•  Self-determination is the only final solution
•  Gusmao urges cease-fire
•  Gus Dur, Megawati reject Timor initiative
•  Jakarta raises possibility of independence
•  East Timor might gain independence
•  Aid workers quit amid fear of civil war
•  East Timor: is a breakthrough looming?
•  Little change in East Timor policy
•  East Timor and the politics of oil

•  Strife blamed on dark forces
•  Wiranto seeks opposition's help on unrest
•  Six shot, one dead in Java brawls
•  Five hacked to death as toll tops 100

•  Jail terms sought over torture-killings
•  Court-martialled soldiers admit to torture

•  Witnesses fail to recognise kidnappers
•  Witness tells court he recognizes soldier

•  Thousands sign up for civilian militia forces
•  Foreign power made me quit, says Suharto
•  Miliary seats in parliament condemned
•  Hope for change lies with students
•  Student groups divided on elections
•  Committee agrees to 38 military appointees
•  Dita Sari rejects bail offer
•  Wiranto pledges to respect elections
•  Parliament to resume debate on election

•  Bullets and bottomlines
•  Blood on our hands

Students prepare for new campaign

Jakarta -- A union of dozens of student groups said on Friday that they would appeal to the general public to join in their demands for a transitional government, which they hoped would transform the nation into a "New Indonesia".

Eleven student groups, grouped under the Committee of United Students (KMB), said they had already organized a political education program for the general public and set up campus command posts to disseminate their ideas on the importance of a democratic government for carrying out reforms.

The students told a press conference they would organize street rallies to communicate their ideas and bring more people to their cause. The students said they had found that this tactic was the most effective way to get their message across.

The student representatives speaking at the press meeting at the University of Indonesia's campus in Salemba, Central Jakarta, included members from: the Big Family of the University of Indonesia (KB-UI), the Jakarta Front, the Communication Forum of Jakarta Student Senates (FKSMJ), the City Forum (Forkot), the Independent Front of Gunadarma University Students (FIMA), the Collective Forum (Forbes), the Committee of Students and People for Democracy (Komrad), the Trisakti Students Action Committee (KAMTRI), the Student Action for People's Struggle (Ampera) and the Bogor Institute of Agriculture's Student Movement (Gema-IPB).

"The Indonesian people must fight for their sovereignty. We all have the same goal: fundamental change in this country. We embrace those who want to pursue the changes which have failed to be realized by the (former president) Soeharto and (President)Habibie government ," said Roy Tanda Anugerah of KB- UI. We will raise (the public's) awareness of politics and democracy and let them do the fighting, " he said.

Mohammad Sofyan, known as Ian, from Komrad, said that in order to fight for the demands, people should start a revolution. "To pave the way for a revolution, we will call on students nationwide to establish command posts to educate the people on politics. This is the most important thing, even though it will take time, " Ian said.

He said that the students and the people would still need to take to the streets to voice their aspirations. "If we want to stage street rallies we will take into account the objective situation. We're still sure that mass rallies are the most effective method for unarmed civilians," he said.

The students expressed optimism in their plans, pointing to the success of last year's student movements which helped topple Soeharto's government.

They said that student groups, such as KB-UI and students from the National Institute of Science and Technology (ISTN), had set up several command posts for political training courses.

During the planned sessions they said, students and others would discuss and share their knowledge of general politics and the country's current political issues.

The students also insisted that Habibie step down to give way to a democratic transitional government, which would take his place to prepare for a credible general election. The transitional government, the students said. would also bring Soeharto and his cronies, including Habibie. to trial and revoke the Armed Forces' political powers.

They said that they would not reject a general election if it was carried out by this transitional government. "We will reject an election which is organized by the Habibie government," said Eli Salomo from Forkot.

Indra Parindrianto of FKSMJ said the students had not set a deadline for carrying out what he called the "people's power" movement. "We do not want to be confined by the general election schedule set by the current regime. We will proceed with our demand to establish a transitional government " he said.

Separately, Jakarta Military Commander Maj. Gen. Djadja Suparman called on people to cooperate to make the general election successful.
 

East Timor

Self-determination is the only final solution

[The following is a response by ASIET to the Indonesian government's recent statement on autonomy and independence for East Timor.]

ASIET views the recent statements by Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas with great caution but also assesses them as a major victory for the East Timorese people. As a direct result of the enormous sacrifices made in the course of the peoples resistance in East Timor and their untiring persistence in demanding an act of self determination, the Indonesian regime has been forced to recognise that its proposal for "autonomy plus" will not be accepted by the East Timorese as a final solution.

Only a genuine act of self-determination will ever be seen as a final solution: or Independence itself.

ASIET salutes the great courage and persistence of the East Timorese resistance and the East Timorese people as a whole which have defeated the Jakarta regime.

Further weakened by the mass democratic awakening in Indonesia, the Habibie-Wiranto regime has now taken the first step in capitulation. However the regime will still try to ensure that the coming developments work to the regime's benefit and not the East Timorese. If the regime can find any way to renege on the commitment it has now given, it will do so. No regime that has genuine good intentions towards the people of East Timor would still be sending special commando forces to East Timor or arming and paying vigilante groups in East Timor to engage in terror and murder.

Every extra day in reaching agreement on self-determination and on the withdrawal of Indonesian armed forces from East Timor will mean more East Timorese lives lost. Pressure must be maintained on Indonesia and the Australian government to ensure the most rapid possible conclusion to the war of occupation.

ASIET therefore calls upon the international solidarity movement to campaign for the following urgent demands:

• that Habibie government immediately withdraw all members of the Indonesian military from East Timor and that it immediately disarm all vigilante groups that the Habibie government immediately and unconditionally release Xanana Gusmao from detention along with all other East Timorese political prisoners
• that the Habibie government immediately begin direct talks with Xanana Gusmao and other creditable representatives of the East Timorese people to organise a process of transition to self- determination and independence.

• immediately rescind its recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor
• suspend and end all forms of cooperation with the Indonesian military
• publicly declare its willingness to offer generous financial assistance, financed by a levy on Australian businesses who have profited from business activity in Indonesia and East Timor, to an independent East Timorese authority, as a form of war reparations owing to the East Timorese people as a result of Australian complicity in Jakarta's war of occupation, 1975-1999.
• publicly declare it supports the right of the East Timorese to negotiate any new contracts for the exploitation of its natural resources, including in the Timor Gap, with any party from any country in accord with what would bring the best benefits to the East Timorese people

Background article: East Timor - independence now!

Jon Land -- The announcement by the Habibie regime on January 27 that it is prepared to "relinquish" East Timor as part of Indonesia marks a new turn in the struggle for independence. For the first time in the history of the 23-year long illegal occupation, the Indonesian government has indicated that it is willing to allow East Timor to become an independent nation. Foreign Affairs minister Ali Alatas and Information minister Yunus Yosfiah told reporters that cabinet had decided that if the offer of autonomy was rejected by the East Timorese, one "option" would be for the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) to "consider whether East Timor can honorably be relinquished from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia".

The MPR would make such a consideration after the June elections. There was no mention of how the East Timorese people would be able to choose to reject the autonomy proposal. The East Timorese resistance has responded coolly to the decision.

Resistance leader Jose Ramos Horta said that: "I believe it is no more than a smokescreen, a diplomatic stunt. Their aim is to win the good favour of the international community, while at the same time, they create terror in East Timor".

Speaking on SBS News on January 28, Horta added that: "The world is not going to be fooled for too long. If they do not deliver, on their promises in the next few weeks and months -- starting with troop withdrawal -- it is going to be impossible to avoid sanctions by the United States Congress and by the European Union. Indonesia can ill-afford continuing to joke, to play tricks, with the international community".

The change by the Habibie regime was announced on the eve of negotiations discussing the future status of East Timor at the United Nations, involving Indonesia and Portugal. Alatas had earlier stated that he expected that these UN talks would be completed by April.

Alatas has qualified the move to let East Timor go by stating that autonomy was still the preferred outcome: "The cabinets decision was only an option, a choice -- we will continue the negotiations regarding our proposal, because the Indonesian government remains convinced that this settlement [autonomy] proposal is the most realistic, fair and practical and with the best prospects of peaceful settlement of the East Timor issue".

The foreign minister has repeated claims that civil war and ongoing divisions would occur if a period of autonomy was followed by a referendum on independence. He also asserted that: "If this were to happen, they would live freely ten years at our expense because they don't have any resources of their own, we would be giving them everything, and then they would say "goodbye and thank you very much".

Ironically, by his own admission then, Alatas concedes that a referendum would result in an overwhelming vote for independence.

This "offer" by the Habibie regime to allow the East Timorese the right to independence reflects pressure from a number of quarters. There is increasing international support for an act of self-determination to take place. Within East Timor itself, the independence movement has become stronger over the last twelve months, despite heightened repression.

Perhaps most significantly, the announcement points to growing divisions within the Habibie cabinet on how to proceed in dealing with the future status of East Timor. These divisions have been further complicated by the recent changes to the electoral laws, which will see the representation of the military in parliament reduced and a record number of parties legally contest the upcoming election.

Alatas, who has been the staunchest and most articulate defender of Indonesia's claims over East Timor is due to retire soon. It is not inconceivable that whoever replaces him as foreign minister will adopt a more conciliatory approach. In the lead up to the election, student mobilisations are likely to raise the issue of East Timor more forcefully as part of the push to have the military removed from any role in civilian affairs.

Responses by Western governments to the announcement have been generally cautious -- though supportive -- in respect to it being a sign of flexibility by Indonesia. The UN welcomed the move, but was "seeking clarification".

Solidarity organisations have demanded that more substantial steps take place, such as the immediate withdrawal of Indonesian troops, the placement of international peace monitors throughout East Timor and the immediate release of resistance leader Xanana Gusmao and all East Timorese political prisoners.

The situation within East Timor has deteriorated in recent months, with the formation and arming of new paramilitary groups by the Indonesian military.

Involving several thousand, these militias have been conducting a reign terror, particularly in remote villages to the South-West and South-East, most notably at Maubara, Alas, Turiscai, Cailaco and Cassa. More than 3000 refugees have fled to Dili and larger regional centres to escape kidnappings, torture and extra- judicial killings.

The East Timor Human Rights Centre issued an urgent appeal on January 27 following militia attacks throughout the Zumalai sub- district. On January 25, it is believed four people were killed in the village of Galitas and a further six kidnapped (five of whom are aged under 17). In an incident the previous day, 27 year-old Fernando Cardoso was brutally murdered, and allegedly had his limbs removed and was buried by the side of a road with his head exposed.

Speaking at a meeting of the Australia East Timor Association (NSW) on January 27, conveyor Andrew McNaughtan said that there is a "horrendous nightmare" going on in East Timor at the moment and that the Australian government is not doing enough to pressure the Habibie regime to halt this.

He was also scathing of the media, which had tended to treat incidents of human rights abuses as isolated cases, rather than reporting them as part of a widespread campaign of terror which has been taking place for many months.

Gusmao urges cease-fire

Lewa Pardomuan, Jakarta -- Jailed East Timor rebel leader Xanana Gusmao Friday called for a cease-fire in his troubled homeland after Indonesia said it may free the territory after 23 years of bloody military-backed rule.

"I think Indonesia should start disarming the people, ABRI (the armed forces) should reduce its troops and if possible make an agreement with us to cease fire," he told reporters at Jakarta's Cipinang prison where he is serving a 20-year term.

Pro-independence guerrillas have been waging a low-level rebellion against Indonesia since it invaded the former Portuguese colony in 1975.

Pro-Jakarta and pro-independence forces have also clashed frequently recently, killing at least six people and sending thousands of villagers fleeing from their homes. Indonesia's official Human Rights Commission says at least 50 people have died in fighting in the past six months.

Gusmao also said he would accept Indonesia's offer of de facto house arrest in Jakarta. Bowing to mounting world pressure, Indonesia Wednesday said it would move Gusmao from prison to a house and ended 23 years of opposition to independence for East Timor, saying it may consider freeing the territory after the national election on June 7.

Gusmao welcomed Indonesia's change of heart, but said the battered territory needed time to prepare for independence. "It's better late than never," he said. "Implicitly, the Indonesian government has recognized our right to self-determination, to independence," Gusmao said. "We are delighted by the decision ... but the settlement needs more time and effort."

However, he rejected warnings by pro-Jakarta groups that speedy independence would spark civil war, saying East Timor could manage if it were freed tomorrow.

Indonesia's rule in East Timor has never been recognized by the United Nations or most foreign governments.

In East Timor, aid workers and locals said Friday bloody clashes between rival Timorese groups were hitting the troubled territory daily.

The divisions are fuelling fears of a return to civil war if the eastern half of Timor island does regain the independence it briefly enjoyed in 1975 between Portugal's departure and the Indonesian invasion. Indonesia annexed the territory in 1976.

Pro-Jakarta Timorese say they will fight to protect themselves if Indonesia walks away. "If East Timor decides to be independent, then we are ready ... we are ready to fight," said Basilio Dias Araujo, a pro-Indonesia activist working in the governor's office.

Gus Dur, Megawati reject Timor initiative

In statements which differ from those expressed by the government on East Timor, Abdulrachman Wahid of the NU and Megawati of the PDI both said they reject the government's proposal that Indonesia should let East Timor leave the Republic.

In reply to questions, Gus Dur -- as Abdulrachman is popularly known -- said there was no benefit in the shortterm to hanging on to East Timor but since the government has taken a decision to make East Timor a part of Indonesia, "we must respect that and Timor should remain a part of Indonesia".

As for Megawati she said in a press release that the Habibie government is a transitional government, not a government based on a general election and it therefore has no authority to take such a fundamental decision. "East Timor's integration into Indonesia is politically and constitutionally legal as it represents the expressed wish of the East Timorese people as respected in Law No 7, 1976."

Gus Dur said it was not yet clear to him what the government has in mind as statements by Foreign Minister Alatas and Interior Minister Syarwan Hamid appear to differ. He welcomed the decision to give special detention status to Xanana Gusmao and said he had proposed for some time that Xanana should be released.

Megawati said the PDI was afraid that letting East Timor go would provoke conflicts among the Timorese, resulting in more casualties and instability, as well as national disintegration. The position of the government was extremely irresponsible and it had exceeded its powers. Gus Dur insisted that a referendum continues to be the best alternative for solving the East Timor question.

Other comments sought by Kompas were along the same lines, that the government could not just let East Timor go. Besides being irresponsible, this might lead to a civil war in East Timor. Political commentator Arbi Sanit was of the same opinion. he said that a referendum was the best and most democratic way forward. "We need to hear the views of the East Timorese people themselves," he said.

Australian ambassador has also reiterted his government's view, that of supporting Indonesia in giving East Timor broadest possible autonomy, while allowing the people to determine their own future.

Another political commentator, Dr Mochtar Pabottingi, said it would not be a positive action for the government to let go of East Timor. They should prepare the population there so that the process would not be followed by disturbances and civil war.

"The readiness to let the territory go is a good one but doing it so suddenly is not right. All the necessary preparations should be made. It will not be good for the territory to be separated at a time where there is no common agreement among the people there."

Jakarta raises possibility of independence

Jeremy Wagstaff, Jakarta -- Indonesia raised for the first time Wednesday the possibility of independence for the troubled half-island of East Timor. But the offer was greeted with suspicion by East Timorese leaders.

Ministers said Jakarta will continue to offer East Timor special autonomy, but if that is rejected, the government will propose that a special assembly of Parliament due to meet in November debate granting independence to the former Portuguese colony. The assembly, or MPR, is a partially elected body whose primary role is to elect a new president. "If they want to have their freedom, they are welcome," the Associated Press quoted Foreign Minister Ali Alatas as saying.

Officials said the dual option was a face-saving way of moving quickly toward granting independence. Special autonomy, under which the territory would have more control over its own affairs, was offered last year soon after President B.J. Habibie came to power, and it has been given short shrift by most Timorese. "It was Parliament which formally accepted East Timor's integration into Indonesia in 1976, so it's a legal nicety," one senior official said. "But basically there's been a recognition that the East Timor situation has to be resolved one way or another."

Offer to move Gusmao

Wednesday's offer included a proposal to move jailed guerrilla leader Xanana Gusmao to some form of house arrest or "special jail"; he has been in a Jakarta prison since being detained on separatist charges in 1993.

Oddly, the offer is more than Indonesia's main opponents in East Timor have been demanding. Mr. Gusmao and Nobel Prize winners Jose Ramos Horta and Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo have been advocating a referendum on the territory's future. Mr. Belo said Timorese should still be given the chance to choose between independence and special autonomy. "Referendum is an embodiment of East Timorese sovereignty to determine their future," he said from the East Timor capital, Dili. Exile leader Mr. Horta was more dismissive: "I am very skeptical nowadays about whatever they say in Jakarta because they change their mind so often," he said from his home in Australia.

Other East Timorese figures said they feared that at best Indonesia was toying with East Timorese aspirations and at worst repeating mistakes of its Portuguese predecessor by not preparing a smooth transition to independence. "Indonesia may be leaving East Timor like Portugal -- too quickly," said parliamentarian Salvador Soares. "If it's based on good intentions, then it's good; if it's out of fatigue, then it won't be."

Some senior Indonesian officials voiced similar fears. One said the decision, made at a cabinet meeting Tuesday, had drawn sighs of relief from the three institutions most involved with East Timor: the Foreign Ministry, Interior Ministry and armed forces. "They've just had it," he said.

But the official added that if the MPR goes ahead as expected, independence could be granted by Jan. 1. "I'm worried about the implications," he said. "It will create heightened tensions between those in East Timor who are for and against independence."

Rising tensions

Indeed, some suspect Indonesia may be intentionally exacerbating tensions in the territory for its own ends. Residents say clashes between rival groups in East Timor have increased in recent months, forcing hundreds if not thousands of Timorese to flee their homes. Some of the gangs are semi-official vigilantes armed by the military, residents say. Mr. Horta said he believed that more than 100 people had died at the hands of such gangs in recent months, a figure that residents say may not be far off the mark. "It's a very serious problem," said one Dili resident.

It wasn't clear why Indonesia has made the offer now, or how it would be carried out. Officials said it wasn't linked to Thursday's UN-sponsored meeting in New York between foreign ministers from Indonesia and Portugal, part of a long-running and largely fruitless effort to resolve the issue. The UN still regards Portugal as the administering power; Indonesia invaded the territory within a few months of Lisbon's withdrawal in 1975 and formally annexed it the following year.

But officials said the offer had largely made the talks irrelevant. "For the moment the thinking is the diplomatic ritual will go on, for as long as the special status is an option. But the very fact the independence option is there will make it meaningless," one official said. The offer comes after years of dogged refusal to even consider talks with Timorese leaders such as Mr. Horta. But diplomats and officials said they feared the sudden about-face would bring its own problems. A coalition government would be hard to form or sustain given the current fissures in East Timor, they said. "They've got to prepare a transition," said one Indonesian diplomat. "That's the real issue." One senior official acknowledged such fears, but said, "I don't think we will abandon East Timor completely."

East Timor might gain independence

Jakarta -- The government today raised the possibility of granting independence to the disputed half-island of East Timor for the first time since Indonesia annexed the territory 23 years ago.

East Timor, with a predominately Roman Catholic population of 800,000, has been wracked by bloodshed and human rights abuses since mainly Muslim Indonesia occupied it in 1976.

For years, thousands of troops have been fighting a small band of East Timorese rebels, and Indonesia has come under increasing international pressure to settle the problem. "If they want to have their freedom, they are welcome," Foreign Minister Ali Alatas said today at a news conference.

Information Minister Yunus Yosfiah quoted President B.J. Habibie as saying that Indonesia's highest legislative body could take up the issue later this year of East Timor's leaving this southeast Asian nation. The People's Consultative Assembly, or MPR, could consider the issue if the East Timorese reject Indonesia's offer to grant them greater autonomy, he quoted Habibie as saying.

Yunus, an army general who took part in Indonesia's 1975 invasion of the former Portuguese colony, said Habibie made the comments at a meeting of senior ministers. The comments follow growing international pressure on crisis-ridden Indonesia to settle the lethal dispute over East Timor, a former Portuguese colony 1,200 miles east of Jakarta, Indonesia's capital.

Three people were killed last weekend and 1,500 villagers were being sheltered by the Catholic church after clashes between pro- and anti-independence groups.

Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio, whose government is involved in peace talks with Indonesia on East Timor, described Yunus' comments as "a positive contribution to move (the issue) forward."

However, Roque Rodrigues, the Lisbon representative of the National Council of East Timor Resistance -- a grouping of pro- independence movements -- said he was "very skeptical" about the remarks.

Jose Ramos-Horta, co-winner of the 1996 Nobel peace prize for his efforts to find a solution to the East Timor dispute, also cast doubt on the credibility of Yunus' remarks. "The comments contrast sharply with the real situation on the ground in East Timor where there are acts of true savagery and complete inhumanity against the civilian population," he told Portuguese state radio Antena 1.

Alatas, the Indonesian foreign minister, said Habibie's plan was a response to suggestions by other governments, including neighboring Australia, that East Timorese people be allowed a form of self-determination. Indonesia annexed East Timor as its 27th province in 1976.

Alatas said the prospect of granting independence "is the last alternative if the people of East Timor continue to reject our offer for special autonomy." He said it would be up to the MPR to decide. "Indonesia gains no economic benefit during 22 years of integration," Alatas added. "The government always has to support this region."

Indonesia has steadfastly rejected the need for a referendum on East Timor and instead has put forward the offer of autonomy at UN-sponsored talks with Portugal. Until now Habibie has rejected the idea of East Timor leaving Indonesia, which is grappling with increasing civil unrest amid the worst economic crisis in 30 years.

Aid workers quit amid fear of civil war

Louise Williams, Jakarta -- Two Australian aid workers in East Timor were evacuated yesterday from the southern town of Suai and hundreds of local people sought refuge in churches amid bloody fighting between new paramilitary units armed by the Indonesian military and pro-independence forces.

The military commander in the territory's capital, Dili, Lieutenant-Colonel Supadi, recommended foreigners avoid travelling to East Timor "for the time being".

Reliable sources confirmed that two Australian aid workers were ordered to leave Suai after the killing overnight of at least three villagers and the disappearance of six.

The sources said the troubled province was sliding closer to "civil war" as local militia units armed by the Indonesian military clashed with independence supporters, killing and mutilating civilians and terrorising local villagers.

The deteriorating security conditions in East Timor mirror increasing violence in other parts of Indonesia. But they have wider implications for international peace talks aimed at settling the 24-year-old Timor conflict.

The Indonesian military's recent strategy of arming local East Timorese to fight the pro-independence guerilla forces has been strongly criticised by human rights groups, who say the move only intensifies the cycles of violence and abuses by pitting villagers against their neighbours.

Critics of the Indonesian military's presence in East Timor say the strategy is deliberately aimed at creating chaos and preventing a peace settlement which might lead to a future act of self-determination.

Lieutenant-Colonel Supadi confirmed the clashes in Suai, but said only one person was reported to have died. "These are clashes between pro-independence and pro-integration [Indonesia] forces. This has nothing to do with the military," he said. However, he confirmed the militia units, which are defending Indonesia's right to rule, were armed and trained by the Indonesian military.

The army commander confirmed that about 300 refugees were camping in Dili after fleeing clashes in outlying areas over the past few weeks. Local human right groups put the number who have fled the fighting at nearer 1,000.

Pro-Indonesian militia units were widely used during the Soeharto era, and have been documented as committing some of the worse human rights abuses in East Timor. After the new Indonesian President, Dr B.J. Habibie, took office last May, the militia units were disarmed and Jakarta said it was withdrawing all combat troops.

But over the past four or five months, numerous reports have said militia units were being re-armed -- some with knives and other traditional weapons, some with military-issue guns.

A confidential report on the security situation in East Timor lists numerous recent attacks on pro-independence forces, as well as villagers accused of sympathising with pro-independence forces.

According to the report an armed militia gang killed and dismembered a young man near Suai over the weekend, and shot two young men on bicycles. One of the men fled, but the other was killed and his body was buried with its head protruding from the ground.

Informed sources report that pro-independence Fretilin guerillas are less and less willing to follow orders to observe a truce and may be planning more violent reprisals themselves.

In a recent interview inside Jakarta's maximum security Cipinang jail, the former Fretilin commander, Xanana Gusmao, said he would not order his forces to stop military operations while attacks continued. He warned of many more bloody incidents if the policy of arming civilians continued.

East Timor: is a breakthrough looming?

Max Lane -- Speculation on the future of East Timor is rife in Jakarta. There have even been unconfirmed reports that the Habibie-Wiranto military regime may allow East Timorese resistance leader Xanana Gusmao to move to house arrest. The reason for all the speculation is the expectation that negotiations between the Indonesian government, the Portuguese government and the United Nations secretary-general will produce a UN autonomy proposal sometime in February.

Soon after the Indonesian student movement forced the resignation of President Suharto on May 21, the new president, B.J. Habibie, offered East Timor "extensive autonomy". This was presented as a final solution to the "East Timor problem" and became the starting point for a new round of negotiations between Portugal, Indonesia and the UN.

Two factors made the reopening of negotiations possible. First, the Habibie regime indicated that "extensive autonomy" would go beyond the normal "special autonomy" that already applied to some other provinces.

The new regime wanted to keep control of "only" foreign affairs, defence and fiscal arrangements (apparently taxation). This was seen by Portugal and the UN as a significant concession.

Secondly, early in the negotiations Portugal and Indonesia agreed to"forget" temporarily the issue on which they have been diametrically opposed, namely self-determination. Portugal insists on East Timor's right to self-determination while Indonesia proposes only "extensive autonomy".

UN plan

The UN special representative on East Timor, Jamsheed Marker, has told journalists that an agreement on autonomy would be separate from resolving the dispute over self-determination.

However, he said, the Indonesian armed forces would remain in East Timor, supposedly for external defence only, and a UN presence would be established there. Marker added that general elections would be held in East Timor to elect an autonomous government.

These elections, he said, should be separate from the Indonesian general elections, and all existing East Timorese political organisations, including the National Council for Timorese Resistance (CNRT) and Fretilin, would be able to participate. They would be monitored by the UN, and East Timorese outside Indonesia would be allowed to vote.

In an interview with Diario de Noticias on December 4, Marker indicated that these election proposals would be part of "a quite substantial document of additional proposals" going beyond the original concept proposed by Jakarta.

Xanana Gusmao has not commented publicly on Marker's proposals. However, in an extended New Year message to the East Timorese people, he made several crucial points.

Xanana defended the notion of a transitional autonomous government on the grounds of the need for a period of preparation for final independence. He pointed out that such a transition period has always been part of the peace plan put forward by the National Council for Maubere Resistance, now restructured as the CNRT.

Xanana also stated that such an autonomous government must be part of a transition towards an act of self-determination. "An erroneous analysis of the situation has led the people of East Timor to take sides: either with those who defend autonomy or with those who defend a referendum. Those who defend a referendum forget that CNRT `accepts' autonomy as a period of transition in the lead-up to a referendum.

"What I can guarantee to all is that if Indonesia is to continue with its arrogance and inflexibility, insisting on autonomy as a final solution, there will be no autonomy in East Timor."

In an Associated Press report from Lisbon on December 16, the deputy president of the CNRT, Jose Ramos Horta, commented: "This [UN] plan can only be valid if Indonesia accepts at the end of this period -- from three to five years -- the organisation of an internationally monitored democratic consultation".

Jakarta's view

There has not yet been a clear public statement by Jakarta on Marker's proposals. The Indonesian regime's only clear statement has been that it will not agree to any reference to a referendum in the autonomy proposals. This seems to put Jakarta's position at odds with that of the East Timorese resistance.

Xanana's assessment of Jakarta's position is stated in his New Year message: "My personal opinion is that Jakarta is not ready to move forth in a constructive way in a negotiation process in 1999.

"The Habibie colonialist government does not wish to find a solution for East Timor which will respect international law; until today, it has shown the arrogance which is typical of colonialists by stating that what it did was legal and therefore it is up to Portugal to recognise Indonesia's sovereignty over East Timor. I am certain of one thing: 1999 will be another year of deadlock. We, the East Timorese, will have to wait for a new truly democratic government to be installed."

Xanana is likely to be correct, especially in relation to Marker's proposals for elections: UN-supervised elections in which the CNRT can freely participate would be a self- determination referendum under another name. Even if the Habibie regime or Suharto family splashed millions of dollars around, and even with the Indonesian military still in East Timor, it is likely that such an election would result in a 99% pro- independence parliament and government.

Jakarta's agreement to such a policy could only be the result of a conscious decision to let East Timor have its independence. Yet as Xanana points out, there is no concrete evidence that Habibie is moving in that direction.

In his New Year message Xanana stated: "We are aware that our people are beginning to show a lack of patience, that radical groups are emerging and will choose confrontation to break the current deadlock provoked by the arrogance of the Suharto/Habibie colonialist regime".

That hundreds of students virtually chased Marker out of Dili in December is a sign of this.

There are many indications that the student movement in East Timor will continue to campaign actively for self-determination.

Xanana has urged people in East Timor not to seek confrontation or take advantage of turmoil in Indonesia to further the movement in East Timor. In this respect, he favours negotiations and preparing the ground for future negotiations with a post-Habibie government.

Xanana's assessment of the Habibie regime's intransigence indicates that he has high expectations of a genuine democratic government taking office in Indonesia, maybe in the year 2000.

Indonesian students

When Xanana met with one of the elite opposition figures, Amien Rais, in jail, Rais gave his support to an autonomy process which included a long period before a review or referendum. Rais' position seems consistent with the CNRT's, although his statements are not totally trusted by the student democracy movement in Indonesia.

Significantly, while Xanana says he "will not call for an increase in tensions in our motherland, nor for a greater level of confrontation with the occupying forces", he qualifies this by saying, "One day we might have to make a decision on this if after the elections nothing changes in Indonesia and if the New Order regime prolongs the current status quo".

It appears likely that Indonesia's student and other mass movements will continue to grow and radicalise in the lead-up to the elections in June. The dynamic of the Indonesian movement is against military repression. As this dynamic spreads, the military's invasion and occupation of East Timor are likely to be questioned more widely in Indonesia.

Thus, the movement in Indonesia may force the question of a more rapid transition to freedom in East Timor higher up the political agenda. This, in turn, would have an impact on the student movement in East Timor.

Little change in East Timor policy

The East Timor International Support Centre argues that the Australian government's supposed "historic shift" in policy on East Timor, recently announced by foreign minister Alexander Downer, is much ado about little.

Since the 1970s, both Liberal-National and Labor federal governments have endorsed Indonesia's annexation of East Timor. Through this policy, Australia has been the only western democracy to formally endorse on a de jure basis the sovereignty of Jakarta over East Timor.

Australia's policy has been that the East Timorese are not entitled to a referendum on the political status of the territory, despite the United Nations' recognition of their right to self-determination. In practice, Australia has proven to be a staunch ally of Indonesia in international fora, while large sections of Australian public opinion have continuously criticised this policy.

The ALP opposition voted at its annual congress in January 1998 to support the East Timorese people's right of self- determination. By September, after the virtual collapse of the Indonesian economy, and the removal of Suharto from the presidency, Labor was clearly articulating its support for an East Timorese self-determination referendum, and independence if that should be its preferred outcome.

Meanwhile, the Howard Coalition government continued supporting Indonesia's argument that East Timor is legally under its sovereignty, making only occasional weak statements critical of the high troop presence in the territory and the human rights violations taking place there.

But in a January 12 media release, Downer announced that the government had decided to make a significant adjustment to its East Timor policy, claiming that the rapidly evolving situation in Indonesia and in East Timor demands a constructive response. It said that Downer is "of the view that the long term prospects for reconciliation in East Timor would be best served by the holding of an act of self-determination at some future time, following a substantial period of autonomy".

The statement adds that this policy adjustment "does not alter the government's position which continues to recognise Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor", and in media interviews Downer added that the government is not in favour of East Timor independence. Rather, the statement says, it would like to see the East Timorese directly involved in considerations of their future, and that the Australian government would accept the outcome of East Timorese-Indonesian negotiations.

The statement also urges the inclusion of East Timorese leaders such as Xanana Gusmao in the process of direct negotiations, and supports his release for this purpose.

The statement is unlikely to result in a profound practical change in the Coalition's position regarding East Timor. It will continue to pay primary consideration to deferring to the sensitivities of Jakarta in order to maintain its harmonious relations with Indonesia. The main problem with the Downer statement is its ambiguity about the meaning of self-determination; it does not necessarily support the East Timorese's right to hold a referendum to determine the sovereignty aspect of the issue.

However, the statement is of great symbolic importance. It signals to Indonesia that its closest western ally is moving away from its past unconditional support on the issue. As such, it weakens Indonesia's position.

It also signals to progressives internationally, who have been demanding a change in Indonesia's policy on East Timor, that the Australian government agrees with them. The announcement, even if it is short in content and ambiguous, can therefore be exploited internationally to the benefit of the East Timor cause.

Indonesia reacted with hostility. The head of information at the Indonesian foreign ministry, Ghaffar Fadyl, was quoted by Radio Netherlands on January 12 as saying, "We are concerned, and are worried that this change may affect the tri-partite discussions currently under way". Radio Netherlands spoke of an "Australian stab in the back of Jakarta".

Nobel Peace co-laureate Jose Ramos Horta welcomed the statement, saying that he is not so concerned by its details, but happy that it shows that Australia is moving its position on the issue. He said he is prepared to accept that it is a diplomatic necessity that Australia saves the face of Indonesia.

ETISC has been informed that the Howard government had intended to announce the policy shift in mid-February, after federal parliament reconvened, and that indications were given to the Indonesian government that a policy change was being considered.

It appears that the announcement was brought forward by recently increasing public criticism of the government's policy on East Timor, and in particular its handling of the Alas massacre affair. Downer's statement seems to be calculated so as to avoid a perception of the Howard government as having been left behind by developments in East Timor, and to address domestic public opinion.

East Timor and the politics of oil

Mike Head -- Rarely does a veteran diplomat reveal the real concerns driving the foreign policy manoeuvres of a government he has served for decades. Such is the case, however, with an article that appeared in the Australian Financial Review this week written by Richard Woolcott, a former Australian ambassador to Indonesia and then secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

Woolcott's article sheds light on the jockeying for position now taking place between various governments and oil companies over the future of the former Portuguese enclave of East Timor, or more particularly, the island's considerable oil and natural gas reserves, including those in the Timor Gap, the seabed between Timor and Australia.

The article was prompted by an "historic shift" in Australian policy on East Timor announced on January 12 by Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer. The minister said Canberra had decided to join calls for an "act of self-determination" in the Indonesian-occupied territory, that lies less than 500 kilometres to the north-west of Australia.

Australian governments, both conservative and Labor Party, have supported the Indonesian annexation of East Timor ever since 1974-75, when the then Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam held two meetings with the Indonesian dictator General Suharto to assure Suharto of Australian blessing. More than 200,000 Timorese -- a quarter of the population -- have died under Indonesian military rule since December 1975.

In 1978 the Liberal-National Party government of Whitlam's successor, Malcolm Fraser, became the first in the world to formally recognise Indonesian sovereignty, in return for negotiations with Jakarta on sharing the spoils of the Timor Gap. The Labor government of Bob Hawke came to office in 1983 with a platform proclaiming "the inalienable right of the East Timorese to self-determination and independence" but quickly reaffirmed Fraser's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty and signed the Timor Gap Treaty in 1989.

As recently as December 1995, the Keating Labor government signed a unique security treaty with Jakarta, committing the Australian military to intervene on Suharto's behalf in the event of instability. Now that Suharto has fallen, new arrangements are being sought to protect Australian corporate interests in Indonesia and East Timor.

It is the future of the Timor Gap Treaty that Richard Woolcott raised in his article. He said both the Howard government and the Labor opposition had seen a need to change their policies on East Timor to meet what he described as an "evolving situation in Indonesia".

His concern was that, "apart from an issue of regional significance, such as the possible fracturing of Indonesia, the changes could lead to substantial financial implications for the government if the Timor Gap Treaty, signed in 1989, were to unravel." Woolcott noted that major companies are exploring for oil and gas under the umbrella of the treaty. If Australian recognition of de jure Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor were abandoned, the treaty could be nullified, resulting in substantial financial claims.

Woolcott emphasised that the principle of self-determination "is not a sacred cow". Indeed, the Timor issue provides a graphic picture of the way Western governments use lofty appeals to this principle to suit their commercial and strategic interests.

In announcing the most recent shift, Downer was deliberately vague. Self-determination did not mean independence, or even a referendum on secession, he said. The government was "of the view that the long term prospects for reconciliation in East Timor would be best served by the holding of an act of self- determination at some future time, following a substantial period of autonomy". He added that this policy adjustment "does not alter the Government's position which continues to recognise Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor".

At the same time, ruling circles in Australia -- and the companies drilling in the Timor Gap, which include Australia's BHP and its partners, Santos, Petroz and Inpex Sahul -- are scrambling not to be left behind if the Indonesian regime continues to breakup. Other forces are staking claims to the undersea reserves, including Portugal, which the UN still recognises as the sovereign power in East Timor, and the East Timorese leaders.

This is reflected in the position of the Labor Party. It has criticised Downer for not going far enough. After being for 23 years the most fervent supporter of Indonesian rule, Labor is now calling for the renegotiation of the Timor Gap Treaty to transfer Indonesian royalties to an autonomous East Timorese administration. Labor's foreign affairs spokesman Laurie Brereton also displayed rare candour in estimating that such an administration would have access to $A150 million a year in oil and gas royalties.

BHP commenced oil production at its Elang, Kakatua and Kakatua North fields in July 1998. Royalty revenues at present are only $6.25 million a year but Brereton said the figure would rise considerably when BHP began operating the Bayu-Udan natural gas project in 2002. By one estimate, the oil and gas reserves in the treaty zone are worth $19 billion.

Brereton, a leading minister in the previous Labor government, claimed that by allocating royalties to East Timorese representatives, the Australian government would finally have "a principled East Timor policy". The revenue would "contribute very significantly to the development of East Timor and the wellbeing of its people".

As the record demonstrates, Labor's concerns are not for the wellbeing of the East Timorese people but the profits and strategic interests of Australian capitalism. Sections of business are now looking for a partnership with an aspiring East Timorese ruling elite. Labor's policy turn followed a statement last July by the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT) that an East Timorese government would provide the oil companies with a "more secure and predictable environment" than the Indonesian administration.

"The National Council of Timorese Resistance will endeavour to show the Australian government and the Timor Gap contractors that their commercial interests will not be adversely affected by East Timorese self-determination," the statement said. "The CNRT supports the rights of the existing Timor Gap contractors and those of the Australian government to jointly develop East Timor's offshore oil reserves in cooperation with the people of East Timor."

The CNRT, headed by the jailed former resistance fighter Xanana Gusmao and Nobel Peace Prize winner Josi Ramos Horta, is primarily a bloc between East Timor's three main parties, Fretilin, UDT and Apodeti, all of which now favour a gradual transition to some form of self-rule, possibly in association with Portugal, or even Australia.

Gusmao last year held talks with a BHP executive in Jakarta's Cipinang prison, where he has been allowed a constant stream of high-profile visitors. Recently he held talks with three US congressmen. Australia has joined other Western governments in urging the Habibie regime to release Gusmao so he can actively participate in UN negotiations currently under way between Indonesia and Portugal.

Both Gusmao and Horta welcomed the Howard government's new line, with Horta describing it as "courageous". The CNRT leadership is looking for an arrangement with Canberra or any other Western power -- or oil companies -- which will support the ultimate formation of an East Timorese mini-state.
 

Political/economic crisis

Strife blamed on dark forces

Terry Friel, Jakarta -- As Indonesia lurches through its worst social and economic turmoil in 30 years, one thing political, military and religious leaders can agree on is that "dark forces" are masterminding the unrest sweeping their nation.

Conspiracy theories abound as Indonesians search for a palatable explanation as to why their country has crumbled from a regional economic and diplomatic powerhouse to a basket case living on foreign handouts.

Many claim to know the identity of the mysterious provocateurs, but no-one is prepared to name them.

"I am very sceptical of most of these provocateur theories," said Gerry Van Klinken, editor of the Australian-based magazine Inside Indonesia and a lecturer at Sydney University's School of Asian Studies. "It can be an easy way to target your enemies. The elite can agree on provocateurs, but they can't see that riots can come out of the society and the problems people face."

Most of the allegations concerning provocateurs centre on the political and military elite fanning ethnic, religious and economic tensions in a risky strategy to further their own ends.

Most recently, allegations surfaced that members of a youth group with loose links to the ruling Golkar Party sparked last week's Christian-Moslem violence in the far-eastern island of Ambon in which more than 50 people died.

It is a charge hotly denied by Yorrys Raweyai, the head of the Pemuda Pancasila and a close friend of former president Suharto. "That is not true," he told Reuters. "Pemuda Pancasila is not active in Ambon. You show me concrete evidence that Pemuda Pancasila was involved in the case."

The Ambon feuding was the latest in a wave of violence that has swept Indonesia over the past year as simmering tensions boil over in the post-Suharto era amid economic hardship and faltering respect for the military and the law.

The military, undermined by infighting and under-resourced, has been largely powerless to stem the violence. Some Indonesians whisper some of the bloodshed was incited by the military, seeking to create enough chaos and terror that the people would demand it take over to restore peace.

Or, by hardline rebel officers seeking to discredit reformist armed forces chief General Wiranto. Others say followers of the reviled Suharto might be seeking to destabilise the country in a desperate power game or to protect themselves as it lurches towards democracy.

Suharto and his family are under investigation over corruption and some say followers may have encouraged the unrest to warn the government not to push too far on the issue.

Clearly, some of the unrest has its roots in the economic pain and social turmoil hitting tens of millions of Indonesians. "People's problems may be economic, but they may express them in terms of religion or ethnicity, trying to find security in these new solidarities," said Sydney University's Van Klinken.

But there is evidence suggesting some provocateurs have been involved in some of the worst incidents.

An investigation by the Human Rights Commission into the May riots said it suspected an army unit led by Suharto's son-in-law, Lieutenant-General Prabowo Subianto, was linked to the violence.

In November, mysterious metal "dum-dum" bullets were found in the bodies of victims killed in clashes with the military in Jakarta. The army said it did not use such bullets.

And during bloody rioting between Moslems and Christians in Jakarta's Chinatown in the same month, some of the rioters appeared to be allied with the soldiers. "There are credible incidents of military provocation," said Van Klinken.

To some, new research for the World Bank suggesting the economic meltdown has pushed fewer people into poverty than previously thought adds credence to the existence of provocateurs.

"It is certainly true that the situation outside Java is not so bad," said H.S. Dillon, an agricultural economist and leader of the Forum for the Fostering of National Unity. I buy the argument that people are using the current situation to foment unrest. This has a much more political underpinning."

Wiranto seeks opposition's help on unrest

Susan Sim, Jakarta -- Armed with the first concrete proof that the recent deadly clashes across Indonesia were the work of organised provocateurs, military chief General Wiranto has sought the help of the country's most prominent opposition and reformist leaders to defuse tensions.

Within hours of his appeal to the Ciganjur Group, leaders of the country's main religious faiths yesterday turned up in force at the Ciganjur home of Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid to issue a joint petition. In it they called on all Indonesians to desist from violence, and in particular to be alert to attempts to sow discord among them. The goodwill- cum-signature drive also contained a demand that politicians stop using religion for their own ends. The Ciganjur Group refers to a core of reformist leaders pressuring the Habibie government to maintain its wide-ranging reform drive.

Sources said that General Wiranto, who paid a flying visit on Friday to the eastern island of Ambon after days of intense street fighting there between local Muslims and Christians, was incensed to learn that among the 50-odd "provocateurs" caught by his soldiers were members of the Golkar-affiliated youth group Pemuda Pancasila.

Unable to escape after exit points from the isolated Christian-dominated island were shut, the youths reportedly admitted that they had been sent from Jakarta before Christmas to create trouble between the two groups.

With investigations still underway to discover their sponsors, Gen Wiranto decided on his way back to Jakarta to persuade the Ciganjur Four to use their considerable influence to help the military keep the peace, a source familiar with events said. He added: "Wiranto knows people are more likely to listen to the opposition leaders than to him in a formal press conference."

The Ciganjur Four are Mr Abdurrahman, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party, Mr Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party, and the Sultan of Yogyakarta, a reform leader who is admired widely by the student movement.

In a four-hour meeting on Sunday night, General Wiranto told them and several other invited Muslim leaders of the arrest of the Pemuda Pancasila elements, Mr Abdurrahman confirmed to The Straits Times yesterday. But the ABRI chief-cum-Defence Minister was "too much of a professional" to say who he thought the mastermind was.

Mr Abdurrahman had hinted in the past that supporters of former President Suharto were responsible for the spate of unrest in several provinces in recent months, the latest of which caused almost 50 deaths in Ambon in three days of internecine fighting last week.

At a press conference late on Sunday night, General Wiranto said the Ambon strife appeared to follow a "pattern" already established in other riots. He said that the participants at the meeting had agreed to work together to save the nation. "Our sense of brotherhood is being tested," he said.

He also pledged that the military would stay neutral and ensure the June elections were conducted fairly. "We will not support any political parties or create a government... The armed forces will keep the elections fair and equal. Hence we can expect a successful election as it is the only entry point for the reform we have all been waiting for," he added.

Six shot, one dead in Java brawls

Jakarta -- Security forces firing into a mob during a fight between two villages in Central Java, wounded six people, while another brawl between farmers in West Java left one man dead, reports said Monday.

Hundreds of villagers from the Sugihwaras and Widuri villages in Pemalang, Central Java, were involved in renewed clashes on Saturday and security personnel shot into the melee after warning shots were ignored, the Suara Karya daily said. The attack by villagers from Sugihwaras also left one shop burned and several houses damaged in Widuri village.

The violence was the second outbreak of fighting between the two villages after an earlier clash on Wednesday that left scores of injured and at least 25 houses damaged.

The fighting was allegedly sparked by rumors that a Sugihwaras villager had been mobbed to death by people in Widuri after a road accident. The man had actually died in hospital of injuries suffered during the accident.

Two other brawls took place in West Java over the weekend, the Pikiran Rakyat daily said. Hundreds of villagers from Pasirrukem in Cilamaya sub-district attacked the Tegalurung village on Saturday after one of its men was beaten up in Tegalurung for allegedly harrassing a woman there the previous day. One teenager died in the attack while another was seriously wounded. The two victims were from Pasirrukem.

Another brawl also shook the Cibuaya sub-district when villagers from Puspasari attacked neighbouring Cibuaya village, leaving 25 houses damaged but no serious casualties.

Violence between neighbouring villages has been on the rise in Java and other Indonesian islands in the past month, often over trivial matters.

Analysts have blamed the violence on the economic hardship caused by the ongoing economic crisis as well as waning respect for the armed forces and the police, whose image has suffered badly from allegations of past human rights violations and acting in the interest of big business.

Five hacked to death as toll tops 100

Louise Williams, Jakarta -- Five Muslim men have been dragged from a truck at a Christian road-block, hacked to death and their bodies set alight, with an outnumbered military patrol standing helplessly by. The unofficial death toll in religious violence on the devastated Indonesian island of Ambon is now put at more than 100.

The new lynchings came only hours after Indonesia's Armed Forces Commander, General Wiranto, toured the riot-torn capital of the Moluccas, once known as the Spice Islands, and issued shoot-on-sight orders against armed gangs and imposed a night- time curfew.

At least 20,000 locals on Ambon were sheltering at mosques, churches and police and military posts at the weekend after an Indonesian military Hercules evacuated remaining foreigners to Ujung Pandang, on the island of Sulawesi.

About 5,000 soldiers and police patrolled the smouldering remains of Ambon's commercial and residential districts, trashed during five days of fighting between rival Muslim and Christian mobs, but residents said armed gangs were still roaming back- streets and outlying villages.

Officials put the death toll at 52, but Christian and Muslim sources said the official toll counted only corpses brought to hospitals, and that many bodies had been dumped into rivers and the sea. The Ambon police chief, Colonel Karyono, also conceded that many more victims might be uncovered from within the remains of burnt out buildings.

A local aid organisation, Baileo, said it had already recorded 122 deaths and 145 people injured in the main city of Ambon, but continuing violence in surrounding villages meant the death toll would climb. "The situation is still very tense," a Baileo spokesman said. "People are too scared to leave their homes and we cannot go outside the town. In one area we cannot reach, at least 500 homes have been destroyed."

Indonesian newspapers listed the extensive damage, which includes the main market, scores of shops and hundreds of homes and cars. However, in an effort to prevent fuelling the explosive religious tensions, they made no mention of the destruction of eight mosques and eight churches.

Ordinary Indonesians are only too aware of the religious divisions and the terrible consequences for the nation if revenge attacks break out in other parts of the country. Reports from predominantly Christian Ambon identify most of the victims as Muslims. However, Indonesia is a majority Muslim nation, and this leaves religious minorities on the heavily populated Muslim- dominated islands of Java and Sumatra fearful of retaliation.

The lynching of the five Muslims was confirmed by police on Saturday. The five were stopped at a road-block in a predominantly Christian area, despite an escort of three armed soldiers. The mob manning the road-block demanded identity cards, which show a person's religion, and dragged the five from the truck. Soldiers fired warning shots, but the men were hacked to death on the road. "They threw their bodies into a gorge, poured gasoline over them and burned them," an Ambon police officer was quoted as saying.

President B.J. Habibie announced Ambon was "under control" over the weekend but one local resident contacted by telephone said: "The main streets are controlled by the soldiers, but the small streets and outside the city are still being patrolled by the gangs."

Some rice was now available in the city centre, but much of the commercial district had been destroyed, he said. The airport and seaport remained closed and local transport was paralysed.
 

Aceh/West Papua

Jail terms sought over torture-killings

Jakarta -- A military prosecutor Friday sought years of jail and dismissal from the armed forces for four soldiers charged with the fatal torturing of villagers under military detention in the troubled Indonesian province of Aceh, a report said.

Lieutenant Colonel Aris Sujarwadi, speaking at the court martial in Banda Aceh, the main city of Aceh province, sought seven years jail and dismissal from the forces for each of the four defendants, all army privates, the Antara news agency said.

Sujarwadi said that based on the witnesses' testimony and evidence, the four defendants were guilty of torturing civilians under military detention, five of whom died. The charges carry up to 12 years of jail.

The torture, in which at least 23 other soldiers had taken part had led to the death of five of the civilian detainees. Nineteen others were hospitalized. Witnesses have said the defendants and other soldiers tortured about 40 villagers detained in a building belonging to a youth organization in Lhokseumawe, 300 kilometers (185 miles) east of Banda Aceh earlier this month. One of the witnesses said up to 100 soldiers took part in the attack.

The prosecutor said the four had slapped, kicked, and hit the detainees with electrical cables and the butts of their rifles. He said the defendants' actions had sullied the image of the Indonesian armed forces in the eyes of society.

The four privates, identified as Amsir, 29, Muhun Harahap, 31, Manalom Simatupang, 26, and Effendi, 35, have already admitted to the court that they took part in the crime.

The villagers had been arrested during army raids to hunt down the alleged leader of a local separatist group, who the military believed to be holding two soldiers as hostages.

The raids followed the killing of seven soldiers and the abduction of two military officers late in December. Another 22 soldiers also believed to be implicated in the torture attack are still being detained in Lhokseumawe.

An infantry major, who was the acting commander of one of battalions whose members took part in the attack on the detention building, is facing four years of jail and dismissal from the forces. He is being tried by a separate military tribunal in Banda Aceh.

The Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh) movement has been fighting for an independent Islamic state in Aceh since the mid-1970s. Antara did not say when the court will resume the trial of the four soldiers.

Court-martialled soldiers admit to torture

Jakarta -- Four soldiers admitted to a military tribunal in the troubled Indonesian province of Aceh Tuesday that they had tortured detained villagers in an incident which left five dead, a report said.

The four privates, identified as Amsir, 29, Muhun Harahap, 31, Manalom Simatupang, 26, and Effendi, 35, made the admission during a court martial in Banda Aceh, the capital of Aceh province, the Antara news agency said.

The admission was made after the testimony of a surviving victim, Jamluddin, 40, was read out to the court over the incident earlier this month when troops burst into a detention center containing 40 villagers.

Four other witnesses also testified, the agency said. The witnesses, who were not identified, told the court that they had seen the accused beat the civilian detainees with rifle butts, wooden sticks and electrical cords.

The military prosecutor has accused the defendants and other soldiers of having tortured the 40 villagers detained in Lhokseumawe, 300 kilometres east of the capital Banda Aceh. Five of the detainees died and 19 others were hospitalized with serious injuries.

The tortured detainees had been arrested during army raids intended to capture the alleged leader of an Acehnese separatist group and to find two soldiers believed to have been kidnapped by rebels.

The raids followed the killing of seven soldiers and the abduction of two military officers late in December. Another 22 soldiers also believed to be implicated in the torture attack are still being detained in Lhokseumawe.

The Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh) movement has been fighting for an independent Islamic state in Aceh since the mid-1970s.

The separate court martial of Major Bayu Najib, the former executive officer of one of the battalions involved in the torture-killings, is scheduled to resume on Thursday. The military prosecutor has called for a four-year jail sentence for Najib and his dismissal from the armed forces. The court martial of the four privates is to resume Wednesday.
 

Human rights/law

Witnesses fail to recognise kidnappers

Jakarta -- Two witnesses, a civilian and a soldier, Thursday told an Indonesian military court they could not recognize any of the 11 military defendants as the abductors of activists they had encountered before.

Sucipto Hadinoto, the local neighbourhood administrator at low-cost appartments in Klender, East Jakarta, told the court he had seen one activist taken by force from one of the appartments on March 13.

He said while two people in civilian clothes went to his appartment to ask for information on two people living in the complex, about 10 others remained downstairs.

But when confronted with the 11 defendants, Hadinoto could not recognise any of them. Hadinoto said the two men had waited for about one hour before the occupant of the appartment returned home.

"I only saw one young man taken away by force, a gun pointed to his neck and his hands handcuffed," he said adding the men, whom he believed were "security personnel" had not shown or him any credentials.

Two activists were abducted from the same flat, Aan Rusdianto and Nezar Patria. Another student activist, Mugianto, was abducted later on the same day as he returned home to the same flat. The security men had told him two men living in the apartment were involved in a bomb-making operation in 1998.

A second witness, Lieutenant Colonel Sarid Purnawan of the national police headquarters, also claimed not to recognize any of the defendants as among a group of five people who had handed over an abducted activist, Andi Arif, to the headquarters for detention on April 16. "I don't think any of them (the defendants) were among the four personnel in plainclothes that came to hand over the detainee," Purnawan said.

The fifth person who came with the detainee was a police colonel named John Nalo, he said. Nalo, he added, had already called him earlier to tell him to expect the arrival of a new detainee and demand a detention room be prepared. Arif was detained there for one week and was later moved to the Jakarta police headquarters.

Twenty-three activists are known to have been abducted in the dying months of the Suharto regime by unidentified men. Some were detained in solitary confinement for weeks and some also spoke of torture after they were released. One of the 23, nine have resurfaced, one was found dead and 13 are listed as missing.

The judge said the trial would resume Tuesday. Rights activisits have already called for a halt to the trial, charging it is an attempt to cover up the real perpetrators of the crime. They cited the military prosecutor's claim that the 11 defendants, seven of them junior officers, had acted on their own initiative.

Witness tells court he recognizes soldier

Jakarta -- A soldier told an Indonesian military court Tuesday he believed he recognized one of the 11 soldiers on trial as one of the abductors of three activists.

First Sergeant Siswanto of the East Jakarta military command told the military court that, on March 13 last year, he heard over the radio two members of the outlawed People's Democratic Party (PRD) had been arrested in an area under his command's juristiction.

"The next Saturday (January 14), I was informed that someone was going to hand over three people to the police via my office, but nobody showed up," Siswanto said. A man who did not identify himself by name or unit delivered three blindfolded men on Sunday, he added.

"I recognise the first defendant as the one who delivered the three, but he then had long hair," Siswanto told the court, refering to defendant Captain Bambang Kristiono.

The three activists, who were handed over to a waiting captain from Jakarta police headquarters, were identified as Mugiyanto, Aang Rusdianto and Nezar Patria.

They had been among 23 activists abducted early last year by unidentified men. Some had been detained in solitary confinement for weeks and some also spoke of torture after they were released. One of the 23 was found dead and 13 are listed as missing.

Another witness, Master Sergeant Sutomo, shed little light on the abductions, saying only he happened to be at a particular place when several men he believed were from the armed forces arrested Mugiyanto. He claimed not to recognize any of the defendants. The judge said the trial would resume Thursday.

Rights activisits have already called for a halt to the trial, charging that it is an attempt to cover up the real perpetrators of the crime. They cited the military prosecutor's claim that the defendants, seven of them junior officers, had acted on their own initiative.

All defendants came from the Kopassus special army unit, which the military have accused of involvement in the kidnapping and torture. When the kidnappings took place, the Kopassus was under the command of a son-in-law of former president Suharto, now- retired lieutenant general Prabowo Subianto.

Press reports in August said Prabowo had admitted during a two-week investigation by the military's Officers Honourary Council (DKP) that he ordered the kidnappings. At the end of its investigation on August 24, the DKP discharged Prabowo and two other officers for their role in the abduction and torture of political activists.

The charges against the 11 soldiers relate only to the abduction of nine activists who have since surfaced. There has been no charge of torture. The nine spoke of their abduction, of being held incommunicado for months, of torture and finally of their release being accompanied by death threats should they tell others of their ordeal.
 

News & issues

Thousands sign up for civilian militia forces

Jakarta -- The government's plan to form a civil militia has been denounced as "dangerous" by opposition leaders, but that has not stopped thousands of people in Bogor, West Java, from applying to join the civilian security units.

"Of the thousands of people who have registered for the civilian defence force, only 600 passed the initial administration test," Deputy Bogor Military Commander Major Utoh Zanedi said earlier this week.

"Those who passed the first test will take further tests, including health, physical and mentality examinations," The Indonesian Observer on Thursday quoted him as saying.

Major Utoh, who heads the militia application centre in Bogor, said his city would need at least 1,000 civilian security personnel, who will help the Indonesian armed forces "maintain safety and order" in the region, especially in the run-up to the June 7 general election.

"With only 600 candidates passing the administration test, we still need more people to fulfil the quota for our region. Therefore, we will conduct a second and third round of registration, and hope that more potential candidates will enroll," he said.

Enrolments opened on Jan 11 and will continue until March 12. Candidates must be aged between 18 and 45, and have a minimum education level of junior high school.

The first batches of successful applicants who commence training will receive a monthly salary of 200,000 rupiah (S$37). The Harian Terbit afternoon daily reported on Thursday that most applicants for the militia in Bogor were elementary or junior high-school graduates.

Justice Minister Muladi says the establishment of civilian defence forces was an attempt by the government to attract members of the public to help maintain peace and order.

"The existence of the civilian defence forces is not only aimed at securing the 1999 general election, but is also one of the government's efforts to get people involved in creating a secure situation," he said.

Nevertheless, political analysts fear the presence of a militia may lead to civil warfare. Muslim reformist leader Amien Rais, who chairs the National Mandate Party, has expressed grave doubts about the force's effectiveness. "The establishment of a militia is not the solution to guaranteeing security and order within society, especially prior to the general election," newspapers quoted him as saying. "What we really need is the political will from the government and all parties to respect democracy and the people's aspirations."

Initially, some 40,000 civilians will be recruited for the security forces, including at least 12,000 to be deployed in Jakarta.

Foreign power made me quit, says Suharto

Jakarta -- Former President Suharto has, for the first time, revealed that he was forced to step down on May 21 because of pressures exerted by a foreign power, according to a report in the Indonesian-language Harian Terbit newspaper.

In the article, the afternoon daily cited a close aide who quoted Mr Suharto as saying that the combination of pressure and persuasion from the unnamed power came at a time when Indonesia needed economic help most.

"My downfall was because of foreign demands," the aide, Mr Zainal Maarif, quoted the former Indonesian leader as saying. He added that the foreign pressure was overpowering and that it had exerted its economic might to urge him to resign.

While the report did not name the foreign power, the former leader said that the foreign country had extensive interests in Indonesia, particularly in the economy. "The foreign power, according to Suharto, did not use weapons to bring him down but employed the use of economic weapons at a time when Indonesia was in dire need of foreign funding," Mr Zainal told Harian Terbit.

The paper said that Mr Suharto's comments were made when he met about 200 residents at a dialogue during Hari Raya Aidilfitri celebrations at the Kalitan palace, the residence of his late wife Siti Suhartinah Tien Suharto. At the session, the 77-year- old former President fielded a range of questions.

A resident asked: "Doesn't Suharto feel for the people who are now suffering amid endless unrest?" In reply, the paper quoted him as saying that he was aware of the plight of the Indonesians following his resignation.

On whether he was prepared to be punished, he was reported to have said that that he would let the people sentence him. "I am ready ... it is up to the Indonesians. And I have no intention to return to power," the paper quoted him as saying.

He also expressed regret over the unrest in the country. "How are we to to prosper when domestic stability is uncertain? National harmony can be achieved if the people are united so that Indonesia is assured of success and can make a quick recovery," he was reported to have said.

At the session, the former leader said he did not own the billions of US dollars in wealth as many in the country had claimed.

His plan to spend the holiday in his late wife's hometown had met with strong opposition. Some 100 residents and students protested near the Kalitan palace shortly after he and his family arrived.

More than 200 local residents turned up there on foot to join the prayers being held inside and outside the compound. Men, women and children were pushing one another to get in until they formed a queue to shake hands with the former leader.

Miliary seats in parliament condemned

Jakarta -- Indonesian students and political parties formed since the fall of former president Suharto, have condemned an agreement to allow the military to keep 38 seats in parliament, reports said Thursday.

"That number is still too much, even more so because they are put there by appointment and not through an election. This is a clear setback for the people's aspirations," said Matori Abdul Jalil of the People's Awakening Party (PKB), according to the Bisnis Indonesia daily.

Under pressure to end months of lobbying and negotiations on political bills by Thursday, MPs agreed Wednesday to give the military 38 seats in a decision that cleared the last roadblock to general elections in June.

The allotment was half the seats the armed forces had held under Suharto. Armed forces chief General Wiranto labelled the reduction in military MPs as "radical," but added that the armed forces (ABRI) "will accept the decision."

But the secretary of the People's Mandate Party (PAN), Faisal Basri "deplored" the number. "General Wiranto should count. The ABRI MPs at the national, provincial and district legislatures numbers in the thousands, while ABRI's own forces only number 500,000 men," Basri was quoted by Bisnis as saying. PAN and PKB are two of the largest new parties formed since Suharto resigned last May.

"To build a democratic society, ABRI should not play politics but should only assure security," the Kompas daily quoted Eli Salomo, an activist of the City Forum student groups, as saying. The forum has been active in reform protests.

Salomo said his group was disappointed at the agreement on military seats in the House of Representatives, but highlighted how the MPs who made the accord were the product of the old Suharto regime.

The chairman of the Indonesian Moslem Students Unified Front, Fitra Asril, said the military should not be in the house as democratic reforms could only start when the military were no longer involved in politics. Asril was quoted by Kompas as saying the 38 military seats showed the military reform drive was only "rhetoric." He called for the armed forces to provide a clear schedule for its withdrawal from politics.

Irwan, an activist of the Jakarta Forum of Communication for Student Senates, said the 38 seats showed "ABRI's arrogance", Kompas said. The military allotment was much bigger than the number of seats any single party could hope to obtain in the next elections on June 7, he added.

A group of some 100 students on Wednesday already protested under heavy rain in front of parliament complex against the number of military MPs.

The issue of the military presence in the legislature had been one of the main stumbling blocks to the passage of a package of political bills that will allow the first elections since Suharto stepped down to proceed.

Home Minister Syarwan Hamid, an army lieutenant general, said the military will reduce its seats in the future, and added that when they reach 16 seats "they will have no influence and it would be better if ABRI is no longer in the legislature in the future."

Hope for change lies with students

Jakarta -- More than 130 new political parties have sprouted up since May of last year when the reformation era was ushered in, but will the people entrust these parties with their hopes for democracy? According to the latest poll jointly conducted by The Jakarta Post and D&R magazine the people are not placing their hopes in political parties, but rather they are trusting university students to deliver democracy to the country.

A change to democracy after more than 30 years under the repressive regime of former president Soeharto is the fresh air the people are eager to breathe in.

This poll, conducted in five major cities across the country, found that the people are placing their hopes for democracy on the shoulders of university students who, ironically, are outside of the political system. This suggests that the people simply have no trust in the current political system, and place more trust in students than political leaders.

However, the people still believe that political parties with a large public support can also contribute to change in the country. Therefore, three political parties which have the potential to draw overwhelming public support featured prominently in the poll. These three parties are the Megawati Soekarnoputri led faction of the Indonesian Democratic Party, the Nation Awakening Party and the People's Mandate Party.

The poll found that 53.9 percent of the respondents believed students would be able to push the country to a better democracy, while 24.7 percent of respondents thought political parties could lead the country to an improved democracy.

Nonetheless, exactly half of the respondents admitted that they were confused by the present government's policies regarding the shift to democracy. Nearly half of the respondents also believed that the current political map was still a jumble.

The survey was conducted by the Research Productivity Center in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, Denpasar and Medan. The 250 respondents in each of the five cities, comprising 68.7 percent men and 31.3 percent women, were randomly selected.

The poll also recorded the people's sense of guarded optimism toward any political promises coming from the government. They still believed, however, that an election would be held this year. Should the election be postponed, they said, it would be because of social disorder or because of pressure from certain political groups, not because of Habibie's desire to postpone the poll.

Survey respondents also believed that Habibie's willingness to hold on to power would not depend on Habibie himself but on outside political factors. This suggests that a system of power in Indonesia is gradually manifesting itself.

Questioned about whether there would really be an election this year, 68.5 percent of those surveyed responded yes and 21.4 percent answered that they did not think an election would be held. Of those who did not believe that the election would be held, 71.8 percent believed that the election would be purposely postponed to maintain the status quo.

Asked what could prevent the poll from being held, 54.2 percent of respondents said widespread chaos and 35.5 percent believed that pressures from certain political groups toward the government would stop the poll from taking place.

The objectivity and fairness of elections was always questioned during the reign of Soeharto, who ruled Indonesia with an iron fist from 1966 to 1998 and who allowed only three political parties to contest in elections.

Asked if the upcoming election would be objective and fair, 44 percent of respondents doubted the election would be fair. Only 25 percent of respondents believed that the election would be fair.

The Armed Forces (ABRI), an extremely important factor in Indonesian politics, has recently suffered an image problem as past misdeeds continue to come to light.

Asked whether the Armed Forces would remain neutral in the upcoming election, 41.6 percent of those polled said no, while another 32.4 percent expressed doubts about ABRI's neutrality. This overwhelming response makes one thing clear: in the eyes of the people, ABRI will not remain neutral in the upcoming election.

The question of ABRI's neutrality and the political status of civil servants, currently being wooed by various political groups, help to undermine the people's belief that the upcoming election will be fairer, cleaner and more objective than the previous six elections held under Soeharto.

Student groups divided on elections

Jakarta -- Two influential Indonesian student groups Tuesday split openly on whether to oppose elections slated for June, but those against dismissed reports they were planning a massive street protest this week against the polls.

In a statement distributed to journalists, Forkot, an association of students from 28 universities in Greater Jakarta, said the rumor was spread by those in power to create fear and tension among the people.

The group called on people not to be trapped by rumors, which it said were intended to undermine "people's power." However the group did not rule out protests at the end of the month.

The Forkot said it rejected the planned general election, slated for June 7, arguing that MP's currently debating political bills on the election were elected in flawed polls during the regime of former president Suharto.

The group, which had been at the forefront of student demonstrations last year demanding that the government of Suharto's hand-picked successor B.J. Habibie step down in favor of a transitional People's Committee, said it still wanted the government to resign.

"We will continue to press with our demand for the establishment of the Indonesian People's Committee," Kahfi, a Forkot leader told a press conference.

"It's not that we don't want an election. But we want a free and fair election. And this can never be achieved by the present government," said Kahfi.

Meanwhile, a second student group, Forum Salemba, issued a statement endorsing the elections and signed by eight student union leaders, including that of elite University of Indonesia.

In the statement, the group charged that the "illegitimacy" of the Habibie government had left it unable to issue policies "effective and responsive to people's needs."

But the signatories agreed the June elctions were "a pre- condition toward a legitimate government" and said they had decided to devote themselves to ensuring that it was held in free and fair manner. Forum Salamba also demanded the armed forces be held responsible for all riots that have rocked the country in recent months, claiming scores of lives.

Until the just-ended Moslem fasting, Forkot and other student groups had taken to the streets almost daily, demanding the setting up of the People's Committee and that Suharto be dragged to court to answer allegations that he has amassed a fortune during his 32 years in power.

Since the fasting month ended last week, renewed street protests have failed to materialize, amid reports from campuses the student movement is disintegrating into pro- and anti- election factions.

Committee agrees to 38 military appointees

Jakarta -- Indonesian MPs on Wednesday cleared a major hurdle blocking passage of political bills ahead of June elections, agreeing to give the military 38 seats in parliament, half the number they held under the former government of Suharto.

"The PPP (the Moslem United Development Party) finally followed the decision on the number of ABRI in the House of Representative, that is 38 people," said H.M. Jufri A.S. the representative of the PPP chairman at a special committee preparing the bills.

The PPP had previously sought to slash the number of appointed ABRI (military) seats at the House of Representative, the lower house, from the current 75 to 15.

But it has faced strong opposition from the military faction which has been adamant on keeping a minimum of 38 seats in the new 500 seat house, or half the current 75. Similar reductions will take place at provincial and district level legislatures, with the army retaining up to 10 percent of the local seats there.

Armed Forces Chief General Wiranto labelled the reduction in military MPs as "radical," but added that "ABRI will accept the decision."

The issue of the military presence at the legislature has been one of the main stumbling blocks to the passage of a package of political bills that will allow the first elections since former president Suharto stepped down in May, to proceed.

The last hurdle was surmounted later on Wednesday when the committee's chairman Abu Hasan Sazili announced that members had reached a compromise agreement -- an election system based on a combination of results at provincial and district levels.

Under the agreed system the list of party candidates both at provincial and district levels have to be endorsed in writing by the political chapters at district levels. In the past the candidates were determined from Jakarta, often involving candidates unknown in their assigned constituency.

The seats for each party will be determined by the number of votes reaped at the provincial level, but the candidates to become MPS would be determined from the votes at district level.

The agreements had still to be officialized by the committee later on Wednesday and brought for the approval of a plenary session of parliament on Thursday. Legislators have been racing against time to finish debates on the bills by Thursday, to allow ample time to prepare for the elections.

Another major obstacle, the neutrality of the civil servant corps, was removed when President B.J. Habibie on Tuesday signed a government ruling on the issue. The ruling number five, governed public servants who become members of political parties, Coordinating Minister for Development Supervision Hartarto Sastrosunarto told journalists Wednesday.

"So that civil servants can be neutral and impartial towards all political parties and are not involved in practical politics, civil servants that become a member or an executive of a political party should be dismissed from their government posts," Hartarto said.

The ruling said civil servants should not only be neutral but also avoid the use of state facilities for any particular group and should not discriminate in providing services to the public.

During Suharto's 32-year rule, the block votes of the military and civil servants and their families helped the ruling Golkar party to sweep every election.

Under the regulations, civil servants wanting to become or stay as members or executives of political parties were given three months to retire from their current government postings. Dishonorable discharge was the penalty for violators.

Dita Sari rejects bail offer

The Indonesian media announced on December 13 that Indonesian political prisoner Dita Sari had been offered early bail by the Habibie government. Dita, a labour activist and leader of the People's Democratic Party, was sentenced to five years' jail on April 22, 1997 for subversion. Her "crime" was daring to fight alongside Indonesian workers for democracy and justice.

The bail offer, which solidarity activists say was the result of the increasing pressure being exerted on the Habibie government by the worldwide "Free Dita!" campaign, was conditional on Dita agreeing not to engage in political activity until the year 2002.

Dita rejected this condition, and remains in jail. She has called for the campaigning for her and other political prisoners' unconditional release to continue.

Wiranto pledges to respect elections

Jakarta -- Indonesian armed forces chief General Wiranto assured top opposition leaders Sunday the military would support any winner of a fair election and would not try to take over the government.

"In dealing with the upcoming elections, it will show neutrality. The armed forces stated that it will place itself in a position equidistant from all parties," he said. "We will not support any political parties or create a government."

Civilian representatives of the government of President B.J. Habibie were conspicuous by their absence from the meeting, called by Wiranto as the military tried to quell bloody riots in the country's east.

The general also said all participants at the meeting had agreed to pull together to save the nation. "Our sense of brotherhood is being tested. That's why in this meeting we agreed to end that.

"The armed forces will keep the elections fair and equal. Hence we can expect a successful election as it is the only entry point for the reform we have all been waiting for," Wiranto told journalists after the more than three-hour- long meeting at his offcial Jakarta residence.

Those attending the meeting with Wiranto at his invitation included respected Moslem moderate Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and the Sultan of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono X. Popular politician Megawati Sukarnoputri and several leading businessmen were also present, an AFP reporter said. Political party leader Amien Rais at first sent a message that he would not attend but later turned up.

"Amien Rais refuses to meet with Wiranto at this meeting. He would like to ask ... why the armed forces has not prosecuted the perpetrators of the riots," Bara Hasibuan, head of political affairs for Rais' National Awakening Party, told AFP before he appeared.

"All of us that met tonight have agreed to support the elections to take place successfully and securely," Wiranto said. "It was truly a meeting of minds that emphasized political nuances to find a way so that this country can stay united."

The June 7 polls will result in the election of a new parliament and the formation of a new People's Consultative Assembly which is due to select a new president before the end of 1999.

Gus Dur said after the meeting that the opposition leaders had been there to listen to Wiranto's commitment "that the armed forces will be more open with its statements in the future so that they could be more understandable."

"This is something that we have actually been waiting for, to hear the armed forces' commitment to support reform," he added.

Parliament to resume debate on election

Jakarta -- Indonesia's parliament is to reconvene Monday to finalize new bills that will set the ground rules for elections in June and for the country's post-Suharto political life.

The Suharto-era parliament is racing against a January 28 deadline to complete fine-tuning the government-proposed bills so the country can prepare for general elections promised for June 7.

They will cover political parties -- and how many of the more than 100 new parties that have blossomed since Suharto's fall in May will be able to run in June -- the conduct of the polls and the composition of a new upper and lower houses.

But since the debate first began in November 17, the members of the 500-seat House of Representatives have been involved in acrimonious debate over several core issues, including civil servants' role in politics.

Also hotly disputed is the number of unelected seats to be allocated to the armed forces, a main pillar of the 32-year-long Suharto regime, or whether they should sit in the house at all.

In a high-level meeting between the government and senior legislators Friday, the two sides agreed to drop the issue of civil servants from the agenda, and leave it to a government regulation to be issued at a later date, the Jakarta Post said Saturday.

However, Abu Hasan Sazili from the ruling Golkar party, who also chairs the House Special Committee responsible for deliberating the bills, said the final decision on whether or not to put the issue on ice could only be made at the open session of a special committee meeting scheduled for Monday. "The results of (Friday's) meeting will first be forwarded to faction leaders and members," Sazili was quoted by the Post as saying.

Friday's three-hour meeting, dubbed "high-level (government) lobbying" by the press here, was attended by armed forces chief General Wiranto, Home Affairs Minister Syarwan Hamid, United Development Party (PPP) chairman Hamzah Haz and Golkar House faction leader Andi Mattalatta.

Golkar has been stubbornly rejecting a government suggestion that civil servants be allowed to run for election if they resign their government posts when elected, saying that barring them from joining political parties would violate their civil rights.

The minority Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) had earlier argued against the suggestion but later shifted to backing the proposed bill. The PPP argues the army should return to the barracks and quit politics.

During Suharto's rule the ruling Golkar party received its main support from the block vote of bureaucracy and the military and their families, who helped it gain a landlside victory in every election.

Ryaas Rasyid, who chairs the government team that drafted the political bills, was quoted by the Post as saying the planned government regulation would stipulate if a civil servant wanted to join a political party, he or she "must take leave without state stipend or resign."

If followed, it would knock scores of ministers, including Golkar head and concurrently state secretary Akbar Tanjung, out of their government posts. Golkar deputy chairman Marzuki Darusman called the conditions unacceptable.

"We don't want that," Darusman said, adding the clause on "leave without the state stipend" required further clarification as a current government regulation says a civil servant with five years service can take up to four years unpaid leave for "important and urgent personal reasons".

Darusman argued that civil servants must not lose their "political rights" although Golkar agreed a neutral bureaucracy was vital for a free and fair election. A current law states that civil servants can hold membership or executive positions with political parties with the permission of their superiors.

On the military representation issue the government has reducing the seat allotment to 55 from the current 75 in a 550 seat house. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, chief of the armed forces territorial affairs bureau said earlier the military would accept whatever decision the House made.
 

Arms/armed forces

Bullets and bottomlines

Tom McCawley, Jakarta -- Twenty years ago, Defense Minister Gen. Muhamad Yusuf issued a stern warning to Indonesia's armed forces. "All serving officers are forbidden to enter the world of commerce," he said. "Forget about trade if you want to be a good soldier." More than 300 military members were asked to resign. "Some officers were dragged through the mud," recalls Hasnan Habib, a retired general and former ambassador to the US But it seems the call of profits was too strong. In 1997, Defense Minister Edi Sudrajat had to reiterate the edict. When ex- general Suharto resigned as president last May, the calls for the military to withdraw from business grew louder. "There are no real business people in the military," says political scientist Indria Samego. "They are all rent-seekers."

Another log has been thrown in the bonfire of business reformasi (reforms). The government of President B.J. Habibie is already being forced to dismantle parts of the vast business empire built up by Suharto and his family. Corporations controlled by the former president's ethnic Chinese cronies are under scrutiny. State monopolies are being slowly taken apart. But in some ways, the oust-the-military-from-commerce campaign may be the hardest one of all. Like their counterparts in China, Thailand and Vietnam, ABRI -- the Indonesian armed forces -- became involved in business to supplement an inadequate budget. Profits from military businesses are supposed to go to projects like housing for the troops and support the military's dwifungsi (dual) role of promoting national security and socio-political stability.

But reformers inside and outside the military argue that the businesses encourage corruption and violate the officers' oath. "And the gap between the haves [the officers] and have-nots [the foot soldiers] has become a problem," complains Habib. A military withdrawal can open up many opportunities for the private sector. Soldiers have their fingers in almost every industry. The army has a yayasan -- a charitable foundation -- with more than 64 companies, including one that is part-owner of Jakarta's Sudirman Central Business District. The navy, air force and police, as well as the reserve command Kostrad and elite commando unit Kopassus have their own empires. In all, the corporate wealth of the armed forces is estimated at more than $8 billion.

That's not counting the tens of thousands of distribution cooperatives across the country and the security and debt- collection services stretching from small corner stores to big companies. Then there are the informal arrangements -- soldiers acting as personal bodyguards and the like. The military's influence extends to the boards of corporations, many owned by ethnic Chinese, which co-opt retired and even serving generals and other officers. In the past, state-owned enterprises like oil and gas giant Pertamina were run by former military men, the most well-known being Suharto friend Ibnu Sutowo, who quietly left Pertamina after a $10-billion corruption scandal nearly sank the company. He went on to build his own Nugra Santana conglomerate.

ABRI's business ties have long been an open secret. But their extent is only now being glimpsed as the call for reformasi echoes in the media, academe and other sectors of society. In September, a team of researchers from government think tank LIPI, headed by political scientist Samego, published a book about the military and business. "They were not too happy about it," says the academic. Publicly, though, the armed forces is conciliatory. "If the people want us to abandon our socio-political role and our business activities, ABRI will respond positively," says Lt.-Gen. Luhut Panjaitan, commander of the army education and training center. But the push will have to come from outside. ABRI commander Gen. Wiranto is too preoccupied with the current spate of rioting and religious violence.

The LIPI researchers focused on the charitable foundations, which are tax-exempt and difficult for government agencies to monitor. Among the biggest is the army's Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi (YKEP), established in 1972 by army chief of staff Gen. Umar Wirhadikusumah. The foundation's aim is to help soldiers and their families. Thus, it has built 13,700 houses and several schools, including Ahmad Yani University in Bandung. The foundation grants high school and college scholarships to the children of military personnel and veterans and contributes to bonuses given to the troops during Christmas and Lebaran, the end of the fasting month. It runs medical clinics and hospitals. In the 1990s, the foundation is estimated to have spent $11.5 million on what it terms "army welfare."

Critics say it should have spent much more. It benefited greatly from lucrative franchises and businesses during Indonesia's go-go years. In addition to the $3-billion Sudirman Central District, which hosts the Jakarta Stock Exchange and the headquarters of Bank Artha Graha, YKEP has interests in timber, banking, aviation and transportation through its holding company, PT Tri Usaha Bhakti or Truba, the country's 140th biggest business group. The foundation is very close to Suharto Inc. Its 51%-owned International Timber Corp. boasts partners like presidential buddy Mohamed "Bob" Hasan (35%) and presidential son Bambang Trihatmodjo (14%). YKEP also owned 40% of now-bankrupt domestic carrier Sempati Airlines, in which Hasan had a 35% stake while another Suharto son, Tommy, had 25%.

Other military services have smaller holdings, but they too enjoy Suharto's patronage. The navy has Yayasan Bhumyamca, which has interests in shipping, trading, construction and industry. One subsidiary, PT Yala Perkasa, is a partner with Suharto daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana in her toll-road enterprises. The air force established Yayasan Adi Upaya, which owns cargo agent PT Cardig Air along with Bambang. The police has Yayasan Brata Bhakti, which manages the Bimantara Building (recently renamed Plaza Kebon Sirih), headquarters of Bambang's Bimantara Group. Kostrad has Yayasan Dharma Putra Kostrad -- established by Suharto himself in 1964, when he was commander of the army reserve unit.

Because they are charitable foundations, these bodies are exempted from the general edict against military men engaging in business. The prohibition is apparently aimed mainly at individual freelancers. But soldiers still offer personal protection for $50 a day, hire out military vehicles and ships for commercial purposes, lease military land for golf courses. Partly, that is because the government pays them a pittance -- $150 a month on average. At less than 2% of the national budget, Indonesia's military spending is the lowest in the region. The foundations are meant to make up the shortfall, but Habib and other reformers say little of the profits actually trickle down to the rank and file.

So should the military be in business at all? Lt.-Gen. Bambang Yudhyono, the former chief of sociopolitical affairs, says armies are for defense, not commerce. "ABRI's involvement is a brake on economic and political reform," writes military historian Robert Lowry. Samego and his research team describe soldier-businessmen as "comprador capitalists" who restrict competition and promote corrupt and collusive practices. Suharto used to argue that tying the armed forces' economic interests to his regime gave them an interest to promote the status quo. That may be part of the present government's calculus -- Habibie is not keen on taking away ABRI's seats in Parliament, for example. The reformers are calling for transparency in the military's business dealings. That seems as good a first step as any in untangling this Gordian knot.

Blood on our hands

More than 200,000 people have been killed since Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975. For decades, the British government was complicit in these killings. All that was supposed to change in May 1997. Instead, it's been business as usual. John Pilger reports on the sham of Labour's ethical foreign policy

It was Primo Levi who said the worst moment in the Nazi death camps was the recurring fear that people would not believe him when he told them what had happened, that they would turn away, shaking their heads. This same fear is written on faces in East Timor: in the diffidence long cultivated for the Indonesians, and in the eyes of children forced to sing as the flag of their parents' executioners is raised and of women, in the "villages of the widows", who stand every sunrise before the black crosses that litter the island.

Look at the dates on these crosses, and they reveal the extinction of whole families, wiped out in the space of a year, a month, a day: "R.I.P. Mendonca [the surname]... Filismina, Adalino, Alisa, Rosa, Anita": all murdered on the same June day. Having travelled clandestinely through the hinterland of East Timor, I did not meet a single family that had not lost at least five members to the genocide.

Even in the age of mass communication, few images or reports reached the outside world when the forces of General Suharto invaded the Portuguese colony on December 7, 1975. The only foreign journalist to remain behind, a remarkably brave Australian called Roger East, was handcuffed and dragged to the seafront where he was shot in the face, his body thrown into what people now call the Sea of Blood.

In the first three months, some 60,000 people died resisting the invasion, or were slaughtered. Or they died in concentration camps, where many starved to death. The role of the American, British and Australian governments in this crime was crucial. The CIA's senior operations officer in Jakarta at that time was C Philip Liechty, whom I found, in retirement, in Washington.

"Suharto was given the green light by President Ford and [Secretary of State] Kissinger to do what he did," he told me. "There was discussion in [signals] traffic with the State Department about the problems that would be created for us if the public and Congress become aware of the level and type of military assistance that was going to Indonesia at that time. The decision was taken to get the stuff on the high seas before someone pulled the chain. Most of it went straight into East Timor and was used against non-combatants... 200,000 people died."

The British, who saw Suharto's fascist new order as an "investors paradise", were Washington's principal accessories. Tipped off that the invasion was coming, the British Ambassador in Jakarta, Sir John Archibald Ford, cabled the Foreign Office: "It is in Britain's interests that Indonesia absorb the territory as soon and unobtrusively as possible and when it comes to the crunch we should keep our heads down."

Philip Liechty's estimate of 200,000 dead, now regarded as conservative in demographic studies and representing at least a third of the population, was quickly covered up in Whitehall. "No one knows the truth," said Foreign Office statements and letters written for ministers and MPs, "and we cannot help but suspect [the figures] to be exaggerated."

At Foreign Office briefings, journalists were assured there was "no story" in East Timor, and the British press by and large reflected this. One of the few to break the silence was David Watts of the Times. When his report, headlined "Indonesia accused of mass murder in East Timor", was published in 1977, he was called to the Foreign Office and asked to explain his interest. "It was obvious," he told me, "that I was being warned off the story."

Operating from a spy base near Darwin, Australia, set up by British intelligence and run by Australia's Defence Signals Directorate (DSD), both MI6 and the CIA knew almost everything the Indonesians were planning. On September 17, 1975, the CIA reported to Washington: "Jakarta is now sending guerrillas [to East Timor] to provoke incidents that provide the Indonesians with an excuse to invade." The outside world was told nothing.

However, an enterprising young Australian journalist, Greg Shackleton, had been listening to the fears of the East Timorese and in October 1975 set out for the port town of Balibo with his crew from Channel 7 Melbourne. He was joined by Malcolm Rennie and his crew from Channel 9. There were five of them: Rennie, aged 28, and his cameraman, Brian Peters, 29, were Britons. They waited in a house with "Australia" painted in large red letters on the wall.

Peters wrote a letter to his sister, Maureen Tolfree, in England, describing his terror as they waited for the Indonesians. He wondered if he would have the courage to film. When the Indonesian special forces landed, Peters and the others were lined up and shot and stabbed to death by Indonesian soldiers and their bodies burned. Australian government documents, leaked last year, disclosed that a senior Australian official in Jakarta was given a detailed briefing of the Indonesian operation three days before it happened, but no attempt was made to warn the journalists of the grave danger that awaited them. There can be little doubt that the British government was complicit in this.

Both the British and Australian governments made no public protest about the killing of their citizens, effectively giving Suharto the go-ahead for a full-scale invasion. The families of Peters and Rennie received no official notification of the deaths. Maureen Tolfree says that the Foreign Office later claimed to have phoned her father -- who did not have a phone. "It was as if my brother never existed," she said. When she first heard about her brother's death through the Australian press, she flew to Jakarta, hoping to collect his remains. At Jakarta airport, she was taken to a room where she received a telephone call from a British or Australian embassy official -- she cannot say which -- who told her that if she remained in Indonesia, her safety could not be guaranteed.

Nineteen years later, in 1994, she was called to the Foreign Office and casually handed an envelope of photographs said to have been taken at the funeral of the journalists in a Jakarta cemetery. None of the families had been invited to or had known about this "funeral", which was attended by senior Australian and British officials in dark glasses.

In 1977, with the East Timorese cut off from the world and fighting for their existence, David Owen, foreign secretary in the Callaghan government, approved the sale of the first Hawk fighter-bombers to the East Timor Indonesian dictatorship. Owen said the reports of killings in East Timor had been "exaggerated" and that the "most reliable" figure was 10,000 and, anyway, "the scale of fighting had been reduced". The opposite was true. As Owen concluded the deal, a letter written by a Portuguese priest in hiding in East Timor reached Lisbon. "The invaders," he wrote, "have intensified their attacks from land, sea and air. The bombers do not stop all day. Hundreds died every day. The bodies of the victims become food for carnivorous birds. Genocide will come soon..."

At that time, a young Scottish Labour MP, Robin Cook, was making his name as critic of the arms trade. In two long articles in the New Statesman in 1978, entitled "Britain's arms bazaar" and "The tragic cost of Britain's trade", Cook lamented that "wherever weapons are sold there is a tacit conspiracy to conceal the reality of war", and "it is a truism that every war for the past two decades has been fought by poor countries with weapons supplied by rich countries". He attacked "those governments who are so unpopular they only stay in power by terrorising their civilian population". He singled out the dictatorship in Indonesia and the "particularly disturbing" sale of British Hawk aircraft.

Sixteen years later, now on Labour's frontbench, Cook seemed to have lost none of his spark. Lambasting the Tory trade minister, Richard Needham, for selling more Hawks to Indonesia, he said: "He will be aware that Hawk aircraft have been observed on bombing runs in East Timor in most years since 1984." And now it was a sunny spring day in May 1997 and Robin Cook, the new Foreign Secretary, was the main attraction at a Mandelson- inspired media event at the Foreign Office. As the unctuous images of a video display juxtaposing Tony Blair and Nelson Mandela faded, Cook declared: "We will not permit the sale of arms to regimes that might use them for internal repression or international aggression. We shall spread the values of human rights, civil liberties and democracy which we demand for ourselves." Human rights, he emphasised, would be at the "heart of British foreign policy".

The announcement was, of course, at odds with the historical record, which shows that since 1945 Tory and Labour governments have had almost identical foreign policies, none of which have upheld human rights. On the contrary, in serving what are known as "British interests", they have played a significant part in some of the century's worst abuses of human rights. What is more, it was Labour that had set up the Defence Sales Organisation at the Ministry of Defence, specifically to boost the arms trade.

Today, Britain is the world's second biggest arms dealer, with a majority of its arms going to countries either in a state of war-preparedness or with an undisputed record of "internal repression". One of the most important clients, Indonesia, was clearly the test for the new "ethical" policy.

Instead, under Labour, the cover-up has deepened. Around the time Cook was making his "mission statement", the new government gave the go-ahead for the export of Alvis "riot control" vehicles and Tactica water cannon to Jakarta. These have been subsequently used on pro-democracy demonstrators, who are sprayed with a dye that causes vomiting and identifies them to the secret police. When they are arrested, many "disappear". Seven other consignments of weapons, ammunition and equipment were secretly approved. "Details cannot be released due to their commercial confidentiality," intone Blair's ministers in Parliament. Or: "Acquiring the information would incur disproportionate costs" -- exactly what the Tories used to say.

For his part, Cook flew to Jakarta and presented Suharto with "a deal on human rights" that included "a series of lectures on non-violent crowd-control given by senior British police officers". This would have been hilarious were it not for the fact that Indonesia's Kopassus special forces, (a kind of Waffen-SS and the people who murdered the journalists), were then conducting "Operation Finish Them Off" in East Timor, using one of the most sought-after British exports, rapid-firing machine guns made by Heckler and Koch, a subsidiary of British Aerospace.

Last week, on his pathbreaking Channel 4 show, the satirist Mark Thomas revealed a conversation he had recorded with Paul Greenwood, a director of Pains Wessex, manufacturers of CS gas, who said: "The UK government don't care. I've had the DTI [Department of Trade] down... and I've spoken about it, and I said I can take the order [here] and get somebody else to make it and ship it, [and they said] yeah, that's fine ... Just as long as we're not shipping it in the UK, they don't give a toss."

The truth is that the Blair government has secretly approved 64 new arms contracts to the Indonesian dictatorship. These include small arms, ammunition, bombs, torpedoes, rockets, missiles, mines, riot-control agents, aircraft. Moreover, arms manufacturers are more likely to have their export licences approved under Labour than they were under the Tories. Fewer than one per cent of applications were turned down between August 1997 and August 1998.

As I recall, Tony Blair went to Dunblane following the massacre there and shed a tear on television. He subsequently banned the sale of hand guns in this country, while his government secretly approved their export to other countries, where these British weapons have been used in the equivalent of Dunblane many times over.

The present military regime in Jakarta, which replaced Suharto but is basically the same, has offered the East Timorese "autonomy". This is a trap, recognised as such by the thousands of angry young people who have bravely come out to demonstrate their opposition in East Timor. They must also sense that the "international community" is preparing one of its famous "comprehensive solutions" for the troublesome territory. The UN representative has talked about giving the territory a status similar to that of Hong Kong, as if Hong Kong was free. Meanwhile, the "ethical" British government swims with the current of this incipient betrayal of a people's great suffering and resistance, claiming to be furthering a "peace process" while actually protecting the interests of its merchants of death. This time, they ought not to be allowed to succeed.