Effendi Ghazali, a political communication expert and a convention committee member, confirmed on Tuesday that the convention was running low on budget.

"From what I've heard, the budget for the convention has become a problem lately," said Effendi, who is one of the committee's 17 members.

The committee's treasurer, Andi Timo Pangeran, said the whole convention process would require about Rp 50 billion (US$4.15 million).

A significant portion of the funds would be used to pay for televised debates by candidates, aired on national television.

Effendi, however, denied the budget problem had anything to do with the unraveling of numerous graft cases involving party members, such as former Upstream Oil and Gas Regulatory Special Task Force (SKKMigas) chief Rudi Rubiandini.

"I still believe the funding for this convention has not come from illicit sources. I, as well as other committee members, have pledged to resign if we find donations from outside of the party have not been publicly declared," he said.

Following the arrest of Rudi on bribery allegations, more details have emerged about alleged illicit practices involving PD politicians.

Effendi Saman, the lawyer for Deviardi, a golf trainer and aide to Rudi, said $400,000 in bribes paid to Rudi were supposed to be used to "finance the party's activities" and to pay for "holiday stipends" for members of the House of Representatives' Commission VII, which oversees energy.

The commission is chaired by senior politician and one of the PD's founders, Sutan Bhatoegana.

Rudi and Deviardi were arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in August, about a month before the convention officially kicked off.

Effendi Saman said the public could be forgiven for thinking that some of the illicit money received by Rudi had been earmarked for paying for the convention.

"The $200,000 in cash discovered by KPK investigators at Waryono's office must have been known by Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik. Jero is an important figure in the Democratic Party," he said.

The lawyer was referring to Waryono Karno, the ministry's secretary- general. The dollars found in his office had the same serial number prefix with the money handed over to Rudi via Deviardi when they were arrested by KPK investigators.

Effendi, however, acknowledged Deviardi had never been told that the illicit money had anything to do with the convention.

"My client was only aware of the real purpose of the money after he was arrested," he said.

Sutan denied he received "holiday stipends" from Rudi. Jero also claimed he had nothing to do with the money in Waryono's office.

Senior PD lawmaker Hayono Isman, one of the convention's participants, suggested the committee had struggled to find money as the source of the money had to be legal.

"It's not easy to find money from that kind of source," he said as quoted by tribunnews.com.

Initiated in May by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the party's chairman, the convention officially kicked off on Sept. 15 and will run through to April next year.

Many praised the idea as the first political party presidential convention that involved the public in the country's history, but analysts suggested it was a ploy to legitimize the nomination of Gen. (ret.) Pramono Eddhie Wibowo, the brother of First Lady Ani Yudhoyono.

ICW warns of pre-poll graft spike

Jakarta Globe - December 10, 2013

Novianti Setuningsih & Markus Junianto Sihaloho – The number of corruption accusations being thrown against politicians and parties will surge in the next few months as the smear campaigning takes off in earnest ahead of the legislative election in April, a prominent watchdog says. Tama Satrya Langkun, a researcher with Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), said at a discussion in Jakarta on Sunday that "there are bound to be many cases of corruption coming to light as we approach the 2014 elections."

"We can expect to see some political character assassination as politicians jockey for position and advantage," he said.

Antigraft activist Robby Brata also predicted an increasing number of politically linked corruption cases next year, given the significance of the elections.

"Next year is prone to political corruption because the current political system is very expensive, and these people will seek to get their money back," he said.

He added the public had a role to play in monitoring the politicians during the campaigning and the election periods.

Other speakers at Sunday's discussion said the prospects of bundling underperforming or graft-tainted legislators out of the House of Representatives in next year's poll were virtually non-existent, given that four out of five candidates on the ballot was a currently serving legislator.

Bahrain, the advocacy director for the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), said that 80 percent of the candidates running in 2014 were "old faces who are set in their ways."

He said the YLBHI feared that the veteran politicians, once back in office, would resume their institutionalized corruption and ramp up their efforts to weaken the national anti-corruption drive.

"Based on the YLBHI and LBH [Indonesia Legal Aid] national congress, we will publish the names of these candidates in our black list to prevent them from being re-elected," Bahrain said.

He also called on political parties to improve the system through which they recruited new members to ensure that only those deemed to have the cleanest track records and were considered the most competent would be allowed to run for the party in the election.

"If it's the old faces again, the House will remain a tool for those in power to keep doing what they've always been doing," Bahrain said.

Separately, the General Elections Commission (KPU) has ceded to calls from parties and poll watchdogs alike to invite the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), the government's anti-money-laundering watchdog, to probe the accounts of parties and top politicians running in the polls.

"I believe the PPATK will most likely have that data, and we're now discussing a possible cooperation," Husni Kamil Manik, the KPU chairman, said on Sunday.

Legislative hopefuls in PPATK's sights

Jakarta Post - December 9, 2013

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – The Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) will monitor financial transactions made by legislative candidates, many of whom are believed to have resorted to illegal practices to finance their costly election bids.

The PPATK has requested that the General Elections Commission (KPU) submit details of both legislative candidates and the treasurers of political parties, including their bank accounts. According to PPATK head Muhammad Yusuf, a KPU regulation requiring parties to submit their financial reports as well as campaign financing is ineffective in terms of curbing vote buying during elections.

Yusuf said his institution had found that parties had relatively small funds yet their politicians could spend a lot more than the parties earned, citing the use of leased private aircraft by party members as an example.

"We expect the KPU to inform us about the details of the bank accounts of all legislative candidates [to compete in the election next year] as well as the accounts of party treasurers and their family members in order to anticipate increasing suspicious transactions," Yusuf told a discussion on Sunday.

He added that his institution had found that the number of suspicious transactions by politicians usually increased a year before and after elections.

"As an institution mandated to organize the elections, the KPU should have taken the initiative to require legislative candidates to provide details of their bank accounts, instead of blaming rampant vote buying [approaching the elections] on the public," Yusuf went on.

A recent PPATK study found that from 2004 to 2012, the number of suspicious transactions had spiked by 125 percent on average in the two years before the elections.

The study, conducted between January and July this year, recorded an increase in the number of suspicious transactions from 10,432 in 2008 to 23,520 in 2009.

According to the study, which evaluated bank transactions from 138 regional representatives, 560 lawmakers and 979 regional officials, politicians earned money to fund their political campaigns from various sources, including from companies privately owned by relatives, colleagues and parties, as well as from state-owned enterprises (BUMN).

The PPATK's Yusuf warned that corporate social responsibility (CSR) funds of BUMN, especially those that focused on banking, were particularly prone to misuse as the elections approached.

According to Yusuf, misuse of CSR funds would usually be done by commissioners as they had the authority to determine the benefactors who usually had affiliations with political parties or their members.

He cited an example of credit proposals that were considered not prudent by individuals or companies linked to certain parties.

Yusuf additionally cited the state budget allocated to education as another potential source of income for campaigns.

Responding to the PPATK, KPU commissioner Sigit Pamungkas said his institution would be unable to fulfill the former's demand as an internal regulation of his institution exempted party members from providing information on their bank accounts.

"Our regulation says that only political parties are required to submit their financial reports," Sigit said, referring to KPU Regulation No. 17/2012 on campaign funds.

Sigit added that parties would usually differentiate their budget from the money they would use to fund campaigns.

Surveys & opinion polls

PDI-P leads polls as election nears

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – The latest political surveys have placed the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) as the most electable party in the country's upcoming legislative election.

The country's biggest opposition party, which was ranked third after the ruling Democratic Party (PD) and the Golkar Party in early 2012, is now leading the pack, with many pollsters attributing its rising popularity to scandals hitting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's party and the meteoric rise of PDI-P politician and Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

Based on its analysis of 30 opinion polls on political parties' electability in 2013, the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) forecast the PDI-P would garner 17.40 percent of the popular vote, trailed by Golkar with 17.01 percent and the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party with 10.51 percent.

The pollster said the party would gain even more votes if the Jokowi factor was included in the equation. It predicted the PDI-P would gain 27.4 percent of the popular vote if it nominated Jokowi before the legislative election in April.

Golkar, currently the biggest ally of President Yudhoyono, would be in second place with 17.2 percent, followed by Gerindra with 9 percent. "The PDI-P's electability will rise significantly if it nominates Jokowi before April," SSS executive director Ari Nurcahyo said.

The study showed the electability of all 11 other parties vying for legislative seats depended on whether Jokowi ran for president, Ari said.

"Even the number of respondents who said they did not yet have a preferred party increased from 22.7 percent in the first scenario [Jokowi nominated] to 23.3 percent in the second scenario [Jokowi not nominated]," he added.

On Wednesday, Indo Barometer named the PDI-P as the most preferred party of voters aged between 17 and 30. The pollster, which surveyed 1,200 respondents across 33 provinces, put the party on top with 18.8 percent, followed by Golkar (12.9 percent) and Gerindra (8.2 percent).

"Respondents said they would vote for the PDI-P as they considered the party down to earth; clean from corruption, collusion and nepotism; as well as having a good performance, program, vision and mission," Indo Barometer executive director M. Qodari said.

Last week, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) predicted that the PDI-P would lead the poll with 17.6 percent. According to the CSIS survey in February 2012, the party's electability rating was only 7.8 percent, far below PD and Golkar with 12.6 percent and 10.5 percent, respectively.

PDI-P lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari considered the surveys "a message" for the party's chair and former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, who had not openly endorsed the idea of nominating Jokowi for president. "I hope Megawati will respond to the latest developments wisely," she said.

The PDI-P's internal power struggles are believed to be the major factor why it has not yet named Jokowi its presidential candidate. The party has officially given the power to name its candidate solely to Megawati, who is rumored to want to mount another run for the presidency.

The PDI-P's domination in surveys began around the middle of this year. Analysts believe the party's electability skyrocketed mainly because of the so-called "Jokowi Effect".

Months after Jokowi surprised many by beating former Jakarta governor Fauzi Bowo of Yudhoyono's PD in the Jakarta gubernatorial election in September last year, he pleased the citizens of the capital with his low-profile style of leadership and impromptu visits (blusukan) to public offices and villages.

Observers began speaking of "Jokowi for president", a message that received a positive public response and brought favor to the PDI-P.

Other factors include the plunging electability of the ruling PD, which was believed to be affected by the fall of Yudhoyono's job approval rating and revelations of numerous graft cases implicating the President's inner circle and the party's top members.

Another party also suffering from its members being involved in graft cases is the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Besides the PDI-P, Golkar is also believed to have gained slightly from the fall of the PD and the PKS, even though its chairman Aburizal Bakrie, Golkar's presidential candidate, is considered far less electable than Jokowi.

Many Indonesians think vote-buying 'acceptable': Poll

Agence France Presse - December 13, 2013

More than 40 percent of Indonesian voters consider politicians seeking to buy support at elections acceptable, a survey showed Friday, months before national polls in the graft-ridden country.

In what it described as an "alarming" survey, Jakarta-based pollster Indikator found that 41.5 percent of 15,600 people interviewed did not have a problem accepting cash or a gift from would-be lawmakers.

This compared to 57.9 percent who thought vote-buying was unacceptable, according to the survey. A tiny fraction were undecided on the matter.

However doling out money does not guarantee victory for a candidate, the poll showed – more than 55 percent quizzed said they would accept the cash but not necessarily vote for the person giving it.

The survey "shows our democracy is at an alarming stage as vote-buying at the grassroots has been found to be very high," the pollster's executive director Burhanuddin Muhtadi told AFP. "This will threaten the country's democracy."

The survey, conducted in 39 electoral districts between September and October, found that voters who lived in rural areas were more tolerant of vote-buying than those in urban areas.

Legislative elections in the sprawling archipelago of around 250 million people will take place in April, followed by presidential polls in July.

Indonesia is ranked 114th out of 177 countries and territories in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. A number one ranking means the least corrupt.

Voters have no problem with vote-buying: Survey

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – The results of a public opinion poll released on Thursday revealed that a significant portion of voters had no problem accepting money in return for their vote.

Jakarta-based pollster Indikator found that 41.5 percent of 15,600 respondents interviewed in 39 electoral districts considered vote-buying an acceptable part of democracy.

Indikator revealed that 28.7 percent of the respondents said they would vote for candidates who gave them money; 10.3 percent would vote for candidates who distributed the largest amount of cash; while 55.7 percent would accept the money but still vote for their preferred candidate.

Only 4.3 percent of the respondents said they would not accept payment for their vote.

"This is really alarming for our democracy. Political parties have failed to embrace voters, who then choose to have a transactional relationship with any political party that will give them money," Indikator executive director Burhanuddin Muhtadi said in a press briefing in Jakarta on Thursday.

Indikator interviewed 400 eligible voters in each electoral district selected for the survey from September to October.

The survey also found that voters' education and income played significant roles in their attitude toward vote-buying.

"Around 46 percent of voters who only graduated from elementary school consider vote-buying acceptable; as does 42 percent who graduated from junior high school; 36 percent who graduated from high school; and only 21 percent who graduated from university," Burhanuddin said.

The survey found that as income rose, voters tended to shun vote-buying. "Around 47 percent of respondents who earn less than Rp 1 million [US$83] per month consider vote-buying acceptable. For those who earn Rp 1 million to Rp 2 million, the figure is 38; and 29 percent for those who earn more than Rp 2 million," he said.

A different survey that Indikator conducted in March found that 41.7 percent would accept money from more than one political party in the lead- up to the 2014 general election.

Of the 1,200 eligible voters across Indonesia chosen randomly and interviewed by Indikator between March 22 and 26, 16.8 percent said they had accepted money from political candidates.

More than 80 percent of the respondents said they had never experienced attempts of vote-buying.

Burhanuddin said that exposure to news on vote-buying had also influenced voters' behavior in regard to the practice.

"Some 55 percent of respondents who had witnessed and knew about vote- buying in their neighborhood said they would accept money from parties during election years. Meanwhile, only 39 percent of respondents who had no experience with the practice said they would not take money from political parties," he said.

Responding to the findings, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo said that the relaxed attitude did not mean that voter behavior could be generalized.

"Voters' pragmatism can't be generalized because in a number of cases it only happened in particular regions. We have around 14 percent of loyal voters who will always support our party whoever the party endorses [as legislative candidates and presidential candidates]. These are people who can't be targeted in a vote-buying spree," he said.

Analysts have blamed rampant vote-buying at election time on voter apathy, saying that cash payments were likely to be a deciding factor in the 2014 general election.

Environment & natural disasters

17 companies rapped for polluting the environment

Jakarta Post - December 11, 2013

Nadya Natahadibrata, Jakarta – The Environment Ministry has issued 17 firms with so-called "black labels" for polluting the environment and failing to meet environmental standards set by the ministry for the 2012- 2013 Environment Management Performance Ranking Program (Proper).

Among the 17 firms are diesel power stations (PLTD) and coal-fired steam power plants (PLTU) owned by state-owned electricity company PT PLN, as well as the five-star Sultan Hotel in Central Jakarta.

The ministry found the 17 firms failed to monitor or carry out toxic waste processing.

"We will run an investigation into these companies, along with 33 others that have been issued with red labels for two consecutive years," Sudariyono, the ministry's deputy on environmental law management, told reporters on Tuesday.

Sudariyono said the ministry would force the firms to start working to improve their records. "Companies failing to comply will be dealt with," he said.

Sudariyono also said the ministry was now formulating a new regulation that would force errant companies to pay fines, which will be included as non- tax state revenues (PNPB).

The ministry has five classifications in its assessment; gold, green, blue, red and black. Red is given to companies that do not follow environmental standards, while black is for companies that destroy the environment, either deliberately or unintentionally.

Gold is the highest ranking and is awarded to companies that can maintain good waste disposal practices for a minimum of three consecutive years. The ministry awarded a gold label to 12 companies, including state-owned coal miner PT Bukit Asam, liquefied natural gas (LNG) producer PT Badak NGL and Chevron Geothermal Indonesia. PLN spokesperson Bambang Dwiyono declined to comment on the ministry's assessment, saying the company was still studying the report.

Contacted separately, Sultan Hotel general manager I Nyoman Sarya, said the ministry had not yet informed his company about its survey. He said the hotel management would discuss the issue internally before responding.

"Our hotel was opened in 1976 and it undoubtedly has sewage treatment plant, but we've never dumped our toxic water," he told The Jakarta Post. He said the hotel had won awards for being environmentally friendly. "We were awarded the Indonesian Tourism and Travel Award as the leading green hotel in 2011," he said.

Last year, the ministry issued 79 companies with a black label, with four of them currently facing criminal charges, three no longer operational and the rest being required to rehabilitate the environment.

This year, the ministry surveyed 1,812 companies in manufacturing, mining, energy and petroleum, agro industry and services, with 611 issued with red labels, 1,039 companies with blue labels, 113 companies with green labels and 12 with gold.

Health & education

House rejects health minister's request to drop tobacco bill

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Nadya Natahadibrata, Jakarta – The House of Representative's Legislative Body (Baleg) has rejected the Health Ministry's demand that it halt deliberations on the controversial tobacco bill, which was allegedly devised to protect giant cigarette companies.

During a hearing at the House on Thursday, Health Minister Nafsiah Mboi urged Baleg to immediately revoke the bill, saying that after reading the draft of the legislation that she obtained it was clear that it was made to protect the tobacco industry.

"The bill should be scrapped as it contradicts the basic human right of having the highest standard of healthy living," Nafsiah said on Thursday.

"If the bill was indeed proposed to protect farmers from imports, then why does it only deal with tobacco? Why not draft a bill that protect farmers from all imported commodities?"

Baleg member and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker Indra quickly responded to the minister's statement, saying the minister was jumping the gun by making such an accusation.

"The draft that was received by the Health Ministry was not created by the House's legislative body," Indra said during the hearing on Thursday. "Frankly, we haven't even decided on the name of the bill, let alone written a draft," he said.

Indra called into question the draft that was discussed by the minister, suggesting that the ministry might have obtained a fake document. "We want to gather as much as information from government officials as well as the public before drafting the bill," Indra told The Jakarta Post after the hearing.

Baleg deputy chairman Abdul Kadir Karding said that the minister's statement urging the termination of the prospective bill was insensitive. "Our plan is to protect the farmers, as well as our heritage tobacco plants. So, even though it is her job to ensure the health of the country's citizens, she really should take other things into consideration," Abdul said.

Abdul said that the bill would focus on controlling the import of tobacco and increasing the cigarette levy.

Nafsiah said that she received the draft from the Baleg secretariat through the ministry's communications department. "I reject the bill based on the draft that we obtained. If they said I obtained an illegal document, then whatever I said during the hearing is no longer valid now," Nafsiah told reporters after the hearing.

In 2009, House Commission IX on health and welfare affairs proposed a bill on the impact of tobacco products. Baleg rejected the bill, citing the major socioeconomic implications of the bill for many citizens, particularly tobacco farmers.

In December last year, Baleg announce that a tobacco bill that aimed to improve the welfare of tobacco farmers, would be one of 12 new pieces of legislation to be deliberated in the 2013 National legislative program (Prolegnas).

Some lawmakers, health experts and the activists have said that the hurried inclusion of the bill on the House's backlogged agenda might have been a result of lobbying from giant cigarette companies.

A few weeks ago, the body held a similar meeting with representatives from tobacco companies that urged the House to expedite its deliberation of the bill, given that the ministry aimed to accede to the UN Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) to fight rampant smoking in the country.

Foreign universities may operate in Indonesia: MK

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Jakarta – The Constitutional Court has rejected a judicial review submitted by six students from Padang-based Andalas University to challenge the 2012 higher education law that legalizes the presence of foreign universities in the country.

The panel of judges ruled that the existence of foreign universities would not lead to an increase in the cost of higher education, as the plaintiffs had argued. The court said that all foreign universities would have to obey the law in the country and cooperate with local universities.

"Permission to establish an educational institution would be granted selectively, with a few considerations on areas and programs that are offered," Justice Arief Hidayat said on Thursday.

The Higher Education Law, which gives universities from around the world the chance to open branches in the country, was feared to encourage local universities to become profit-oriented.

Joko defends English-free primary school curriculum

Jakarta Globe - December 12, 2013

Lenny Tristia Tambun – The Jakarta administration has backed the Education Ministry's controversial new curriculum that scraps English classes, computer studies and physical education as mandatory courses in primary schools.

Governor Joko Widodo said on Wednesday that it was important for primary schools to focus more on the Indonesian language to help nurture students' sense of nationalism. "I support the plan. It's better to offer the English classes at the junior and senior high school level," he said.

Under the new curriculum, which went into effect for a limited number of schools for the 2013-2014 academic year that began in May, the three subjects are no longer part of the required stream for primary school students, but are still available as extracurricular activities.

English classes are being phased out gradually. This year, they have been scrapped for students in grades one to three; in the 2014-2015 school year they will be phased out for students in the fourth grade; and in the 2015- 2016 school year they will no longer be on the curriculum for students in grades five and six.

Joko said students should be taught from an early age to appreciate Indonesian language and culture.

"I agree that the Indonesian language should be prioritized. English should be offered when [students enter] junior high school," he said. "But I think that for elementary school, it's better [to offer] Indonesian language and local educational content."

Joko's deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, also welcomed the increased emphasis on Indonesian language and culture, but said English classes should not be forsaken altogether. "I agree that English shouldn't be forced on the students. It used to be forced, but now that's no longer the case," he said.

"What's important, though, is that English classes should still be retained. It should still be taught, but students should be allowed to choose whether they want to take it. This is not a matter of lowering priorities. Students can study German or Japanese if they want. That's not a problem; it's just a matter of options."

The new curriculum has drawn widespread criticism from teachers, parents' groups and education observers, who warn that it risks churning out a generation of young people less capable than previous generations of competing on the global level.

The new curriculum's shift toward "softer" subjects like Islamic studies, civics and culture, at the expense of English, computers and science in some schools, has been the critics' focal point, although the Education Ministry counters that the number of subjects that primary school students were learning needed to be distilled down and given a more local spin.

The ministry also says the subjects have not been scrapped completely, and that students who wish to study them can still do so after school hours.

Education authorities in several regions have refused to implement the new curriculum, with fewer than 6,400 out of more than 148,000 primary schools nationwide adopting the new syllabus.

NGO reports increased corruption in education sector

Jakarta Post - December 10, 2013

Kusumasari Ayuningtyas, Surakarta – Research commissioned by the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) since the National Education System Law came in to effect in 2003 revealed an increasing trend of corruption in education over the last decade.

The watchdog's observations were based on printed and online media as well as from Indonesia's civil society network. It found 296 corruption cases, which had caused losses totaling Rp 619 billion (US$51.7 million) to the state, had been prosecuted.

"It can be said that budget irregularities occur in six out of ten schools in Indonesia," said Febri Hendri from the ICW's public service monitoring division.

He disclosed the results during a focus group discussion held by Yayasan Satu Karsa Karya (YSKK) in Surakarta, Sunday.

Embezzlement was the most common "method of operation". Hendri said 106 of the total 296 cases were embezzlement.

Around 50 percent of the cases featured the embezzlement of the School Operational Assistance (BOS) funds and Special Allocation Fund (DAK).

Meanwhile, the Education Agency at regency and municipality levels was ranked as having the highest level of corruption in the education sector. Of 296 cases, 151 cases were found in the Education Agency while the remainder took place in the Education and Culture Ministry.

In 2013, only 16 corruption cases had been prosecuted but financial losses amounted to Rp 121.2 billion, much higher than in 2008, when 72 cases only caused Rp 143.7 billion in losses to the state. (ebf)

Marriage & polygamy

Children of unregistered marriages see rights restored

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

Ina Parlina, Jakarta – Children born to couples in unregistered marriages, known as nikah siri, will now be able to have the names of their fathers recorded on their birth certificates and demand inheritance rights as stipulated under the new Civil Administration Law.

In an amendment to the 2006 Civil Administration Law, endorsed last month, the government and the House of Representatives agreed to scrap a clause in the law saying that only children born to couples in registered marriages could have birth certificates and needed be recognized by their legal fathers. The Home Ministry is currently drafting a regulation to implement the new policy.

"The newly enacted law orders the recognition of children born of a religious marriage that may not have been registered as a civil marriage," Home Ministry spokesman Restuardy Daud said over the phone on Wednesday.

"With such recognition, a child born of nikah siri has a civil relationship with the father. It means, of course, they can have their civil rights, including inheritance."

He said the regulation would be completed soon. The law sets a one-year deadline for the government to issue the regulation.

Calls for recognition of children born of out of wedlock and unregistered marriages came after the Constitutional Court ruled last year that the civil rights of children born out of wedlock should be recognized by their biological fathers.

Judges at the court made their decision in response to a judicial review filed by dangdut singer Machica Mochtar to overturn the 1974 Marriage Law, which stipulates that only mothers and their immediate family bear responsibility for children born out of wedlock.

The 1974 Marriage Law deemed children born from a nikah siri as born out of wedlock and grouped with children born out of adultery, infidelity or cohabitation. Restuardy made it clear that the policy only applied to children born from a religious or civil marriage and not from adultery or cohabitation.

Machica had an unregistered marriage with Moerdiono, a former minister of the New Order era. The 42-year-old singer filed the review to uphold the civil rights of her 16-year-old son, who was fathered by Moerdiono.

The ruling also ordered the amendment of the Marriage Law to include provisions for civil relationships with fathers that could be established using science and technology, witness testimony or other evidence recognized by the country's legal system.

The National Child Protection Commission (KPAI) estimated that 50 percent of Indonesian children did not have birth certificates, due to various reasons including unregistered marriages. The National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas PA) chair Arist Merdeka Sirait said he lauded the move.

"I have learned about [the revised law]. This recognition is a breakthrough for our children. Such recognition, such civil rights, are a child's fundamental rights. Other rights, for example, education, will not be easier to obtain" he said. "It is also good for their state of mind."

KPAI deputy chairwoman Latifah Iskandar, however, said her office had yet to be informed about the new recognition. Yet, she said, the government through the Home Minsitry, should abide by the court's ruling.

Graft & corruption

Religious minister defends wedding-vow gratuities

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali has defended the practice of giving "thank-you money" to Religious Affairs Office (KUA) officials, saying that it has become "a tradition" and should not be categorized as a form of gratuity.

The minister made the statement on Thursday following reports that KUA officials were planning a strike after one of their colleagues in Kediri, East Java, was charged with graft for demanding Rp 10,000 (83 US cents) as an administration fee for each marriage he registered.

They said they would not register marriages outside their offices or working hours because there was no guarantee they would not be criminally charged with demanding additional fees from newlyweds for doing so, republika.co.id reported.

According to Suryadharma, there is nothing wrong with accepting the money since most of the KUA officials have to accommodate couples who want to get married outside working hours and outside KUA offices. Ministry data shows 94 percent of weddings were registered outside KUA offices.

"What people have to know is that when KUA officials work outside their offices, the government does not provide transportation money for them," he said.

Suryadharma said that most couples like to have their weddings registered outside working hours as they wanted to match their wedding date and time with superstitious beliefs.

Sometimes KUA officials also have to pay wedding expenses with their own money. "He [the official] wears a batik shirt or a suit with laundry bills of up to Rp 100,000," he said.

He also insisted the practice was appropriate because it had become a tradition. "For example in my village, a mantri [village doctor who performs circumcision] after performing a circumcision will be given bekakak [baked chicken], dodol [rice, coconut milk and palm sugar], rengginang [rice crackers] and bananas to take home," he said.

He explained that the officials not only performed an administrative task but also had a religious and cultural role. "Therefore, it's normal for the married couple to give thank-you gifts [of money]," he said.

The ministry and the House of Representatives' Commission VIII overseeing religious affairs held a meeting on Thursday to discuss the matter and decided that there should be a regulation to protect KUA officials.

The House also suggested the ministry should coordinate with law enforcers, such as the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the police and the Attorney General's Office (AGO), to formulate the new regulation.

KPK spokesperson Johan Budi, however, said on Friday that it was clear that the "thank-you money" for KUA officials was a form of gratuity.

He said it was unnecessary to devise a new regulation as it was clearly stipulated in the 2001 Corruption Law that a state official was not allowed to accept any form of gratuity, including transportation money. "It's not permitted to make a regulation which contravenes existing law," he said.

Johan added that every form of gratuity accepted by state officials had to be reported to the KPK. "They [KUA officials] should have declined [the money]," he said.

Last year, the inspector general of the Religious Affairs Ministry M. Jasin, a former deputy chairman of the KPK, revealed that officials regularly asked for cash from couples wanting to register their marriages.

Jasin said that the KUA charged a couple Rp 30,000 as an administrative fee to record the vow, but on many occasions administrators demanded Rp 500,000, which could amount to Rp 1.2 trillion per year being swindled in wedding-vow registration.

Police chief 'visits' KPK amid fresh graft allegation

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – National Police chief Gen. Sutarman made a visit to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) headquarters on Thursday, only days after a dossier from the antigraft body had revealed his alleged role in the Hambalang graft case.

A KPK case dossier on Sylvia Sholeha, also known as Ibu Pur, a close friend of First Lady Ani Yudhoyono, detailed the roles of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cousin, Widodo Wisnu Sayoko, and Sutarman, who in September was the President's sole choice for the top police post.

According to the document, Sylvia told KPK investigators that in 2010 she had asked Sutarman, who was then the Jakarta Police chief, to protect the Youth and Sports Ministry from the threat of NGOs that opposed the construction of the Hambalang sports complex in West Java.

KPK spokesperson Johan Budi said, however, that Sutarman's visit to the antigraft body's headquarters was not in connection with the allegations, but rather just a courtesy call to introduce newly installed high-ranking police officials.

Johan said that in their meeting with the KPK leadership, Sutarman did not discuss issues related to graft cases and instead focused on how to build synergy between the two institutions.

"We have started talking about [forming] a joint team, and about strengthening [both institutions] as well. If the KPK handled cases in regions where there is a shortage of investigators, then those cases could be reported to the police or to the Attorney General's Office," he said.

Newly appointed National Police criminal investigations division (Bareskrim) chief Comr. Gen. Suhardi Alius, who also attended the meeting at the KPK headquarters, said that the National Police and the KPK had made a pledge to work together to fight corruption.

"We will join hands in combating corruption in the country," he said.

The relationship between the two institutions reached a new low last year, when the police fought the KPK's investigation into the driving simulator procurement graft case, in which the KPK named then National Police Traffic Corps (Korlantas) chief Insp. Gen. Djoko Susilo a suspect.

Sutarman, who was known to have opposed the KPK's move to prosecute Djoko, openly challenged the KPK investigation.

Many believed that Sutarman was behind a police "raid" on KPK headquarters aimed at arresting Comr. Novel Baswedan, a KPK investigator who spearheaded the arrest of Djoko.

Sutarman, then Bareskrim chief, denied that the operation was a raid, saying that the police were just trying to coordinate with KPK investigators regarding a murder case that allegedly involved Novel.

Johan said the Thursday meeting was brief. He also said that Sutarman entered and exited the KPK headquarters through the back door.

Suhardi, meanwhile, entered and left the building through the front door, prompting speculation that Sutarman was trying to avoid reporters wanting to question him on his alleged role in the Hambalang project graft case.

Johan said that there was nothing unusual about Sutarman leaving through the back door. "A lot of guests use the back door," he said.

PKS ministers defend Lufthi's beef sentence

Jakarta Globe - December 12, 2013

Ezra Sihite & Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Government ministers from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have criticized the Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court's decision to sentence disgraced former party president Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq to 16 years in jail for his part in a beef-import scandal.

Luthfi, from the party known as the PKS, was on Monday was found guilty of receiving bribes from meat wholesaler Indoguna Utama to company to convince the Agriculture Ministry to award it the permit to import an additional 8,000 tons of beef earlier this year.

Social Affairs Minister Salim Segaf Al Jufri, also from the PKS, said on Tuesday that it was unfair that Luthfi received a longer sentence than his former aide, Ahmad Fathanah, who received 14 years.

"In my opinion it's too harsh because Fathanah was the mastermind, where everything started, and who even received the money," said Salim, who is 3also a member of the party's board of advisers.

Communications and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring also said the sentence was too harsh, and sought to play down the involvement of his fellow party member, adding that Luthfi would appeal the verdict. "Based on the court's findings, Luthfi did not receive the money directly from Indoguna," Tifatul said.

But the minister acknowledged that the sentence should serve as a lesson for other party members. "They should watch [what they are doing], and should not even think about doing the same," Tifatul said. He added that his party would respect the judges' decision.

Former PKS president Hidayat Nur Wahid also criticized the verdict. "This will help unify the PKS because we have been treated unfairly," Hidayat was quoted as saying by Kompas.com on Tuesday. "The law was presented without taking into consideration all the legal facts."

Hidayat said that PKS members who used to look up to Luthfi would only be encouraged to campaign harder. "We will prove that the PKS is not involved and that the parties involved in corruption have been treated unfairly," he said.

Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto said he was happy with the court's 16-year verdict. "Comparing Luthfi's and Fathanah's sentences, I think Luthfi's should be higher," he said.

Bambang said that the verdict was interesting because the panel of judges found Luthfi guilty on charges of both corruption and money laundering.

Meanwhile, Al Muzzammil Yusuf, the PKS deputy chairman of the House of Representatives' Commission III, overseeing legal affairs, called for greater sentencing consistency and suggested that the Anti-Corruption Court choose the same judges to hear the Hambalang sports center case and Bank Century bailout case as had been used in the beef import trial.

Al Muzzammil said that if state losses of Rp 1.3 billion ($109,300) in the beef case could result in a 16-year prison sentence, then the punishment for the Hambalang and Century cases should be longer – given the relatively larger sums of taxpayer money that were involved.

"Let's compare Lutfhi's verdict with several other graft convicts who were sentenced by the Anti-Corruption Court," he said, going on to name a number of high-profile cases for which sentencing, in his view, had been too lenient.

Al Muzzammil cited several former lawmakers and officials, including former Democratic Party legislator Angelina Sondakh, who was sentenced to 12 years, despite, he claimed, costing the state Rp 32 billion in losses after being found guilty of bid-rigging Education Ministry projects; former House Budget Committee member Wa Ode Nurhayati, who was sentenced to six years for her part in a Rp 6.25 billion bribery case; former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, who received seven years for bid-rigging Southeast Asian Games construction contracts that cost the state Rp 4.6 billion; and former traffic police chief Djoko Susilo, who was sentenced to 10 years after bid-rigging a driving simulator contract that cost the taxpayer Rp 54 billion.

"The public should question the consistency of the Anti-Corruption Court's judges," Al Muzzammil said.

Luthfi was convicted after a marathon four-hour reading of the verdict at the Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court on Monday. In addition to the long sentence, the court also ordered him to pay Rp 1 billion in fines or serve an extra one year in prison. The sentence was lower than the 18 years in prison and Rp 1.5 billion in fines sought by KPK prosecutors.

"We declare Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq legally and convincingly guilty of conspiring in corruption crime and money laundering," said Judge Gusrizal Lubis.

Indonesia is still ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In its recently published Corruption Perceptions Index, Transparency International ranked Indonesia in 114th place out of 177 countries surveyed.

Fighting corruption an 'endless battle'

Jakarta Globe - December 10, 2013

Ezra Sihite, Ezra Sihite, Novy Lumanauw, Novianti Setuningsih & Arnold Sianturi – Ten years after it was founded, the national antigraft commission remains confident that it is moving in the right direction in fighting the deep-seated corruption in the country.

"God willing, the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission] is still on the right track," Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Abraham Samad saoid on Monday during an event at the State Palace in Jakarta to kick off Anti-Corruption and Human Rights Week.

"We are trying our best to remain careful, professional and independent." Abraham warned that instances of corruption, including bribery, fraud, blackmail and the giving of gifts in exchange for favors, remained rampant in today's society, as evident from the constant revelations in the media.

KPK at work

Since its establishment under former president Megawati Soekarnoputri in 2003, the KPK has received a total of 70,000 reports from the public of alleged corruption, Abraham said.

"We always make sure thorough analysis is conducted in responding to these public reports. There is a large amount of public trust and hope imposed on us to put serious efforts into eradicating corruption," he said.

He added that the institution had continued to receive plaudits and recognition from the public and from other institutions over the years.

"In August this year, we received an international award, the Ramon Magsaysay Award, because we are deemed as having been successful in promoting anti-corruption values in Indonesia," he said.

Abraham also said that the KPK would remain independent and would not allow anyone to interfere in its investigation process.

"The KPK will not and cannot be influenced by anyone," Abraham said, adding that the KPK would continue to uphold its professionalism. "The KPK also cannot be forced in making arrests, explaining why one suspect is arrested and another is not."

The KPK has embarked on a series of high-profile investigations this year, claiming arguably some of its biggest scalps in its relatively short history.

In August, KPK investigators arrested Rudi Rubiandini, the head of SKKMigas, the national upstream oil and gas regulator, for allegedly taking a bribe from a representative of a Singapore-based oil trading company.

In October, the KPK arrested Akil Mochtar, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, who also allegedly accepted bribes in connection with two regional election disputes being heard by the court. The KPK is now looking into the possibility that he took bribes in even more cases.

The antigraft body this year also detained Andi Mallarangeng, the former sports minister, who was named a suspect in December last year in connection with massive corruption in a project to build a sports center in Hambalang, Bogor.

Anas Urbaningrum, the former Democratic Party chairman, was named a suspect in the same case earlier this year.

Poor perception

Antigraft watchdogs have hailed the KPK's performance, but note that the country has a long way to go to eradicate corruption.

"This anti-corruption day has a double meaning for Indonesia," said Tama Satrya Langkun, a researcher with Indonesia Corruption Watch.

"It is a day of sympathy for anti-corruption issues and a day of joy for the corrupt people, because there are at least 12 points that can be categorized as efforts to discredit the fight against corruption."

ICW says the 12 points include the major corruption cases that have yet to be resolved, such as the Hambalang case and the 2008 bailout of Bank Century.

It also noted that there were still a total of 40 individuals involved in corruption on the run in Indonesia and abroad who had yet to be brought to court.

"The names of these individuals are not included on the Supreme Court's official website, which only features a total of seven fugitives. This puts the Supreme Court's performance in question," Tama said.

Indonesia also ranks as one of the most corrupt nations in the world, coming in at 114 out of a total of 177 countries, according to Transparency International's 2013 Corruption Perceptions Index.

KPK deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto, during an event on Monday to break ground for the KPK's new headquarters in South Jakarta, said there had been an increasing number of corruption cases from the private sector this year.

"In the KPK's records, individuals who are corrupt are not just government officials. This year, 44 percent of corruption actors are from the private sector," he said, adding that corruption was an issue closely related to economic crime, and therefore often involved individuals from various corporations in the country.

As for prospects next year, Bambang said issues of corruption may still surface from the procurement of facilities and services in the government, further supported by weak control over institutions of authority.

The upcoming general elections will also trigger more cases of corruption, he warned.

"This year is the final year for political preparations. Political funds are expensive, and at the same time the system is not strong enough to minimize the need for such funds, thus resulting in more incidents of corruption," Bambang said.

Back at the State Palace, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphasized that fighting corruption would remain the nation's "unfinished agenda" and a "never-ending goal."

"Let's not hope that in five or 10 years' time Indonesia will be clean from corruption. Corruption eradication is something we will have to continue doing." Yudhoyono said, calling graft a threat to national security.

"Corruption prevention and eradication is an endless battle," he added.

KPK breaks ground on new headquarters after years of waiting

Jakarta Globe - December 9, 2013

Novianti Setuningsih – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) broke ground on its new Rp 215 billion ($17.9 million) headquarters on Monday in a ceremony that both commemorated international Anti-Corruption Day and ended a years-long standoff with lawmakers over the popular construction project.

"We picked to do this on the Anti-Corruption Day, as part of the commemorations," KPK deputy chief Bambang Widjojanto said. "We intentionally decided to start this year because next year is a political year."

The new building will replace the KPK's ageing headquarters on Jalan HR Rasuna Said, in Kuningan, South Jakarta, with a 16-story building on Jalan Gembira, in Guntur, South Jakarta. Construction will take three years to complete, Bambang said, and is scheduled to be completed in 2015.

The headquarters will be built on a 8,381-square-meter plot of land on Jalan Gembira in Guntur, South Jakarta, and will include enough detention cells to hold 50 corruption suspects at a given time as well as new office space for the KPK's growing staff.

The old building will be used as a training center for new recruits, Bambang said.

Lawmakers at the House of Representatives held the project in limbo for nearly four years with their refusal to approve the budget appropriation. The budget was originally submitted in 2008 when the KPK first started to complain of overcrowding and deteriorating conditions at the current building.

The public threw their weight behind the KPK as the project stalled, launching the "Coins for the KPK" campaign and collecting nearly Rp 403.6 million in donations to help fund the construction of a new headquarters.

The House approved the budget last year, awarding the tender to three companies – Pandu Persada, Artefak and Hutama Karya. The companies are in negotiations with a remaining homeowner on the plot of land in Guntur.

Document details roles of people close to President in Hambalang case

Jakarta Post - December 9, 2013

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – As the ruling Democratic Party complains about the many graft allegations leveled against it, a classified document detailing the roles of those close to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the Hambalang graft case has circulated among journalists.

The document is purported to be a Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) case dossier for Sylvia Sholehah, also known as Ibu Pur, a close friend of First Lady Ani Yudhoyono. The document, a copy of which was obtained by The Jakarta Post, detailed the roles of Ibu Pur and Widodo Wisnu Sayoko, an alleged cousin of the President, and National Police Chief Gen. Sutarman, who in September was nominated by Yudhoyono as the sole candidate for the top police post.

According to the document, Sylvia told KPK investigators that in 2010 she had asked Sutarman, who was then the Jakarta Police chief, to protect the Youth and Sports Ministry from the threats of NGOs that opposed the construction of the Hambalang sports complex in West Java.

Sylvia said she had been asked by Widodo to get Sutarman's help. "I called the wife of Jakarta Police Chief Pak Sutarman. Her name is Dik Ely," she said in the dossier.

According to the dossier, Sutarman's wife then arranged a meeting between him, Sylvia, Widodo and Deddy Kusdinar, who was then the chief of financial and internal affairs at the ministry, at the Jakarta Police headquarters. Deddy is now standing trial for his alleged roles in the Hambalang graft case.

During the meeting, Widodo and Dedy told Sutarman that the ministry had received a threatening letter. "At the end of the meeting, I heard Pak Sutarman instruct his subordinate to go to the ministry's office soon. Then we said goodbye," Sylvia said.

Sutarman admitted that he knew Sylvia but denied his involvement in the Hambalang project. "I have nothing to do with Hambalang," he said.

According to the dossier, Sylvia allegedly used her influence to help the Youth and Sports Ministry get the approval from the Finance Ministry to transform the Hambalang project from a modest single-year plan into a multi-year one.

She allegedly approached Sudarto, then an official with the Finance Ministry's budget department, to ask about the development of the project. During a recent hearing in Deddy's trial, Widodo testified that he and Sylvia had met with Sudarto in 2010.

She said she first met Widodo during a visit with Eyang Habibah, Yudhoyono's mother. She said that Widodo's mother was the younger sister of Eyang Habibah.

Further adding fuel to the allegations that Sylvia is close to the First Family, the dossier said that she had sent text messages to the First Lady.

In the text messages, Sylvia told Ani that she was afraid Andi Mallarangeng was angry at her as she had failed to tell him about her efforts to use her influence to help a friend of her sister-in-law secure a furniture procurement tender at the Youth and Sports Ministry. "Ibu Pur, don't play games with officials or you will get into trouble," Ibu Pur said quoting Ani.

Presidential Secretariat head Nanang Djuana Priyadi has confirmed that Ibu Pur was a good friend of both President Yudhoyono and First Lady Ani Yudhoyono.

The Palace, however, has denied that Ibu Pur was part of the President's inner circle. The KPK said it could not confirm if the document was authentic or not.

Hard-line & vigilante groups

FPI member to serve 2 years for manslaughter

Jakarta Globe - December 12, 2013

The Semarang District Court handed down a two-year prison term on Thursday to an Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) member who killed a woman with his car during a violent confrontation in Central Java on July 18.

"The defendant is sentenced to serve two years in prison and pay a Rp 1 million [$83] fine or serve an extra month in prison," said presiding judge Fathul Bari, according to Indonesian news portal Tribunnnews.com. Prosecutors had demanded three years in prison.

The defendant, Sony Haryono, was found guilty of manslaughter under Indonesia's traffic law.

The incident occurred after the FPI forced the closure of a number of "entertainment venues" in the Sukorejo subdistrict. Local residents began to fight back, despite the presence of police. The FPI members were outnumbered and Sony hit the victim, Tri Munarti – who was on a motorcycle with her husband, Yulianto – when he was driving away in a panic.

Ihwan Tuankotta, Sony's lawyer, said his client accepted the sentence. Prosecutor Fikfik Zulrofik said he was still mulling over the ruling.

Seven suspects were named by police in the wake of the incident, and five have been convicted so far. Two FPI members, Satrio Yuwono, 22, and Bayu Agung Wicaksono, 22, were found to have breached a 1951 law on carrying weapons when they were arrested holding a machete and a samurai sword. They each received four-month sentences.

Two Sukorejo residents, Paedo Gogikularimah and Agus Riadi, each received five months in prison and a Rp 2,500 fine for damaging an FPI car during the clash.

Freedom of religion & worship

Basuki rejects faith status on IDs

Jakarta Globe - December 14, 2013

Lenny Tristia Tambun – Jakarta Deputy Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama has spoken out against the requirement for a religion to be noted on national identification cards.

"In other parts of the world, [such as] Malaysia, there is no column [on ID cards] for a religion. And Malaysia is a country with a very strong [tradition of] religion," said Basuki at City Hall on Friday.

The former East Belitung district head said he opposed the inclusion of a religion column on national ID cards for any reason, saying it was unimportant. The practice discriminates against citizens who do not participate in state-sanctioned religions, but are forced to declare one against their beliefs in order to gain an ID card.

He described as absurd the argument that religion should be included on ID cards, known as KTP, for the purpose of burying the dead in accordance with their respective religions.

"In my personal opinion, I oppose it, it's not important. What do you need to write down your religion on your ID card for? I just laugh at an argument which says it is needed to bury someone in accordance with their religion. What if you die in an airplane [crash]? Police have found many bodies that had no ID cards, how do you bury them?" he said.

Basuki said he considered Malaysia, which adopts strict regulations on religion in its laws, as more progressive than Indonesia in some regards.

"My question is simple, is Malaysia less religious than us? Malaysia doesn't even have a Religious Affairs Ministry, there's no religion column on its ID card. It's much more advanced than we are," he said.

"Those corruptors should not write down their religion in their ID card," he added, referring to Indonesia's numerous corruption scandals. "It's an embarrassment to their religion if people know what their religion is."

Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said that if it is considered wrong to include the religion column in the ID card, then the lawmakers should revise the law.

Gamawan said that there are six religions acknowledged by the state, and stipulated under a 2006 law on population administration. But some Indonesians are atheist, or adhere to local religious beliefs that aren't included in those six.

"It's okay if you want to increase the number of religions to six or nine as long as it's stipulated under the law," Gamawan said, as quoted by Republika on Friday.

Pluralism figure wins rights award

Jakarta Post - December 11, 2013

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – Muslim intellectual Dawam Rahardjo won the 2013 Yap Thiam Hien human rights award for what the committee described as his "consistent fight to uphold religious equality and pluralism".

The award committee said as this year's theme was "strengthening unity in diversity", Dawam, 71, was the right person to win the award.

The Yap Thiam Hien Award, named in honor of a Chinese-Indonesian human rights activist and former member of the House of Representatives, has been given to scores of figures and institutions that have played a significant role in promoting human rights.

A gala to honor Dawam will be held by the Yap Thiam Hien foundation in the third week of January.

Dawam, who is founder of the Institute for Religious and Philosophy Studies (LSAF), was born in Baluwarti village in Surakarta (Solo) on April 20, 1942. He grew up in a moderate Muslim family and was a member of Indonesia's second largest Islamic organization, Muhammadiyah, before he was expelled for his stance on religious pluralism in 2006.

Dawam, has publicly said that only pluralism would ensure tolerance and peace in this country, which has millions of followers of different religions and faiths.

He also consistently campaigned that violence had no place in religion as it not only tainted religion but also the nation.

In 2011, his name appeared on a list of mail bomb recipients targeted by hardliners. The most recent package was sent to the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) leader Ulil Abshar Abdalla.

The biggest consequence of his actions has been that many people doubt Dawam's faith as a Muslim, an accusation that he has denied, explaining that he had done everything for his love for Islam.

"It is because I am a strong Muslim, I know Islam is a peaceful religion and against violence. I am trying to save my religion from destruction," he told The Jakarta Post in 2011.

The decision to name Dawam winner of this year's award was made by a panel consisting of women's rights activist Saparinah Sadli; pluralism campaigner Siti Musdah Mulia; lawyer and human rights activist Todung Mulya Lubis; ASEAN Foundation executive director Makarim Wibisono; Law Human Rights Ministry director general of human rights Harkristuti Harkrisnowo; founder of the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP) Djohan Effendi; as well as journalists Maria Margaretha Hartiningsih and Wahyu Muryadi.

Panel member Makarim said that Dawam was selected from 60 figures working in fields such as education, politics and human rights.

"His track record made him stand out. Although, he has been on the receiving end of threats and intimidation, he continues to fight for religious freedom," Makarim told the Post.

In 2012, Tempo magazine won the Yap Thiam Hien Award, while in 2011 the foundation named former commissioner of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) Soetandyo Wignjosoebroto winner of the award.

Islamic law & morality

Riau district fires 19 workers for missing mandatory morning prayers

Jakarta Globe - December 13, 2013

Nineteen untenured employees of Riau's Rokan Hulu district government were fired in November because they did not show up to 5 a.m. prayers, a mandatory religious program put in place by the local government.

"Most of those who were fired were men," Heni Widiastuti, the head of the Rokan Hulu human resources department said, as quoted by local media riauterkini.com on Wednesday. "They were fired in mid-November."

On Nov. 8, the Democratic Party district head, Achmad, conducted a surprise inspection of the mosque inside the district's office complex.

The district head issued the requirement three years ago, but the demands on staff did not end at morning prayers on a Friday. Civil servants were required to fast on Mondays and Thursday, attend a Koranic study group on Wednesday evenings and attend 3 p.m. prayers every working day.

One of the fired civil servants, who refused to give his name to Merdeka, said he was surprised to have been fired, given the lack of a formal warning, and disappointed that the fact that he lived far from the office – meaning he would need to sleep at the office every Thursday night – had not been deemed a reasonable excuse for giving it a miss.

"I did not join the morning group prayer, which is mandatory every Friday," said the employee, who had worked at Rokan Hulu for five years. "I was ill, but I forgot to inform my boss."

It appeared on Friday that his pleas had fallen on unsympathetic ears.

"They signed an agreement that said they were ready to be dismissed if they failed to comply with the policy," Heni said.

The 19 employees worked at the Rokan Hulu district secretariat, irrigation agency, culture and tourism agency, mining and energy agency and communication and information agency.

Jakarta & urban life

Home demolition in Taman Burung meets strong resistance

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Jakarta – Despite strong opposition from residents, the destruction of illegal dwellings in Taman Burung Village, Pluit, North Jakarta, went on as planned yesterday.

In an operation run by 1,000 Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) personnel and 100 police and soldiers, three backhoes demolished around 200 residences built on the south side of Pluit Reservoir.

The operation was delayed by around 40 families who refused to leave their homes and move to the Pinus Elok low-cost apartments in East Jakarta, which had been arranged for them by the city administration.

"We do not want to be relocated and we are resisting the demolition," kompas.com quoted a resident as shouting. Satpol PP head Kukuh Hadi Santoso said his side had no alternative but to clear the illegal dwellings, a plan that the residents had been made aware of months ago.

He added that 30 trucks had been mobilized to help transport squatters and their belongings to the low-cost apartments.

A group of residents opposing the resettlement said they would not leave the area until the city administration paid them fair compensation.

"We will stay here and not disperse. We have to defy the relocation," the group's leader told other residents.

Housewives and children, who looked powerless in the face of the security forces, expressed their disappointment with the city administration, saying they had nowhere as their homes had been leveled.

Rosa, 10, was taking care of her 6-month-old younger sister, Aliya, because their parents were busy moving their belongings out of their house.

"We were not informed previously and now this is happening," she said while trying to calm down the crying Aliya.

Zinan, a newborn, was also crying in the hands of her 29-year-old mother Lina, who said that though her family had registered for a low-cost Pinus Elok apartment unit with the city administration, they had yet to receive details about their new living situation.

Lina's husband, Agus Susanti, 33, who arrived home earlier than the usual, said he had come home earlier than usual from work because he was worried about his wife and their baby during the demolition.

He said several of their belongings, including a TV set, could not be salvaged.

Lina and Agus also said they would have no place to spend the night until someone followed up with them about their new apartment.

"Everything has been late and we were only informed of the demolition yesterday [Wednesday]," she said.

A previous dialogue between the police, Pluit subdistrict head and Penjaringan district head with the residents seeking the plan's postponement had failed to postpone the operation.

Penjaringan Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Suyudi said that in several previous dialogues the residents had refused to accept the city administration's program to revitalize Pluit Reservoir, and that this time was no different.

"We have given residents a long time to register for resettlement and move their belongings," he said.

Penjaringan district head Rusdiyanto said his side informed residents months ago about the planned demolition and relocation.

Previously, hundreds of families squatting on the north and east banks of the 20-hectare reservoir had been evicted and hundreds of illegal dwellings had been torn down to carry out the Pluit dredging project. Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has reiterated that the city administration would attempt to dredge all rivers and reservoirs in the capital to help prevent annual flooding. (koi)

Jakarta takes back public spaces, riverbanks

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta – Using the newly endorsed Spatial Zoning Bylaw as it latest weapon, the Jakarta administration is preparing to relocate squatters occupying public spaces and riverbanks in the capital.

"We will prioritize public spaces, reservoirs and riverbanks," Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama told reporters at City Hall on Thursday.

He said squatters were not the only ones who would be subject to relocation.

"Many private companies are also misusing our public spaces, such as for workshop space or to park their trucks.

"Mayors should be aware of this kind of violation and take firm action against them," he added.

The relocation of squatters from several riverbanks, dams and reservoirs is an ongoing project that will be extended to other sites in line with the city administration's plan to reclaim rivers and lakes across the capital.

"Our aim is to first clear up the riverbanks and waterways to make way for heavy equipment," he said, adding that squatters would be relocated to city-owned low-cost apartments.

Ahok pointed out that the city would also conduct an online system trial for permit building issuance.

"Starting next year, people who apply for building permits can do so online and they will not need to pay for the permit," he said.

Meanwhile, Ahok said the city administration would not audit building permit violations, which had occurred in the past. "The bylaw does not apply retroactively," he said.

Spatial Planning Agency head Gamal Sinurat acknowledged that over time the city had seen many changes to land-use purposes, he attributed it to: "The regulations allowing the governor to make changes to land-use purposes for reasons such as to generate income."

Regional Legislation Body (Balegda) member Perdata Tambunan said that the bylaw, which consisted of 23 chapters and 672 articles, would help the city administration control land-use purposes right up to the subdistrict level.

"[We hope] the bylaw will help the administration create a city life that is more innovative and productive while maintaining the balance between urban development and environment sustainability," Perdata said, adding that the city should soon disseminate information on the Spatial Zoning Bylaw to the public.

He also encouraged the executive to create supporting regulations and draft the underground and air space draft bylaw, as well as the draft bylaw on the North Jakarta reclamation area.

Ahok said that the city was currently preparing the supporting regulations and follow-up bylaws. Previously, spatial planning in the capital was regulated by the 2030 Provincial Spatial Planning (RTRW) Bylaw. However, the bylaw could not be used as a legal basis to control land misuse as it only stipulated general clauses.

The Spatial Zoning Bylaw regulates land-use purposes up to the subdistrict level, including the type of activity, building management, space-use intensity and technical standards.

The bylaw also includes specific locations for apartments, park-and-ride areas and other major projects, such as the Transjakarta, mass rapid transit (MRT) and monorail systems as well as the giant seawall.

Each municipality will have several business district areas with West Jakarta and East Jakarta as the primary centers.

New bylaw limits land use

Jakarta Post - December 12, 2013

Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta – The City Council on Wednesday endorsed the Spatial Zoning Bylaw, which, to some extent, limits the Jakarta governor from making changes to land-use purposes.

"Previous regulation allowed the governor to change land-use purposes as developers were only required to secure a gubernatorial decree. The new spatial bylaw is complete with a zoning map that will regulate land use so the Jakarta governor and other city officials can only issue permits in line with the bylaw," Jakarta Spatial Planning Agency head Gamal Sinurat said after attending the city' plenary session to endorse the draft bylaw on Wednesday.

He added that violators of the bylaw would be subject to criminal charges. "Both the person who applies for and the person who grants the permit can be punished," he said.

Gamal said that the new spatial bylaw would also regulate the types of activities allowed in the designated areas. "Let say an area is a commercial area, then the bylaw further regulates what kind of commercial activities can be conducted – be it restaurant or shopping mall, etc.," he said.

The bylaw also reclassified a number of areas, such as Kemang in South Jakarta, once a housing area that is now a commercial zone.

"As for other areas that have seen sporadic changes, the city will control it using gubernatorial decree. The decree also defines a few requirements that should be met if the building owner intends to permanently change its use purpose. If they do not comply, it should be returned to its initial function," he said, adding that private houses that have turned into commercial establishments will be subject to levies.

Each municipality will have several business district areas with West Jakarta and East Jakarta as the primary centers. The bylaw also includes specific locations of apartment, park-and-ride areas and other major projects, such as the Transjakarta, mass rapid transit (MRT) and monorail systems as well as the giant seawall.

The zoning map has colors and codes to show the different land use purposes. Previously, housing areas were marked with just one color – yellow – however, in the new bylaw, yellow shading is used to designate vertical housing. The shaded yellow areas are marked with two different codes for low-cost and luxury apartment buildings.

The detailed zoning is expected to encourage the development of high-rise housing, thereby, ensuring more green space. Acting city secretary Wiryatmoko said that the bylaw would boost the capital's public green spaces by 6 percent, giving the city 16 percent by 2030.

"We expect the private sector to contribute to the development of green spaces up to 14 percent of the capital's total land mass so we will have 30 percent of green space. The bylaw obliges developers to allocate 60 percent of their property to green space," he said.

Trisakti University urban planning expert Yayat Supriyatna, who was involved in the drafting of the bylaw, said he was upbeat that the new bylaw would improve the capital's spatial planning. "Violators – both those who ask for and those who grant the permit – can now be punished as we now have the legal basis," he said.

Even though the city administration would only be obliged to increase the city's green space by 6 percent, he said that was "fine because adding 1 percent is equal to adding green space ten times the size of the Monas [National Monument] compound. It won't be that easy with limited land, not to mention the price," he pointed out.

Yayat also encouraged the city administration to establish a dedicated body tasked with issuing property permits.

Judicial & legal system

No shortcuts in Indonesia's fight against the judicial mafia

Jakarta Globe - December 11, 2013

Yuli Krisna, Bandung – The arrest in October of Akil Mochtar, recently dismissed as the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, for alleged bribery has severely damaged the nation's trust in every level of the judiciary and exposed just how deeply ingrained in the system the so-called judicial mafia has become.

The widening investigation, which has led to the arrest of a half-dozen other figures but no other judges so far, is likely to become an issue in next year's elections.

The Constitutional Court was set up in 1999, after the long-ruling authoritarian president Suharto was toppled from power, as part of reforms intended to free courts from political interference.

Much of its work involves ruling on disputed local elections, and following the landmark decentralization measures of 2001 giving significant powers to local politicians, the stakes in local elections are much higher.

The judicial mafia – a loosely defined network of fixers, lawyers and judges colluding to manipulate charges and rulings – is not an alien concept term in the Indonesian legal system.

The government has been trying to fight against the practice by establishing several external institutions including the Judicial Commission, an Ombudsman and the National Police Commission, to no avail, because the judicial mafia appears to be getting stronger by the day.

The tale of the case brokers

Amrullah, a former civil servant at the directorate general of marine transportation assigned to the Makassar Port Authority in South Sulawesi, was one official who turned to the judicial mafia after being accused of conspiring to commit corruption in 2005.

"I was only an employee assigned to help a superior who had access to the operational budget. Everything I did, the implementation and the operation of the project, was based on orders from my superior," he told the Jakarta Globe.

Amrullah was accused of manipulating the budget for the construction of Awerange Port. A court found him guilty and he was sent to prison.

He decided to challenge the verdict and filed an appeal with the Supreme Court. A friend later introduced him to Sufiana, a junior court clerk at the South Jakarta District Court.

"He said he could help me with my legal problem, but I had to pay him Rp 150 million [$12,600]. But I only managed to collect Rp 130 million," he said.

Amrullah wired the money in four transactions to Sufiana's bank account. He said Sufiana promised he would return the money if he was unable to keep Amrullah from going to prison.

Amrullah's appeal was denied by the Supreme Court and he had to serve his time. To make things worse, Sufiana only returned Rp 30 million. "I hope he will return the money because I owe it to friends and relatives," the convict said.

Now out of jail, Amrullah is jobless. He is fighting to get his job back by filing a challenge against the Transportation Ministry's decision to fire him.

Sufiana, who now works at the Bekasi District Court, denied the allegations. "Absolutely not true. I have never dealt with such a case, in this court or any other," he said. He claimed he did not know Amrullah and had never met him, let alone offered to rig a case for him.

M. Rozi Wahab, a spokesman for the Bekasi District Court, said the court imposed strict sanctions on any employee implicated in such practices, including reporting any indications of violation to the Supreme Court's supervisory body.

"If proven to be guilty, anyone, be it a judge, court clerk or any other staff, will be punished and the case will be exposed and uploaded to our website," he said.

Rozi declined to say if such practices took place at the Bekasi court. "Let the public be the judge, we can't comment on that. The practice might exist, in different sizes of course," he said.

A local journalist who has covered the court beat for several years said most illicit activities related to court cases in Bekasi happened outside the court, making them difficult to trace.

"Many cases don't even reach the court because a deal has been struck outside. Only pure crimes, like drug dealing, go to trial," the journalist, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the Jakarta Globe.

Another case was that of Mariah, a 63-year-old woman whose son was implicated in an embezzlement case in 2009. He was convicted and ordered to serve some time in prison, but not before Mariah was approached with an offer of "help."

"I was approached by a police officer in Tangerang who claimed my son's case would be dropped if I paid him Rp 50 million," she said.

Mariah refused to pay because she wanted her son to have a fair trial. "I told the cop it's fine if the case was brought to the court and my son was sent to jail, because at least we would find out who committed the mistake. Because not only was my son innocent, but he was also deceived," she said.

While her son was awaiting trial, she said, she witnessed how prison officials extorted other inmates' families. "For a half-hour jail visit, you have to pay Rp 20,000, and if the inmate wants to sleep in a separate cell instead of being crammed with dozens other inmates, they have to pay Rp 1.5 million," she said.

Mariah did not have to pay to get her son his own cell because she told the chief warden that her husband used to work at the Justice and Human Rights Ministry.

During the trial, Mariah was again approached by an official offering assistance, this time a prosecutor. "This prosecutor told me the judges and the prosecutors often did deals, so if I wanted the case to be settled immediately I could pay Rp 16 million and he said he would split the money with the judge," she said.

Mariah pretended to agree with the deal and promised she would hand him the money. However, she recorded the entire conversation on her phone.

At the next meeting Mariah handed over an envelope and told the prosecutor her husband used to work for the Justice and Human Rights Ministry, and the prosecutor returned the envelope. "I didn't even fill it with money, it was just some documents for my son's case," she smiled.

Mariah took the recording to the Tangerang District Court chief and reported the offer. The prosecutor was later punished and demoted. Mariah's son was later found guilty and sentenced to 18 months in prison. He has since been released.

Extortion in Bandung

In July 2011, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named an industrial relations judge from the Bandung District Court a suspect in a bribery case.

Imas Diansari was accused of taking a bribe from Onamba Indonesia, a wire manufacturing company that was embroiled in a dispute with its workers' union.

The panel of judges from the Bandung Anti-Corruption Court declared Imas guilty of taking Rp 352 million and for attempting to bribe a judge from the Supreme Court. She was sentenced to six years in January last year.

The court also sentenced Onamba's president director, Toshio Shiokawa, to three years in prison and ordered him to pay a Rp 200 million fine.

Imas's case apparently did not serve as a lesson for other judges. In March this year, the KPK arrested Setyabudi Tejocahyono, a judge from the Bandung Anti-Corruption Court, along with four other men who allegedly gave him a bribe.

KPK officers said they caught Setyabudi in the act of taking the Rp 150 million from businessman Toto Hutagalung. They discovered an additional Rp 350 million in a car that belonged to an employee of Toto.

Last December, Setyabudi had convicted seven people in a social aid embezzlement case, sentencing each defendant to a one-year prison term and fining them Rp 50 million.

Prosecutors in the case had demanded a three- to four-year prison term for each defendant. Both Setyabudi and Toto are currently standing trial.

The case also dragged in Bandung Mayor Dada Rosada on allegations that he ordered the judge to be bribed in exchange for going easy on the sentencing and quashing any testimony that would lead back to him. He was later named a suspect and was arrested by the KPK in August.

The World Bank has said corruption across the world costs $1 trillion. No one has done a thorough study of the costs in Indonesia, the world's fourth-most populous country and one of the hottest emerging markets with an annual economic growth rate of 6 percent.

The Anti-Corruption Studies Center at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta put losses to the state from corruption at $1 billion over the past five years alone.

Fighting the mafia

Hatta Ali, the Supreme Court's chief justice, said in response to Setyabudi's arrest earlier this year that there was an urgent need to "eliminate the judiciary mafia to move toward a better legal system."

He said one way to do this was to give the public wider access to cases being tried in court so that there would be public oversight. The Supreme Court has set up a "Case Tracking System," an online application through which the public can track down the development of a case.

Hatta said all courts across the country must start using the CTS by the end of 2013. The system is hoped to narrow down the possibility of any backroom dealing.

The Judicial Commission, the watchdog for judges, is doing its part by naming and shaming errant judges. Every three months, it announces the names of those proved to be guilty of committing "judicial malpractice."

In the first three months of 2013, 68 employees from courts across Indonesia were announced guilty of backroom deals. Forty-five of them were judges.

However, the Judicial Commission's website only lists the initials of the violators. Many were not dismissed, and only transferred or demoted, leaving them free to carry on working in the justice system.

Yesmil Anwar, a criminal law expert from Bandung's Padjadjaran University, said eliminating backroom deals was a very difficult task, even with the implementation of the CTS.

"I'm glad that we now have this online system where everything is computerized, minimizing direct contact between people. It can make it harder for shady people to work behind the scenes, circumventing the law or favoring the wealthy, but it won't necessarily end the practice," he said.

He said manipulating the system was something that was deeply ingrained in the judiciary and unfortunately continued to be widely accepted as part of the culture.

Efforts to eliminate case-fixing have also been hampered by a social system in Indonesia that does not appreciate law enforcement and is suspicious of its activities and motives, Yesmil said.

He said improving the quality of law enforcers was key to fixing the damaged judicial system.

"Good legislation means nothing if the judges are dirty. The rule of law can only be fairly and equitably implemented when there is a judiciary that is truly fair and impartial," he said.

While the KPK can boast a near 100 percent conviction rate in the cases it has bought before the courts, it remains handicapped by the small staff and budget it has been allocated.

But while high-profile case tried in Jakarta often have a satisfactory outcome, smaller cases tried outside the national media glare are less likely to win a conviction or a lengthy sentence.

With local officials wielding immense power in their fiefdoms, there is a feeling graft busters may not be getting the support their big city peers enjoy.

Tourism & hospitality

Who invited you to Bali?

The Conversation - December 8, 2013

Agnieszka Sobocinska – This summer, many of us are heading overseas. Australians are the world's largest spenders on international travel on a per capita basis. In 2012, one in three of us headed overseas.

After New Zealand, the most popular destination is Indonesia, or rather Bali. Close to a million Australians will visit Indonesia this year, many in the summer holiday peak. They form the largest single group of overseas tourists to Bali, accounting for around 25% of foreign arrivals.

Is tourism creating a problem?

Bali is a relatively small island, but it is densely populated – especially as domestic migrants come from across Indonesia to work in the booming tourist economy.

Yet the domestic population is dwarfed by the influx of tourists. It is expected that 2013 will be a record year for tourist arrivals, with roughly 4 million foreign arrivals and over 3 million domestic tourists.

Although Balinese society and culture has proven resilient in the face of the tourist onslaught, signs of tension are increasing.

As hosts, locals don't want to offend their guests; nor do they want to risk alienating them for fear they will take their tourist dollars elsewhere. Yet the environmental, social and cultural impacts of tourism are being felt across the island.

Not enough resources to go around

The tourism industry places an incalculable strain on natural resources, particularly water. Bali is running out of it. The NGO Tourism Concern estimates that tourists in resorts such as Bali, Zanzibar and Goa use water at a rate 15 times higher than locals.

Resorts' lush landscaping, spacious swimming pools and emerald golf courses consume water by the megalitre; even the smallest indulgence can have a massive impact when multiplied by millions. Tourists are responsible for 65% of Bali's total water consumption.

Local farmers bear the brunt of the water deficit, and the rice farming that was once the island's economic backbone is fast becoming untenable.

Farmers are also being pushed off the land by skyrocketing property values. Previously quiet parts of the island, such as the villages surrounding Ubud and the inland lakes, are now being developed for tourism.

Government officials estimate that agricultural land is being lost at the rate of 1,000 hectares per year, and this has been going on for at least two decades.

Electricity is also at a premium. All those TV screens and fridges it takes to keep the Bintang ice-cold churn through the power.

Bali has a severe electricity deficit that keeps more than 30% of the island off the grid – a situation that has led the provincial government to take out a US$224 million loan from the Asian Development Bank in an attempt to improve locals' access to electricity.

Affording the costs

Indonesia is a developing nation, which must take out loans to bring its infrastructure to the standard demanded by First World tourists. Gross National Income per capita is just above US$4,100 per annum, and by some estimates, more than half the population lives on less than $2 per day.

Although Bali is among the wealthiest provinces in Indonesia, this is a relative measure only.

Last month, the provincial government raised Bali's minimum wage to Rp. 1,321,000, or approximately US$116 per month – less than a tourist can expect to pay for a single night at many of the hotels that hug the island's coastline.

Attempts have been made to cover the gap through additional fees and levies, including Bali's recently-proposed US$10 "Heritage Protection Fee".

Cultural differences

But economic inequality is only the tip of the iceberg. For decades, Balinese and Indonesians have expressed concern about the cultural degradation brought about by mass tourism.

They have been particularly affronted by the complete disregard for local mores displayed by those tourists who come to Bali to party.

They have complained about the nightclubs, the alcohol and the drugs, and have lamented the sordid results – drunks weaving through late-night traffic, couples having sex on the beaches, and alcohol-fuelled violence breaking out in clubs and on the streets.

Add to this the annual influx of schoolies, when tens of thousands of Australian youth descend on the island with the express intent to get drunk and disorderly.

This apparent contempt for local mores troubles many Balinese. Many prefer to steer clear of Kuta altogether, referring to it with characteristic wordplay as Kota Untuk Turis Australia – the town for Australian tourists.

This is telling. Tourism academics have noted that the inequalities of contemporary tourism can replicate those of colonialism. The Balinese were never consulted when the Dutch colonial administration began to promote the island as a relaxing retreat, and these patterns of the tourist industry are still evident today.

So what can we do?

Despite the tragic bombings of 2002 and 2005, Australians' enthusiasm for partying in Bali has actually risen thanks to the aggressive discounting implemented after the terrorist attacks and the rise of budget airlines.

But the real cost of tourism is far higher than what we pay for flights, accommodation and food, and the deficit is often borne by host economies and local communities.

We should remember that nobody invited us to Bali. Tourists are often a burden on host communities; showing our appreciation and respect for the local environment, society and culture might be a first step towards recompensing them for our imposition.

[Agnieszka Sobocinska is the Deputy Director, National Centre for Australian Studies at Monash University. Agnieszka Sobocinska does not work for, consult to, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has no relevant affiliations. Monash University Provides funding as a Founding Partner of The Conversation.]

Mining & energy

Indonesian export ban puts mining in chaos

Asia Sentinel - December 13, 2013

Indonesia's four-year-old plan to ban the export of raw mineral ore in an effort to foster a domestic processing industry comes into effect on Jan. 12 with little preparation, to the frustration of the mining companies that control the export of gold, bauxite and other raw materials.

Meetings last week with lawmakers failed to produce a compromise, although the smelting industry is woefully inadequate, there is not enough power near mining sites to do the smelting and smelting companies appear to have stalled out in their plans. Giants like the US-owned PT Freeport Indonesia and PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara may have to close temporarily, mining sources said.

The thinking behind the ban was to encourage companies to add value to their products by developing the downstream industry and process the minerals locally, giving Indonesia a stronger position in the international marketplace, and boosting profits.

But, said a long-term country risk analyst in Jakarta, "A lot of people believe this thing is basically designed not to smelt ore or add value but to change the ownership structure of the mining industry. It is fueled by nationalism and despite some reasonable arguments for it, it has been presented in such a way that chaos is inevitable."

The move has attracted widespread criticism for its short time span for the development of a downstream industry, with many observers pointing out the difficulty of developing international standard smelters overnight. Long term, it was felt, the plan made some sense for some minerals. In the short term, it has the potential to be catastrophic for mining companies. Only 28 smelters have been clared to break ground out of 177 proposals submitted by companies, and only a handful have been commissioned, one of which is a smelter belonging to state miner Aneka Tambang in Tayan, West Kalimantan, which processes bauxite into chemical grade alumina.

It is not even clear that the ban is legal. It is not in the mining law, it is an implementing regulation and it violates the Contracts of Work for the big Western companies, which is why Indonesia may be vulnerable to international arbitration if it comes to that.

This hasn't deterred Natsir Mansyur, a prominent businessman and former long-time politician with the Golkar party, who set up PT Indosmelt in 2010, and has been developing a $1.5 billion smelter and refinery project ever since. Natsir s mission is to tap the potential business, and boost investment in the sector in preparation for 2014.

Natsir is now working on wrapping up the financial side of the project. However, construction isn't expected to begin before February, and commercial operations aren't expected before 2017 or 2018 at the earliest. Natsir said Indosmelt is expected to source 70 percent of the financing for investment from a syndicated bank loan, and many Japanese lenders have expressed interest. He said Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ and Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) are among those that have expressed an interest in helping to finance the project.

In 2010, Natsir, a deputy chairman at the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), contacted two US copper and gold giants: Freeport and Newmont to secure a concentrate supply for Indosmelt's planned refinery.

He also contacted both the Industry Ministry and the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry about his plan, securing a license from the government which led to him convincing Freeport and Newmont to sign a memorandum of understanding in 2012 to supply Indosmelt. On Dec. 5, 2012, Indosmelt announced that Newmont had signed a conditional sales and purchase agreement (CSPA) to supply it with copper concentrate.

The smelter and refinery are scheduled to have the capacity to process up to 500,000 tonnes of copper and gold concentrate into added value products. Planned output includes up to 120,000 tons of copper cathode, 300,000 tons of slag, 200,000 tons of anode slag and 20 tons of gold. Copper cathode is one of the raw materials used in the production of continuous cast copper rods, which are used in the wire and cable industry. Slag is a key raw material in the manufacture of cement, while anode slag is used as part of the gold refining process.

The US$1.5 billion project involves the construction of a furnace building, anode casting facilities, a coppery refinery and copper electrorefining facilities. They will powered by 100 megawatts of electricity from state energy company PT Perusahaan Listrik Negara, and supported by a jetty and dock that can accommodate ships with 5,000-20,000 dead weight ton capacity. The technical design and technology will be provided by PT Outotec, a local unit of Finnish company Outotec, a global minerals and metals processing technology firm.

"Once we settle the financial closing, I don't rule out the possibility of selling a stake [in Indosmelt] to other investors, we even plan to make it a listed company, so that there is transparency in running this company," he said. He declined to name Indosmelt s current investors, but confirmed he owns most of the shares.

"It may be a capital intensive project, but did you know the margin is not that big? Operationally, the refinery will consume much energy. Providing smelter and refinery services is like being a tailor, we get the fabric from someone else and sew it into garments. What do we get? The fees from the service," he said.

For that reason, Natsir said Indosmelt is looking at other revenue streams, including how to sell the waste products from the smelting and refining, adding that slag from refining is greatly needed by cement makers.

In a meeting on Dec. 5 between Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik and members of Commission VII of the House of Representatives (DPR), it was confirmed that the DPR had decided to implement the Jan. 12, 2014 deadline for the ban of raw mineral exports.

Lawmakers rejected a proposal from Jero to allow miners to sell raw minerals if they submit proper plans to build smelters in the country. Following the meeting, Susilo Siswoutomo, the Deputy Energy and Mineral Resources Minister, said the central government will halt all exports of mineral ores and consider any exports of the material as "illegal."

Susilo added that the government will punish any miners breaching this policy, with sanctions including revoking contract permits, and the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) will be assigned to investigate any violations across the country.

"Well, as part of Kadin, I support the ban, but also look at the conditions," Natsir said. "How many smelters are ready? I am calling for an adjustment in the policy, I don't know what will happen to the miners if they must wait for the smelter projects to be completed. Keep mining but stockpile the output?"

Simple mathematics show that Indosmelt's refinery and smelter, scheduled for commissioning in 2017 at the earliest, cannot support the downstream industry if the ban comes into play in 2014.

Economy & investment

Reform or stagnate, Indonesia warned

Jakarta Post - December 14, 2013

Satria Sambijantoro, Nusa Dua, Bali – International stakeholders have warned Indonesia the market will "punish" the nation if it fails to implement the medium- and long-term reforms needed to prevent economic stagnation.

"It's about the idea of pursuing policies to maintain high productivity – markets will love you [Indonesia] if you have those types of policies clearly dedicated to pursuing growth in the medium term," David Fernandez, the managing director of Barclays Bank in Singapore, said at an international seminar in Nusa Dua, Bali on Friday.

"Markets loved you [Indonesia] for growth, but they could also punish you if they sense there's going to be instability," he warned.

Fernandez suggested government officials continue prioritizing long-term economic policies so that Indonesia could avoid falling into the middle- income trap.

The strategy should be taken despite the fact that uncertainties in the external environment, which stem from the possible tapering of US quantitative easing, would encourage the implementation of short-term policies and might make it more difficult for countries trying to pursue long-term goals, he said.

The warnings came after Indonesia, following years of robust economic growth, saw a slowdown in its economy recently, with gross domestic product (GDP) growth decelerating to only 5.6 percent in the third quarter, the slowest pace in nearly four years.

The situation caused concern that Indonesia, once a darling of foreign investors, might fall into the middle income trap – the situation where a former high-growth emerging nation is "trapped" in mediocre economic expansion and decreased competitiveness.

This is seen as a paradox because analysts have long touted Indonesia as the "next big thing" in the global economic landscape. Indonesia's potential is reportedly so great that if it can maintain its existing growth rate, then the archipelago will overtake Germany and the UK to become the world's seventh largest economy by 2030, at least according to McKinsey & Company.

The global consulting firm suggested last year that the country had to boost its labor productivity by 60 percent if the economy was to grow by its potential of around 7 percent annually.

However, Bank Indonesia (BI) has recently warned that the country does not have the capacity, either in terms of infrastructure or the capabilities of local industry, to grow by more than 6 percent. This year, the central bank has hiked interest rates by 175 basis points due to signs of overheating in the economy.

"Monetary policies only address a very short-term problem on the demand side, but they are unable to address structural issues in the real economy," Dody Budi Waluyo, BI's executive director for monetary policy, said here on Thursday.

Economists have said that Indonesia has been punching below its weight because it had been lulled by the commodity-boom cycle occurring in the mid 2000s, with the country relying heavily on resources-based industry while overlooking the development of a value-added manufacturing sector.

Indonesia's undersized manufacturing sector and its overreliance on natural resources have made the country vulnerable to external shocks, as its position depends on factors such as commodity-price fluctuations, warned World Bank lead economist for Indonesia, Ndiame Diop.

"It is also very easy for the [Indonesian] economy to get into an 'excess demand' situation, because the supply side has not been very responsive, putting pressure on its external finances," Diop said.

Benedict Bingham, a senior resident representative in Indonesia for the International Monetary Fund (IMF), said that the key for Indonesia to escape the middle-income trap was to boost its human resources capacity, so that it could meet the growing demand for skilled workers required for high and sustainable economic growth.

Indonesia at middle-income crossroad

Jakarta Post - December 13, 2013

Satria Sambijantoro, Nusa Dua, Bali – Indonesia is now racing against the clock to boost its manufacturing sector and strengthen its supply-side economy as the nation is on the brink of falling into the middle-income trap, a state that has afflicted other emerging market economies.

Government officials have acknowledged that Indonesia now needed bold policy measures to prevent the country from falling into the middle-income trap. "Is there a risk that Indonesia will get trapped in the middle-income group? Unfortunately, the answer is yes. Indonesia has grown to become a lower middle-income country since the 1990s, and we are still there now," Finance Minister Chatib Basri said Thursday in his keynote speech delivered during an international seminar held in Nusa Dua, Bali.

With its gross domestic product (GDP) per capita of US$4,790, Indonesia is now classified as a lower middle-income country and – just like its peers at this level – is aspiring to become a high-income country, classified as the one with GDP per capita of more than $11,750.

However, some countries never get there, and instead see stagnation in GDP growth due to rising labor costs and decreasing productivity, leaving their citizens' income "trapped" in the middle level. A study from the World Bank showed that out of 101 middle-income countries in 1960, only 13 graduated to become high-income countries by 2008.

Countries that were seen as case studies for falling into the middle-income trap were South Africa and Brazil. Both countries used to post strong economic growth, yet recently have seen a significant drop in GDP growth. In the third quarter, South Africa expanded by only 0.7 percent while Brazil contracted by 0.5 percent.

"Brazil and South Africa stayed at the middle-income level because they, just like us, continued to depend on natural resources and cheap labor," Chatib said. "If Indonesia wants to climb up the ladder, then we have to give more support to innovation and technology."

Signs that Indonesia might be falling into a middle-income trap have been apparent, with the economy already having slowed for five consecutive quarters to touch 5.6 percent in the third quarter, its slowest growth rate in nearly four years.

The slowdown has been attributed to Indonesia's weak supply-side economy, which is beleaguered with insufficient infrastructure and an underdeveloped manufacturing sector that cannot cope with increased demand from the growing middle class.

To fill the gap between supply and demand in the domestic economy, Indonesia has been forced to depend on imports, causing a large deficit in the current account that has created economic instability and prevented the country from posting higher GDP growth.

To deal with the issue, Chatib said that he had prepared a slate of possible tax breaks for companies that produced intermediate goods, seen as the missing link in Indonesia's industry, as well as for firms allocating funds to research and development, which could generate more skilled labor in the domestic economy.

Indonesia is also preparing to ban raw mineral exports starting next year, a move that is aimed at developing the local manufacturing sector, which would be expected to produce more value-added goods and fewer raw resources.

Deputy Finance Minister Bambang Brodjonegoro highlighted the need for Indonesia to push down burdensome energy subsidies, which have prevented the government from allocating more spending for productive use.

"To avoid the middle-income trap, we need to have enough fiscal space – if we have enough fiscal space in the budget, we can do everything from expanding infrastructure to improving productivity," Bambang said in the seminar. "The dependence on subsidies, which are more a political tool rather than fiscal tool, has become a big burden," he added.

Analysis & opinion

Indonesia's challenges – From poverty to Papua

Japan Times - December 14, 2013

Jeff Kingston – On a recent trip to Jakarta, I experienced firsthand what an infrastructure bottleneck feels like. My driver told me the city is only third in global traffic-jam rankings, trailing Mexico City and New Delhi, but what was a 40-minute ride when I lived there in the mid-1980s took a dispiriting 2-1/2 hours. It's not exactly the image evoked by the current nation-branding campaign: "Remarkable Indonesia."

As we crept along the highway, I learned that the congestion that day was due to street protests by factory workers calling for a 50 percent raise from their current $220 monthly wage.

Sharp inflation has seriously reduced purchasing power following the government's decision earlier this year to slash fuel subsidies. Nonetheless, in the end the factory workers only got an 11 percent raise from Jakarta's popular Gov. Djoko Widodo, known as "Djokowi," who is widely expected to become Indonesia's next president after the 2014 elections.

Under pressure from employers, Djokowi burnished his credentials as a pragmatic reformer, thus ensuring that Indonesian factory wages will remain about half those in China.

The government is eager to keep that cost advantage to attract investments, but the nation's creaking infrastructure is a bigger impediment. A major part of the China success story is due to a massive modernization of its infrastructure – roads, railways and ports – that has eliminated many of the headaches associated with delayed deliveries.

Japanese companies are coming to the belated rescue in the form of a major infrastructure project in metro Jakarta, and have broken ground on a monorail that will hopefully ease road congestion when it is completed by 2020 or so. Officials have talked about this project for at least two decades, so it is good to see Djokowi finally getting it going.

People who know Djokowi say he is keen to run, but he acts reluctant in public because he needs the backing of Megawati Sukarnoputri, the president from 2001-04, who leads the Indonesian Democratic Party to which he belongs. He knows he has to indulge her strong sense of entitlement as the daughter of the nation's founding father, Sukarno.

However, Megawati's advisers warn her that if she backs Djokowi he will take over the party and sideline her. That's no doubt true, but Djokowi, 52, is appealing to her sense of duty as the "mother of the nation" to make way for the next generation of leaders. Though it's a delicate balancing act, he is a shrewdly calculating populist and ambitious political reformer whose time has come.

But are Indonesia's vested interests ready for him? Despite him cracking down on corruption in Jakarta, and clearly understanding the need to reduce poverty and yawning disparities, it is not clear whether Djokowi's success at the local level will work on a national scale.

Taman Mini Park in southern Jakarta promotes Indonesia's national-identity narrative, emphasizing "unity in diversity," a Disneyfied version of the architectural and cultural melange spread across the sprawling archipelago's 33 provinces that are home to 240 million people. The park has a Potemkin village feel to it, and aside from those lured to its kid- oriented attractions, there are few visitors.

Near the Papua house there, I met a young Papuan woman who subverted the entire unity narrative by explaining, unbidden, exactly why Papuans are bitter and why they support the OPM guerilla movement for independence.

She asserted that Jakarta sees Papua, the western half of the island of New Guinea, as a big cash cow due to its abundant natural resources, and maintains a repressive security presence there that tends to be more destabilizing than not. She dismissed recent government initiatives to boost education, health, housing and self-government as mere window- dressing, and doesn't think that Papuans will be fooled or coopted. So at this site dedicated to portraying Indonesia's carefully crafted national narrative, a voice of the dispossessed stridently disagreed.

During my trip, when I met Dewi Anwar Fortuna, a former foreign minister who is now assistant to Vice President Budiono, I asked her about prospects in Papua.

While acknowledging it will not be easy, she expressed optimism about the development and assimilation efforts being made by the government – and said she hopes that promoting higher education would soon lead to Papuans assuming positions of local administrative power. This, she said, would not be because they are Papuan, but because they would be the best-qualified for the job.

However, Fortuna deflected my suggestion of an East Timor solution – meaning a referendum about remaining part of Indonesia – and emphasized that progress has been difficult because of Papua's endemic corruption. She explained that the key is capacity-building, autonomy and respect from Jakarta, and lamented that the government has not been deft in its public diplomacy.

On the way to my next interview I stopped in front of the Interior Ministry, where there was a small demonstration of Papuans, egged on by a burly megaphone-wielding guy in a Che Guevara T-shirt. The assembled police looked more bored than ominous.

Julius, one of the demonstrators, told me that Papuans are tired of being lied to and fleeced, dismissing what he sees as more empty promises from Jakarta. He and the other two-dozen activists opposed an administrative reorganization plan they see as a crafty way to divide and rule.

The history of Papuans' disillusion with Indonesian rule is complex, but much of the distrust can be traced back to what locals regard as a dubious referendum in 1969 that involved tribal elders coerced or duped into agreeing to Indonesian sovereignty. This has been a source of dispute and conflict ever since.

Papua's current political problems are not all Made in Jakarta. According to Sidney Jones, Papua's administrative fragmentation is currently being driven by local elites "motivated by a search for status and spoils." In her October 2013 report published by the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, Jones complicates the picture of victim and victimizer.

Although fragmentation was "once seen as a useful divide-and-rule tactic, it is now a gigantic headache for Jakarta," Jones observes. The central- government incentives encourage the establishment of new administrative units because those units receive large grants and generate patronage jobs.

In addition, intensified political competition that results between local elites, regions and clans distracts from efforts to tackle Papua's enormous socio-economic problems – while sowing seeds of violence. Jones argues that this entrenches poor governance and corruption, while the climate of disorder leads to excesses by the security forces, which also tap lucrative opportunities in protection services for foreign mining operations.

The consolidation of democracy in Indonesia since the end of authoritarian rule in 1998 is a major achievement, but making more of its enormous potential, and spreading the fruits more widely, depends on more vigorous leadership than has been evident over the past 15 years. Djokowi has raised hopes, but if he prevails in next year's elections, can he overcome a dysfunctional system and deliver?

[Jeff Kingston is the Director of Asian Studies, Temple University Japan.]

Human rights recommendations for Indonesia

Jakarta Post - December 11, 2013

Nukila Evanty, Jakarta – Indonesia received 180 recommendations when it was reviewed under the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) meeting on 23 May 2012 in Geneva.

The UPR is a mechanism by which the UNHRC observes the promotion and protection of human rights in each UN member state. The mechanism on human rights applies equally to all UN member states without exception and is based on objective information on the fulfillment of human rights commitments by each state. This UPR review is the second cycle for Indonesia after being reviewed in April 2008.

The review, which highlights the challenges of human rights in Indonesia and the human rights responsibility of the government, is relevant as the world commemorated Human Rights Day on Tuesday.

Torture, which is rampantly practiced by state agencies, tops the number of recommendations, in which the UN member states asked Indonesia to amend the Criminal Code to include torture as a crime as stipulated in the Convention against Torture, Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment which Indonesia has ratified. Torture was a crucial issue that Indonesia had to address as recommended by UN special rapporteur Manfred Nowak, who visited the country in 2007.

Indonesia received 20 recommendations, the second highest number, regarding freedom of religion and beliefs and the increasing incidents of mob violence involving hard-line Islamist groups against religious minorities in Java and Sumatra. These acts of violence rose from 135 in 2007 to 216 in 2010 and 244 in 2011. The recommendations called for revision of national laws that are deemed discriminatory.

The third highest number of recommendations concerned freedom of political expression in Papua, including the lack of access by foreign media there. The recommendations called for full access to relevant international human rights and humanitarian actors and foreign journalists. On the issue of Papua, 13 delegations questioned repeated shooting incidents and violence targeting civilians. They perceived the Indonesian government as being "too much aware and suspicious" of the separatist movement in Papua.

Human rights activists and groups have recommended that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hold a dialogue with the people of Papua. But the President seems to have opted for the establishment of the Unit for Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B).

The fourth highest number of recommendations highlights the state's failure to end impunity. It calls on the government to amend laws sensitive to human rights, reform the security sector through education and enhance national capacity to maintain security and enforce the law.

What is the importance of the 180 recommendations for Indonesia?

First and foremost Indonesia should follow up on the UPR recommendations for the coming four years. Secondly, it needs to measure its commitment to human rights protection. Third, it has to identify impediments to coordination among ministries related to human rights promotion.

No less pressing is coordination between the Ministry of Law and Human Rights and other ministries, and the national commissions on human rights to promote the recommendation of UPR 2012 to relevant stakeholders, civil society, non-governmental organizations and academics.

At least two recommendations from the UPR have been implemented recently through ratification of the optional protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict and on child trafficking, child prostitution and child pornography.

More comprehensive measures should be adopted by the government to credibly address the human rights situation as stated in the UPR recommendations. First, Indonesia needs to use the mechanism to publicize and familiarize the public with the UPR recommendations and the efforts it has been taking related to human rights. Second, the Law and Human Rights Ministry needs to cooperate with various stakeholders at the national and provincial levels to address the gap between policy and practice. Third, the government should involve civil society groups to work with it in implementing the accepted recommendations.

To mark Human Rights Day let us strengthen our respect for human rights and exercise our right to learn about the UPR recommendations and how they are implemented.

[The writer is a fellow with the Abo Academy for Human Rights, Finland and human rights adviser for RIGHTS Foundation.]

A nation of dunces?

Inside Indonesia - October-December, 2013

Elizabeth Pisani – I'm sitting at a warung in Central Sulawesi, waiting to pay for my coffee. Two coffees, in fact, and two cakes. The warung owner whips out a calculator and starts to punch numbers into it: 2000 + 2000 + 1000 + 1000 = 6000. I gave him a 10,000 rupiah note. 'Clear', he punches. Then 10,000 – 6000 = 4000, and he counts out two 2000 rupiah notes and gives me my change. Meanwhile, other clients wait for their coffee. Is it really possible that he can't do these sums in his head?

On 3 December, the results of the latest round of internationally- standardised tests of maths, science and reading skills among 15 year-old students were released. Of the 65 countries that participated in the PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) tests, Indonesia ranked 60th in reading skills, and 64th in maths and science. What was really shocking was how very, very low Indonesian students' skills are. Fully 42 per cent of 15 year-olds did not even make the bottom skills level in maths, and three out of four students – 76 per cent to be exact – sat at level one or less (of six levels). That compares with just 14.2 per cent at or below level one in Vietnam, 8.3 per cent in Singapore and 3.8 per cent in Shanghai.

But it's not the international comparisons that really matter. What matters is that three quarters of those Indonesians who are still in school at age 15 don't have the basic maths skills that they need to function in society. Two thirds don't have enough science to get by effectively in the modern world, and one in five can't read well enough to perform basic tasks in the workplace.

And yet Indonesia spends relatively more on education than many other countries. Indeed it is constitutionally obliged to spend a fifth of the public budget on education, at both the national and the local levels. Class sizes are among the smallest of any middle income country; in primary school there's a teacher for every 16 pupils (better than the UK), in secondary schools the ratio is one to 12 (better than the US). So why aren't Indonesian children learning much?

A view from the trenches

I got an insight a few months ago, when I was staying with a fisherman and his family in the Banggai islands, in Central Sulawesi. Pak Zunaidi's wife had mentioned that she was a primary school teacher, one of ten teachers for a school with 120 children.

At about 6.30 in the morning, this woman stood over a vat of hot oil frying up breakfast when her youngest son came in wearing his primary school uniform. She told him not to be late; all over Indonesia, primary school starts at seven. Then a neighbour came in to complain that their proposal for funding for a nursery school had not been accepted. The teacher put some more plantains in the oil, made another cup of coffee. By now it was 10 to seven, and still she hadn't bathed or dressed.

At about 7.15, I asked what time school started around here. She looked rather sheepish, gestured at me, the neighbour, the fried plantains. 'It's OK. Everyone knows I've got guests.' It dawned on me that it was my fault that she wasn't at work. I asked if I could come with her to school; perhaps I could help with the English classes? She looked hugely relieved; she bathed and washed in record time and by 7.30 we were at school.

It was mayhem. A hundred and twenty children were running around, screaming with joyous abandon. Half an hour after the start of the five-hour school day, there was not a single teacher to be seen. I ended up teaching English to Classes Four and Six. Ibu taught her own class, Class One. Classes Two, Three and Five – children aged seven, eight and 10 respectively, were instructed to go into their classrooms and work through their textbooks 'until your teachers come'. 'Don't make a racket!' she warned.

I was faced with about 30 kids under the age of 12, crammed into half a classroom (there aren't enough rooms in the school for all six classes so they use plywood dividers to make rooms). 'Good morning everyone!' A lusty response: 'Good morning, miss!' 'My name is Eliz; what is your name?' I addressed the question to one of the older boys who was sitting close to me. He had been learning English for three years. He was stunned to have been asked something as an individual, rather than as part of a scripted chorus. Indeed he was speechless. The other kids quickly averted their eyes, lest I pick on them. I was grateful when one girl raised her hand. 'What is his name?' I asked her, pointing elaborately to the boy in the front row. 'My name is Fifi!' she declared, triumphant. None of the other teachers made an appearance at school that day.

Too many teachers, too little teaching

The World Bank has written several interesting reports about schooling in Indonesia. Almost all of them conclude that there are too many teachers, that the country can't really afford the wage bill. The Bank says Indonesia needs to shed some teachers and redistribute others. But its calculations are based on the number of teachers on the wage bill, not the number of teachers in the classroom. The two are quite different.

Many local governments now pay incentives to persuade teachers to work in the remoter areas of Indonesia. Often, these incentives double a teacher's salary – without them, teachers sometimes spend more getting to school than they make for being there. But it doesn't seem to be enough. Even with the incentives, teachers in remote areas are less likely to go to work than teachers in other parts. And school heads, the highest paid of all, are the ones least likely to show up for work.

In a study in the highlands of Indonesian Papua, seven out of ten school heads were not at work when researchers visited, while half of ordinary teachers had not put in an appearance that day. In fact, about a quarter of all teachers had not set foot in school for months. In areas classified as 'remote' in other islands – including the more inaccessible areas of super-crowded Java – around one teacher in five is absent on any given day. That's in part because many of the people who have jobs as teachers don't want to teach.

Once upon a time, teaching was an honourable profession in Indonesia. Then came the economic crisis of the late 1950s. Hyper-inflation wiped out salaries and people wanted a government job, any government job, because it came with rations. The easiest way to squeeze into the coveted beige uniform of the civil servant was to become a teacher. The profession was invaded by people who had no interest in education. Suharto's New Order, which treated teachers first as agents of the state and only second as educators, entrenched the bureaucratic mindset. Though there's now a whole slew of new rules and standards about teacher training, local governments continue to hire 'guru honorer' – locally-appointed contract teachers – more or less as they please. These underpaid individuals, around a million of them nationwide (a third of the teaching workforce) are exempted from the new standards. They take the job, wait for one of the periodic mass promotions, and get bumped up to full civil servant status.

For the district head or mayor, creating teaching posts is a way of thanking people who helped with the election or who otherwise deserved a small-to-medium-sized favour. The standards on school staffing also provide an excuse to get around a centrally-imposed moratorium on hiring more civil servants. And the more civil servants a local government manages to hire, the more money it gets from the central government.

In short, the schools are stuffed with people whose goal is to be a bureaucrat, not an educator. And they behave just like many other bureaucrats in Indonesia: though they know they are supposed to teach a minimum of 26 hours a week, they also know these rules won't be enforced. Like many other bureaucrats, they see working hours as a moveable feast and take time off more or less at will. And like those other bureaucrats, they justify this by pointing to their low salaries: we're paid so little that we have to do other jobs on the side. What else can you expect?

Those who do come to school are often unmotivated: I've seen teachers sitting smoking, chatting and drinking toxic orange fizz in the principal's office during lesson time. When I asked about their teaching commitments, they said they had given the kids work to get on with. In the classrooms, seven and eight year-olds were diligently copying multiple choice questions from their text books into their notepads, incorrect answers and all.

The government's stab at addressing low quality teaching is to make all in-school bureaucrats take a teaching certification test. For most, that involves a 90 hour crash-course, then a test. Anyone that passes gets their salary doubled right away. The test results for over 90 per cent of the teachers classified them as 'very incompetent' on teaching skills. More than half of primary and around a third of junior high school teachers were judged to be very incompetent in their subject matter. But everyone who has ever taken the course has 'passed' the test and been given their raise, which they keep even if they go back to being absent four days out of five.

Promotions in the school and state university systems, just like those in the bureaucracy, are based on time served. There is as yet no system for rewarding people who work harder, who teach better, who inspire kids to think, to explore, to develop their potential.

Too big to fail

Like their teachers, Indonesian students seem always to pass their exams, no matter how limited their skills. According to the education ministry over 99.5 per cent pass the national exams that every child takes at the end of primary school, for example. It's only in carefully supervised, internationally standardised tests such as PISA that their skills are ever truly tested.

If newspaper reports are anything to go by, plenty of kids pass the national exams by cheating. Every year, the papers are filled with reports of printers leaking exam questions, of brokers selling answer templates, of teachers passing out results with the exam papers, or even, in remote schools, writing the answers up on the board. Google 'how to cheat in national exams' in Indonesian, and you get hundreds of 'tips and tricks' pages.

Search for 'how to cheat' in the British GCSE or American SAT exams and you'll get lots of hits too. But most coverage of cheating in such countries is of the breathless 'how a small minority gets away with murder' type. Typical Indonesian headlines include: 'When collective cheating becomes a tradition in the national exams' and 'Cheating as Academic Culture.'

Reading the paper one day last year, I noticed an article about a new initiative to stop cheating in schools. Under the banner 'Berani jujur, hebat!', which translates roughly as 'Dare to be honest, that's cool!' a group of organisations was touring Indonesian schools, introducing the idea that cheating was not inevitable. The organisers of the campaign, including the Anti-Corruption Commission, Indonesia Corruption Watch and Transparency International, said students who did not admit to cheating were vanishingly rare. They accepted that most students wouldn't be able to give up cheating just like that. They tried to encourage them to develop time-bound plans to wean themselves off their dishonesty.

A high-school headmaster in upland West Sumatra told me that the cheating situation had grown much worse since decentralisation. We were sitting chatting in his office, under portraits of the district head and his deputy, who wore the statutory white uniforms and sailors' caps that make all such officials in Indonesia look like ageing leaders of the high school marching band.

I asked if decentralisation had made any difference to his job. 'Oh yes,' he said. 'Oooooooh yeeeeess!' There are always plusses and minuses with something like decentralisation, he said. There was a long pause. 'Plusses and minuses,' he repeated. Another pause. 'Actually, from the point of view of educating children, there's no plus,' he said finally. He sat back, deflated.

Decentralisation has greatly increased the pressure to 'teach to the test' because district heads like to make promises about education in their districts, and because school heads are appointed directly by the district head. 'So school heads will do anything to give the district head what he wants. Really, anything.' He told me stories of a headmaster dismissed a decade earlier when the inspectorate found the school accounts leaked like a sieve. 'Then we got local democracy, and he became a star of the TimSes'. The head teacher put the phrase – a contraction of 'Tim Sukses' or campaign team – between apostrophes with his fingers, half amused, half disgusted. 'And now he's head of High School [X]. Then there's the guy over at High School [Y], he was fired for gambling with school money but he sucked up to the district head and he's back in his job.' He sighed, resigned. 'Such a good example for the kids.'

Thinking forward

Obviously it's a challenge in a country as massive and diverse as Indonesia to come up with a single curriculum and with a model of school management that meets all needs. Recognising this, the government has recently introduced a system that gives individual schools (supposedly in consultation with parents) a fair bit of control over how they spend their own funds: one school might choose to build a laboratory, another to buy computers, another to organise transport for children who find it hard to get to school, and so on.

But on the issue of the curriculum, there is less flexibility. Local education authorities are allowed to choose two subjects to teach in addition to the core curriculum. Sometimes they choose wisely, sometimes not. In a large pesantren (Islamic boarding school) not far from the growing tourist industry hub of Senggigi in western Lombok, I found a headmistress in despair. The local education department had ordered her to take her choice of subject, English, out of the timetable and substitute the local language, Sasak. 'For kids around here, the best hope of a job is in a hotel. And I'm not allowed to teach them English.'

At the national level, curriculum development seems just as irrational. This year's PISA test results are nothing new. Indonesian 15 year-olds have been at the bottom of the international league tables for maths and science since the country began participating in the tests in 2003. Education authorities in Jakarta decided that this was because Indonesian students have too many subjects in school, so they never learn anything in any depth. But their response was a curious one: in the new curriculum, which made its debut in 2013, they reduced the number of subjects by removing science, of all things, from the primary school curriculum. Geography and history were excised, too. The extra time this created was given over to more teaching of religion, citizenship and maths. Cynics may say that it's in the government's interest to keep people stupid; it makes them more governable. That certainly worked for the Dutch colonists in the Netherlands East Indies for centuries. At the turn of the twentieth century, a full century after the VOC trading company had been taken over by the Dutch state, there were just 25 'natives' in secondary school; by the end of the 1930s a total of just 6,500 soon-to-be Indonesians had any secondary education. Many believe the policy of keeping people ill-educated was deliberately pursued in the Suharto era, also. The bureaucrat-teachers who force fed children the anti-communist foundation myths of that time may certainly be accused of keeping critical thinking at bay. But I don't think that most people in government now have a secret agenda to keep people stupid.

As a nation, indeed, Indonesia has every interest in getting more good brains working well, because decentralisation has scattered decision-making to the winds. In a highly centralised system, you can get away with having only a small group of super-smart people; good decisions at the top will cascade down. The high economic growth of the Suharto years, for example, was engineered by a handful of US-trained economists known as the Berkley Mafia. But now, over 500 separate mini-governments are making substantial decisions about education, health, investment and much else, independently of whoever may be sitting in Jakarta. Indonesia needs thousands more people with exceptional problem-solving skills, and it needs them in every corner of the land.

The people who now control many of those mini-governments are themselves the gossamer-thin layer of better-educated people in remoter areas. Some of them are pouring money into scholarships for locals – putra putri daerah, 'sons and daughters of the regions' – deliberately trying to increase the human capital in their areas. Many others, however, see little reason to increase the competition for jobs that they and their families now control.

Whether or not they are being deliberately obstructive, those who are making decisions now are products of the very system that so desperately needs to be changed. Centuries of underinvestment in education, decades of treating schools like an extension of the bureaucracy, years, for every child, of rote learning – the vast majority of Indonesians from university lecturers to teachers to parents are a product of this system. It's a system which stifles curiosity, undermines critical thinking and entrenches low expectations.

Doing OK, on paper

As I mentioned, one of the government's approaches to increasing the skills of teachers (and, as it happens, civil servants, the police force, and the military) is to require them to acquire more 'qualifications' themselves. Besides the 90-hour boot camp, from 2015, all teachers are supposed to have a four year college education under their belt. Indonesia's Open University has done especially well out of that; of the half-million students who are currently doing on-line degrees, over three quarters work as teachers, many in places with no internet access.

That ought, perhaps, to be worrying. But there is no real expectation that a 'qualification' – an 'ijazah', usually a piece of paper emblazoned with the word 'Diploma' in mock-gothic script – actually qualifies anyone to do anything in particular. As a Javanese engineer with a PhD said to me: 'For most Indonesians, education is about getting a diploma, not about learning anything. So really, why stress about quality?'

Many people go one step further: they don't stress about the education bit at all. They just find an internet cafe and order their ijazah. One company which charges four million rupiah for a high school certificate and twice that for a university degree, declares that its offerings are: SAFE, LEGAL, REGISTERED AT UNIVERSITY/COLLEGE, CAN BE USED FOR ENTRY (CIVIL SERVICE, ARMY, POLICE, STATE COMPANY, PRIVATE SECTOR). On their website, these purveyors of instant education remind customers that: 'Nb: All people have a right to work and a decent education, regardless of whether they are upper, middle or working class. That's why we are here for those of you who need certificates.'

The National Electoral Commission reports that the single most common complaint they receive about candidates for district head, mayor and MP is that they don't actually meet the minimum educational requirements for their post; their ijazah are fake.

People who just buy their diplomas off the shelf at least get what they pay for. But many Indonesian families are making huge sacrifices so that children can become graduates, and they are getting far less than they deserve. Many send their children to private 'les', or tutoring, often from the same teachers who are supposed to be teaching their children in classrooms. Parents seem to think their kids will get better quality schooling if they pay extra for it, but the evidence does not support this. An international comparison found that private tutoring did indeed increase children's performance in every country studied except Indonesia, where it made no difference. There's a circularity here: the products of a poor system don't always have the skills to expect, let alone to demand, better for the next generation.

But what about the middle class parents, the ones who went to the expensive private schools staffed by educators not bureaucrats, the ones who went to the better state universities, the ones who studied abroad, even? Why are they not railing against the appalling state of education in Indonesia, why are they not up in arms at the prospect of schools that don't teach science?

To be fair, there was enough of a protest in 2012 that the ministry of education scaled back its plans; instead of foisting the science-free curriculum on over 100,000 schools all at once, they are rolling it out more slowly, starting with around 6000 schools. After that small compromise, the protests went quiet.

Most Indonesians who realise how bad the national school system is simply don't engage with it. Like well-educated, well-heeled people the world over, they send their children to private schools. Though that in itself is no guarantee of a better education. Indeed the newly-released PISA results show that students in Indonesia's state schools score better than those in private schools. (More detailed studies suggest that the exception is Christian private schools, which consistently achieve the best results).

Higher education

Nothing is more ubiquitous on the walls of Indonesian houses these days than photographs of young people in caps and gowns. Even kindergartens are staging graduation ceremonies, but most of the photos so proudly displayed are of children clutching diplomas from high school, or of 'sarjana', college graduates. I'm not talking about middle class homes. I've recently stayed with three or four Indonesian couples who are themselves illiterate: all had photos of their graduate children on their walls.

Poor parents often work very hard to allow their children to finish school. But where does all their investment lead? Six million Indonesians who have graduated from high school currently have no job. The government considers graduates of high schools and vocational schools to be 'skilled', but employers beg to differ. Eight out of ten employers say they struggle to fill managerial jobs. Close to half of the 'skilled' workers they do hire, even for the less demanding posts, don't have the critical thinking, computing or English language skills they need to do their jobs well, employers say. Most big companies retrain almost everyone who walks in the door.

Some years ago, when German trained engineer and subsequent interim president B. J. Habibie was influential in government, there was a national debate about increasing technical and vocational training in Indonesia. Habibie favoured refocusing the education system; he was shouted down by old school academics who objected that this amounted to turning Indonesians into nothing more than labourers. As a result, there has been a vast expansion of courses in traditional cap-and-gown subjects, while employers are left without welders or engineers.

Access to higher education has expanded massively in Indonesia in recent years; the number of young people in higher education grew by 60 per cent between 1999 and 2010, to over 4.3 million. But again, quality is a concern. Of the roughly 3500 universities and colleges registered with Indonesia's Ministry of Education, (this excludes the Islamic schools administered by the Ministry of Religion), fewer than 100 are state run. Supervision of private institutions is all but non-existent. Standards are slipping even at the 'top five', the best state universities which are Indonesia's equivalent of Oxbridge or the Ivy League. Not one of the country's top five universities made the Times Higher Education Supplement's ranking of the 400 top universities in the world in 2012, and none made it to the Asian top 100 either.

This is in part because the partial privatisation of state universities has led them to auction places off to the highest bidder: students with indifferent grades can get a place to study medicine at a top university if they pay some 250 million rupiah before fees. And it is in part because university professors are promoted simply on the basis of seniority, with little or no attention paid to innovation in research or excellence in teaching (though this, too, is supposed to be changing).

On paper, Indonesians are certainly getting more schooled. But until they start to demand more of their educational institutions, it seems unlikely that they will get any more skilled.

[Elizabeth Pisani's book Indonesia Etc., Exploring the Improbable Nation will be published by Granta, WW Norton and Lontar in June 2014. Contacts and commentary at http://portraitindonesia.com.]