Indonesia/East Timor News Digest No 29

Daniel Cooney, Jakarta -- Police scuffled with anti-corruption demonstrators Wednesday, a day before Indonesia's president was to explain his firing of two ministers accused of graft.

About 100 student protesters tried to empty a truck full of garbage in front of the parliament. They scuffled with dozens of police officers, but no one was injured. Some protesters also scaled the attorney general's building and unfurled a giant banner calling for the government to eradicate corruption. Police did not intervene.

Lawmakers summoned President Abdurrahman Wahid to appear before them Thursday to explain the sacking of two economic ministers three months ago. Many legislators are upset with what they see as Wahid's arbitrary way of making decisions. The ministers he fired also came from the two major parties represented in his coalition government.

At first, Wahid said the move was a way of bringing harmony back to his Cabinet. He later said the firings were because of allegations of graft. Both men have denied this.

On Wednesday, the government established a panel to investigate the wealth of government officials. It was not clear whether the announcement was linked to the firings.

Thursday's session may prove to be a bellwether for next month's meeting of the country's highest legislative body during which Wahid is scheduled to deliver his state-of-the-nation speech, said University political lecturer Dede Oetomo.

Some say backers of deposed dictator Suharto and others may try to impeach Wahid, citing a long-running separatist war in the west, ongoing religious conflict in the east, a poor economy and other problems. Oetomo doubted such a move would succeed because Wahid's ruling coalition enjoys majority support in the 700- member legislature.

Military spokesman Lt. Col. Nachrowi, who like many Indonesians only uses one name, said security forces plan to mobilize more than 28,000 police and soldiers ahead of the August 7-18 meeting. It is expected to attract 100,000 political supporters.

Farmers attacked in Sumatra, one killed almost 100 injured

ASIET - July 23, 2000

On July 20, 800 farm workers from villages in South Sumatra demonstrated outside the District Administration Offices in the area of Muara Enim, near Palembang in South Sumatra.

The protest was part of an ongoing campaign by farmers from several villages in the area to get back land that had been stolen from then during the last ten years of the Suharto dictatorship. The land had been seized by plantation companies. The peasants had been thrown off their land and turned into casual farm slave labourers for the plantations.

Over the last several years they had been attempting to claim back their land by appealing to local authorities. In recent times, the campaign had started to organise peaceful demonstrations.

On July 20, the police open fired on the demonstration with one farmer killed and almost 100 injured, either by bullets or by being beaten. More than fifty farmers were arrested and beaten in prison. Some of these were later released but there are still 10 farmers in jail as well as two organisers from the National Peasants Union (STN). The two STN organisers have been severely beaten and are being denied access to doctors. The STN fears for their survival. Approximately 100 farmers are still being treated in hospital.

The police have ordered the arrest of anybody wearing red caught in the area or anybody with student identity cards. They have also ordered the arrest of all STN members and leaders.

The wives of the arrested farmers are now occupying the police station where the farmers and STN organisers are detained. The STN is calling for emergency international support.

Golkar flags go up in smoke, students arrested

Detik - July 20, 2000

Jakarta -- Hundreds of activists gathered a mere 500 metres from the parliament grounds today protested while the Golkar Party held the second day of it's annual leader's meeting.

The activists rejected the party as a remnant of the dictatorial Suharto regime, called for Golkar to be disbanded and party flags hung to publicise the event were ripped down and burnt in four enormous bonfires. Six activists were arrested and may be jailed for the action.

While the House of Representatives was heating up after the President disregarded their attempts to call him to account for sacking two Ministers in April, things were heating up outside today.

Around 70 activists from the People's Democratic Party (PRD) began the day with a long march from Jakarta's main roundabout, from the Jakarta Hilton Hotel, to the grounds of the Jakarta Convention Centre (JCC) were Golkar members had assembled for the day's proceedings.

Orators who addressed hundreds of PRD supporters and others in front of the assembly hall called for Golkar to be tried for crimes carried out under the dictatorial Suharto New Order regime when the party dominated Indonesian politics. Tens of PRD leaders, including party leader Budiman Sudjatmiko, were jailed during the Suharto era for subversion and many more kidnapped, tortured and disappeared for their political activities.

"We don't want chaos. We only want Golkar which has made the major contribution to the destruction of the nation to be brought to justice," said Natalia, head of the West Java branch of the People's Coalition for Democracy, an affiliate of the PRD. Other affiliated groups at the demo were Garda Bangsa, Elmas, Tradisi Forum and others.

PRD orators demanded the current government be freed of all New Order and "fake reformist" elements. "The attempts of New Order and fake reformist elements to politicise the current situation is extremely dangerous. They are a threat to democracy and the reform process. We do not want the people to be fooled. We will immediately block the power of the New Order and fake reformists," Natalia said.

The City Network (Jaringan Kota, Jarkot) also came out in force at the JCC and the crowd spread to the parliament today. They demanded Golkar be disbanded and for Golkar parliamentarians to step down from their posts. At the parliament, activists called for the House of Representatives to disburse the party at a Special Session of the full parliament. Security personnel assembled in front of the hall, stretching some 100 meters, took no action against the protesters.

At around 2.30pm, activists set out to tear down and collect all Golkar paraphernalia hung around the JCC and along Jl. Gatot Subroto, one of the city's main roads. Traffic came to a standstill as students zigzagged across the road. After collecting hundreds of different sized banners in a small van, on bikes or hauling them on their backs back to the grounds, four huge bonfires were lit. As the masses of yellow burned, activists cried "The People United Will End Golkar."

Although the demonstrators neither threatened security forces nor let the situation get out of hand, when the bonfires began to die down police and guards descended on the crowd which sent them scurrying through the allies and rows of foodstalls at the site.

Six demonstrators were eventually caught and taken to the Jakarta City Police Detective Unit building in a Rapid Response Unit vehicle. The six arrested were Agus Said Pelu, Edwin Lubis, Ramli, Teguh, Willem Max and Abdul Said and most were seen being beaten and were bleeding from the hands and face when taken away.

Senior Superintendent Harry Montolalu of the detective unit said the six might be charged over the incident. "They can be slapped with criminal charges because destroying and burning is covered in the Criminal Code. But actually burning political party's flags is outlined in the election laws, I forget the penalty," he said.

Detik sources attending the Golkar meeting claimed the day's proceedings had not be disturbed by the protest. Nevertheless, as the annual session of the parliament approaches in mid August, the chance that groups such as the PRD and Jarkot will muster greater public support increases by the day.

Students demand Trisakti shootings be resolved

Kompas - July 19, 2000

Around 100 students from the Trisakti University demonstrated at the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on Tuesday demanding that the DPR for a special council to solve the shooting of four Trisakti students on May 12, 1998.

The students also called on the DPR to question figures who are suspected to be involved in the riots in Jakarta on May 12, 1998, such as former armed forces chief Wiranto, former police Chief Dibyo Widodo, former Jakarta police chief Hamami Nata and former police chief Arthur Damanik.

According to Trisakti student president, Radja Mangapul Tobing, they met with parliamentary speaker Akbar Tanjung and six fractions of the DPR last April. At that time, the DPR promised to form a council.

Ferry Tinggogoy from the military/police fraction who met with the protesters announced that the student's demands would be discussed at the earliest buy the House Consultative Body on August 3.

[Abridged translation by James Balowski]

Peasants demonstrate for agrarian reform

Detik - July 18, 2000

Djoko Tjiptono/BI & LM, Jakarta -- Thousands of peasants from West Java have converged on the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) office and then the parliament complex in Central Jakarta today. They demanded the government revise agrarian laws and regulations which they say exploit the vast majority of Indonesians who make their living from the agrarian sector.

The protesters originate from the townships of Tasikmalaya, Garut and Ciamis and were gathered under the auspices of a group calling itself the Sundanese Peasant's Union. They traveled by bus and assembled in front of the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) office today, at around 10.20am. Bappenas officials received representatives of the rally.

From Bappenas, the demonstrators marched to the parliament building and (if all goes well) the representatives will also meet with Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tosari Widjaya. A list of demands will be handed to Tosari in which the protesters call on the parliament to resolve ongoing land disputes and defend peasant's rights, both landowners and landless laborers.

Union Leader, Agustina, hopes that the political transformation underway in Indonesia at the moment will bring some judicious changes in the agrarian sector.

He emphasised the significant contribution of the agrarian sector during tough times and claimed that this was achieved despite the odds. Agustina explained that most productive lands and fields have been controlled and owned by private companies. While the company reaps the benefits and profits, the peasants working the land survive despite living below the poverty in the vast majority of cases.

Agustina claims that his organisation has the support of 400,000 union members all wishing to see the Peoples' Consultative Assembly legislate to protect peasant's rights and those whose livelihoods depend on the land. He has called for the people to be prioritised in the redistribution of the state owned land controlled by private companies.

Indonesian farmers demand land reform

Agence France-Presse - July 18, 2000

Jakarta -- Some 1,000 Indonesian farmers on Tuesday rallied peacefully in the national parliament complex here to demand land reform and the return of farmlands forcibly taken over by the Suharto-era government.

"Return our land that has been forcibly taken over by conglomerates," read a banner waved by the protestors from the Union of Indonesian Farmers.

They also urged authorities to release fellow farmers arrested over land disputes and said the state was still intimidating them in several areas in Central Java, West Java and Sumatra. "Stop intimidation and violence against farmers," the protestors said in a statement.

The reforms demanded by the protestors include freedom to organize, fair distrubution of farmlands, freedom from both civilian and military intimidation and protection from "capitalists." The protesters also demanded that the People's Consultative Assembly, the country's highest lawmaking body, draw up a land reform bill when it convenes for its annual session in August.

Under the 32-year rule of former president Suharto, state and private companies linked to military officers and politicians often used force to obtain land at cheap prices.

Suharto was forced to resign in May of 1998 amid political and economic upheavals. The Suharto government also branded as communists those farmers who stood up for their rights by protesting and forming unions.

Some 300 of the protesting farmers had earlier in the day picketed the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas) building to voice their demands. One protestor at Bappenas, who identified himself as Sayuti, said courts trying land disputes had always been biased in favor of the government and the financially and politically powerful elite.

"The verdicts have always sided with a small group of powerful people," Sayuti, a farmer from West Java district of Tasikmalaya, told AFP. He said most of Indonesian farmers own very small plots of land and many others were hired hands, cultivating other people's farmland for small wages.

The current government of President Abdurrahman Wahid has since conceded that there had been many cases in the past where the government had unfairly appropriated land. In May, Wahid ordered state companies to return 40 percent of any land currently under dispute with local residents, to the local population in the form of equities.

East Timor

Guerres still free while UN deals with jailed militia

Sydney Morning Herald - July 22, 2000

Mark Dodd, Dili -- The United Nations mission in East Timor yesterday said it had no plans to arrest notorious pro-Jakarta militia leader Eurico Guterres, who is implicated in human rights abuses committed about the time of last year's independence vote.

Guterres, the former commander of the Aitarak (Thorn) militia and a deputy commander of pro-integration forces responsible for many violent attacks last year, has told the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) he would like to return to the country.

A UNTAET spokesman said there was no judicial warrant against Guterres. The UN spokesman said priority was directed to cases involving militia suspects already in detention, many of whom had been in custody for more than eight months. "Obviously, these [Aitarak] crimes are well known, and justice will be directed at some point but not at the moment."

The UN Civilian Police (Civpol) is investigating serious crimes committed by pro-Jakarta militia. Asked if Civpol had an outstanding warrant for Guterres, a Civpol spokesman, Commissioner Antero Lopes, said: "To my knowledge, no."

Guterres, in Indonesian West Timor, is implicated in the murder of 12 Timorese during a militia attack in April last year on the Dili home of the pro-independence activist Mr Manuel Carrascalao, which left at least 12 killed including Mr Carrascalao's son.

Hours earlier at a rally outside the Governor's office in Dili, now UNTAET headquarters, Guterres had called on hundreds of his supporters to kill independence supporters. Others in attendance included East Timor's Indonesian military chief, Colonel Tono Suratman, police chief Timbul Silaen and the then governor, Mr Abilio Soares.

On Wednesday, a Jakarta court postponed by one week a decision to continue a trial in West Timor of Guterres for illegal possession of firearms. More than 40 militia members are in UN custody on charges of murder, multiple murder or rape.

At least 547 refugees have died in West Timor

Associated Press - July 20, 2000

Jakarta -- At least 547 East Timorese refugees sheltering in squalid camps throughout Indonesian-controlled West Timor have died in the past nine months, the province's governor said Wednesday.

Most of the deaths were due to malaria, respiratory problems and various natural disasters including massive flooding, the region's governor, Piet Tallo, said in a telephone interview.

More than 250,000 East Timorese were forced to flee their homes after violence broke out there last year. About 150,000 of them have already returned to their half-island homeland, which borders West Timor. However, the other 100,000 people still remain in the camps despite efforts to encourage them to return home.

Despite the deaths, Tallo praised the efforts of international emergency relief agencies operating in the region, saying that without them many more people would have died.

Collusion in East Timor

Sydney Morning Herald - July 20, 2000

Justice John Dowd, Sydney -- A royal commission is needed into why the Whitlam Government turned a blind eye to the Balibo killings, writes Justice John Dowd.

The advantage of hindsight means that we can look back on the images displayed on television of the devastation of East Timor's capital, Dili, last year before the Indonesian withdrawal, and can reflect in horror at the some 200,000 East Timorese people who died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation.

It is necessary, however, to remind people that it was not until the image of the Santa Cruz massacre in the suburbs of Dili on November 12, 1991, that the world started to become seriously interested in the issue of East Timor. It was a very lonely road before that visual awakening created by those television images for those of us who were concerned with the injustice of East Timor.

Although in October 1975 we had a very different consciousness of our neighbours to the near north, there is no doubt that if the five Australian-based journalists executed by military forces at Balibo had been able to project into our homes the vision of an invading Indonesian army, the world would have had a different reaction to that invasion.

From the point of view of the political and military leaders of Indonesia, the Australian journalists had to die or be taken into custody and kept from the world.

It is amply demonstrated in the recently published Death in Balibo, Lies in Canberra, by Desmond Ball and Herald foreign editor Hamish McDonald (Allen and Unwin), that it would be extraordinary if Australian defence and intelligence authorities did not know that Australian journalists were in the path of the impending invasion and therefore likely to be killed by the Indonesian invading forces.

Anyone examining the techniques used by the Indonesian Army against the Dutch in West Papua in 1961-1963 or in Malaysia during the Indonesian invasion of Malaysia in 1963-1966, hidden under the euphemism of "Confrontasi", would know that it was standard procedure for Indonesia to mount a guerilla war with supposed locals masking the reality of an Indonesian military invading force.

Australia not only had the advantage of that knowledge of Indonesian techniques, particularly as Australian military forces were part of the British Commonwealth forces which defeated Indonesia during Confrontasi, the Australian Government was in fact told by Indonesian Government officials about the proposed invasion of East Timor just before it commenced in October 1975.

The Australian Government or some ministers in it, or at least foreign affairs and defence intelligence advisers, clearly understood the nature of the proposed invasion and indeed in some respects Australia assisted in the Indonesian plans to incorporate the East Timorese people into Indonesia by military occupation.

What the publication of the book demonstrates is that the approval of the Indonesian invasion of East Timor went to the extent of allowing that invasion to occur without protest, notwithstanding that the deaths of the journalists were a likely event.

What the book demonstrates is that we knew the Indonesians' plans and we chose to allow them to go ahead. The subsequent evasion and cover-up by the government of the day, knowing full well that the journalists had been killed, is plainly demonstrated in the book.

The book raises questions about the role of military intelligence, experts and the governments and ministers that they serve. The excuse which is put forward -- that we would expose our knowledge of Indonesian troop movements through Australia's capacity to listen to radio broadcasts -- is hardly a justification in an open democracy such as Australia for a government and its advisers to withhold information from the families and the public of the fate of the journalists.

It must be remembered that these events occurred in 1975 at the end of more than a decade of government hysteria about the threat from the north with conservative political parties trading on the fear of the "yellow peril", the "red peril", and the domino theory of the communist-led collapse of South-East Asian governments.

It is easy to understand that an Australian government would be willing to go along with United States foreign policy with its obsession with supporting anti-communist regimes and its desire not to have a Cuban-type communist enclave in the strategic waters of the Indonesian archipelago.

Soeharto's coup gave that regime credentials in the eyes of the US as a bulwark against communism. This was despite the fact that much of the bloodbath after October 1965 involved the removal by Soeharto of his political enemies and the death of a large number of Chinese Indonesian citizens, some of whom were perceived to have links with the People's Republic of China.

None of this atmosphere, however, justified the silent approval by the Australian Government of the loss of freedom of a Portuguese Christian East Timorese people separated for centuries from the Muslim-dominated Indonesian West Timor.

One would like to think that it would not be possible in this era of instant communications and mass media for a government to approve an invasion of a near neighbour.

Death in Balibo, Lies in Canberra demonstrates why there should be a full inquiry with the powers of a royal commissioner to find out how the inner workings of the Federal government, in terms of defence and foreign affairs, could have allowed not just the death of the five journalists but an invasion which has led to the devastation of a country, a country whose people died saving Australians in World War II and whom we said "we would never forget".

[Justice John Dowd is president of the Australian section of the International Commission of Jurists.]

East Timor: Hostage in West Timor

Green Left Weekly - July 19, 2000

Jon Land - Up to 120,000 East Timorese are still languishing in refugee camps throughout West Timor 10 months after the post- referendum rampage by the Indonesian military and their pro- integration militia proxies forced around 290,000 East Timorese across the border.

Intimidation and violence instigated by militia gang members is continuing on a daily basis in many refugee camps. The activity of the militia gangs has added to the growing antagonism between East Timorese refugees and local residents, resulting in the repatriation of refugees to East Timor slowing to a trickle.

The situation in many camps has become so bad recently that the two main organisations responsible for administering the repatriation process, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), have been forced to dramatically curtail their operations.

Clashes near Kupang during the first week of July between machete-armed locals and East Timorese from the Tuapukan and Noelbaki camps resulted in houses and vehicles being destroyed and numerous casualties. The Bali Post reported on July 7 that on July 6, residents from the town of Oesao attacked the refugee camp at Tuapakan in retaliation for the looting and burning of their homes the previous weekend.

On July 7, the IOM announced that it was suspending its activities until July 10 or 11. On July 10, however, the IOM said its Kupang-based operations would be suspended for at least another week because the situation was still very tense. The UNHCR described the security situation in Tuapukan and Noelbaki camps, where some 25,000 East Timorese refugees are living, as "volatile".

Refugee registration in these camps had already been suspended for two weeks in the second half of June because of attacks on staff (three days of battles between locals and refugees that occurred at Tuapukan at the end of May also interrupted the movement of refugees). Repatriation activity in these camps resumed on July 4 following a pledge by the governor of West Timor that police would provide "round-the-clock security". Yet all reports so far indicate that the police have done nothing -- or are unable -- to stop the violence.

Roadblocks established by locals and East Timorese on the main road out of Kupang are also hindering IOM and UNHCR volunteers trying to reach refugee registration centres throughout West Timor, particularly those attached to the large camps near the towns of Soe, Kefamenanu and Atambua.

In camps surrounding Atambua and Betun, the UNHCR reports, registration staff and drivers have been threatened and prevented from doing their work. Such incidents have been a regular occurrence since the repatriation program began late last year.

Militia misinformation campaign

The deteriorating situation between local residents and East Timorese, and the slow return of refugees to East Timor, is attributable to the militia gangs and East Timorese who are or where formerly in the Indonesian army (TNI). There are approximately 2686 East Timorese TNIs scattered through refugee settlements in West Timor, plus an unknown number (possibly several thousand) of militia gang members.

The militia leaders control most if not all aspects of life in the refugee camps where they are present. They enforce their control through terror and with impunity; only a handful have been arrested by the authorities. The fact that gang members can freely carry weapons (including firearms) in and outside the camps and travel in groups dressed in military style uniforms suggests that their activity has the tacit support of the TNI. The militia gangs are also reportedly involved in gambling, extortion and other rackets, creating another point of tension for both the refugees and locals.

A massive intimidation and misinformation campaign by the militia gangs throughout the year has meant that large numbers of refugees are too afraid to register for repatriation. The persistent presence of the refugees has in turn angered many locals who believe the refugees receive special treatment from local and international aid agencies and that the camps are placing too much pressure on the infrastructure of West Timor, already one of Indonesia's more impoverished provinces. In some parts of West Timor, refugees outnumber the indigenous population.

The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) has made repeated appeals to Indonesian government officials and military authorities to resolve this situation and assist aid organisations with their operations. Along with the UNHCR, it has called for the disarming of the militia gangs and the separation of TNI members away from the refugees.

When UNHCR officials met in April with the Indonesian military commander for West Timor, General Kiki Syahnakri, they sought assurance that East Timorese TNI and police would be moved away from other refugees to an Indonesian army facility and that security for international and local aid efforts would be provided.

Syahnakri, who claims to be "highly committed" to ending the militia gangs' activities, now says that the relocation (or retiring) of TNI members to barracks is hampered by a lack of funds to support them members and their families.

Another issue which is delaying the repatriation of the refugees is the uncertainty among former civil servants about whether they will receive the pensions and payments from the Indonesian government that they are entitled to. The July 6 Jakarta Post reported that, at the conclusion of talks between the Indonesian government and UNTAET, Indonesian foreign affairs official Sujanan Parnohadiningrat said that his government would not pay pensions owed to some 7000 East Timorese because they had opted to relinquish their Indonesian citizenship by voting for independence last August.

Humanitarian crisis

Human rights and solidarity groups internationally are deeply concerned about the plight of the East Timorese refugees in West Timor and the failure of the UN and Western governments to place greater pressure on the Indonesian government and the TNI. "There has not been one peep out of the Howard government or the Labor opposition on the refugee problem in West Timor", Max Lane, national chairperson of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor, told Green Left Weekly.

"This is a major humanitarian crisis on our doorstep that the government is ignoring. It is reluctant to raise the issue with Jakarta, fearing that this will hamper moves to `normalise' relations with the Wahid government", Lane said. "At the very minimum, the Howard government should immediately provide all planes, ships and vehicles at its disposal for the emergency evacuation of East Timorese refugees from West Timor to East Timor or Australia", he added.

A statement presented to the UN Decolonisation Committee by the International Federation of East Timor on July 5 noted: "The East Timorese people forcibly relocated to West Timor were never citizens of Indonesia under international law.

Rather, they were abducted from their home country (East Timor, legally under Portuguese administration) and taken, by invading foreign troops, into a neighboring country. Would the international community be so halfhearted if 100,000 Kuwaiti nationals, for example, were being held against their will by paramilitary forces in Iraq?"

In another petition presented to the committee, the Asia Pacific Coalition for East Timor stated: "The people of East Timor will never have lasting peace if about 15% of its entire people are still essentially imprisoned in hostile camps inside Indonesia. Self-determination will only be complete if these refugees are given a free and fearless choice of returning to their land ... We urge the international community and the Indonesian government to take decisive action to enable the majority of East Timorese who wish to return home to do so."

If the conditions faced by the East Timorese refugees do not improve quickly and they are not able to freely return to East Timor, they will continue to suffer violence from the militia gangs and political manipulation by the TNI.

Evaluation of UNTAET's humanitarian aid process

La'o Hamutuk Bulletin - July 19, 2000

Dili -- The Humanitarian Assistance and Emergency Rehabilitation Pillar recently released its three-part assessment of the Consolidated Appeal Process (CAP). The East Timor CAP is a mechanism established in September 1999 to coordinate the overall humanitarian programme of the international community in the territory. In the ideal, the CAP is a process by which international actors involved in humanitarian relief (donors, United Nations agencies, and international non-governmental organizations [INGOs]) plan and prioritize the relief process. Secondarily, the CAP acts as a mechanism to raise funds for UN agencies and, to a much lesser extent, INGOs.

The assessment covers the period from September 1999 through late May 2000. The first part is a self-evaluation by the international humanitarian community present in East Timor. The second phase is an assessment of the humanitarian aid programs as seen by the East Timorese people; the report draws on extensive interviews with aid recipients, CNRT officials, Catholic priests, and national and international NGOs present in the districts of Manatuto and Covalima. The final part is an external evaluation conducted by a team of eight people comprised of individuals who work for (non-East Timorese) national government agencies, independent consultants, and East Timorese development specialists.

As far as the CAP Assessment Steering Committee knows, the review is the first of its scope carried out during the emergency phase of a humanitarian emergency such as that that began in East Timor in September 1999. In this regard, the very existence of the review would seem to indicate an openness to external and self- criticism that is rare. At the same time, the document helps to set a precedent for similar evaluations in future humanitarian emergencies, while providing important lessons for the United Nations and for the humanitarian aid community beyond East Timor.

In general, the assessment found that the humanitarian relief effort was highly successful -- despite some shortcomings -- in meeting the most urgent needs of the East Timor's population. The UNHCR and their international NGO partners, for example, successfully distributed 250,000 family tarpaulin sheets as emergency shelter. Furthermore, as a result of emergency health activities, no epidemics occurred during the period analyzed. And the timely delivery of food aid helped to prevent a food emergency throughout the territory.

A good deal of the success lies in what the assessment identified as the strong coordination, commitment, and flexibility of the humanitarian community.

The assessment correctly stresses the context in which the humanitarian relief took place. East Timor was a country devastated, with most of its buildings and infrastructure destroyed, the majority of its population displaced, and its administrative apparatus non-existent given the departure of the Indonesian authorities.

Further degradation of roads, bad weather, and some natural disasters have served to aggravate the situation even more. Such difficulties make the many successes of the humanitarian aid effort all the more impressive.

The documents are far too long and detailed to summarize adequately in this brief article. And while the assessment finds much to praise about the humanitarian aid effort, the different parts of the assessment contain explicit and implicit criticisms of the humanitarian aid effort. In the spirit of improving the delivery of human assistance in East Timor and beyond, La'o Hamutuk will highlight some of the more critical points made by the assessment, and offer some comments.

There are, at times, inaccuracies in the assessment. The Phase 1 report incorrectly states, for example, that all district centers -- with the exceptions of Oecussi, Gleno, and Ainaro -- now have electricity. But a visit by La'o Hamutuk to Suai confirmed that that town as well (as of late June) does not have any electrical power.

The report also highlights the inadequacies in certain areas of the humanitarian effort. Violence by the Indonesian military and its militia in September 1999, for example, resulted in the destruction of an estimated 85-90,000 homes. But logistical problems, labor disputes, and the poor quality of materials and tools purchased by the UNHCR -- among other dilemmas -- resulted in a very slow start for the shelter program.

At the same time, it appears that the resources provided by the "international community" to UNTAET, various UN agencies, and international NGOs has been insufficient. The UNHCR, for instance, "by far the major supplier of shelter kits," according to Phase I of the report, will provide only 35,000 shelter kits. Although the report estimates that 40-50,000 East Timorese now in West Timor will probably opt not to return, and although a number of international NGOs are also providing full and partial shelter kits, the report admits that there will still be a significant gap in the provision of shelter materials. It is for such reasons that Phase 3 of the assessment calls the shelter program the "most evident shortcoming of the humanitarian response given its delay in limitation and limited coverage." And it is for such reasons that the international NGOs (in Phase 1) recommend the provision of a further 20,000 shelter kits.

At other times, the report fails to link its various findings. The Phase I report, for example, states that 98 percent of primary school children are back in school. It later notes, however, that in many areas of the territory, most school buildings still lack roofing. But it never asks how the lack of roofing would serve to undermine the validity of its earlier claim. On rainy days, a continuing phenomenon on the south coast, children are not able to attend roofless schools. (In some areas, in fact, even a suitable building is lacking. Thus, "school" may take place under a tree.)

In addition, Phase I notes the total lack of any provision by the international community for the care of the mentally ill. As it is beyond the capacity of national and international NGOs, the Catholic Church, and East Timorese society in general to provide adequate care, the report calls upon UNTAET to fill the resulting gap.

Transportation is another area highlighted by the report. But in doing so, the report focuses only on transportation infrastructure, and says nothing about actual means of transportation. In many areas of the country, there is still an almost total lack of local public transportation. Such a lack is not only a reflection of the East Timor's difficult state, but also contributes to it as it inhibits economic recovery. There are rather simple things the international community could do to facilitate local transportation -- especially within more urbanized regions. These include the provision of bicycles and bemos; the management of the latter, for example, could be a cooperative economic activity for local organizations.

Regarding the quality of the roads, the report notes that they "have seriously deteriorated since September." The extremely heavy nature of many of the military vehicles now using the roads (which are simply not made to withstand such weight) has only added to their deterioration. Part of the reason for the lack of corrective measures was the lack of UNTAET funds for road repair in the first few months of operation. Even now, however, UNTAET funds are totally inadequate, according to the report, and thus more resources are needed.

Furthermore, it appears that the Peacekeeping Force (PKF) is not as well equipped as was INTERFET to engage in road maintenance and improvements. For the most part, it has been private contractors employed by bilateral aid donors who have been responsible thus far for road repair. Larger-scale road rehabilitation projects funded through the Trust Fund for East Timor (TFET) administered by the World Bank in cooperation with the Asian Development Bank have yet to begin.

For this reason, the TFET has recently come under criticism. As the head of one Australia-based NGO stated, "The World Bank projects have been unbelievably slow in coming through so far." It appears that these problems have been a result of both the slow pace of disbursements into the TFET by donors and of the procedures of the World Bank. According to UNTAET's Donor Coordination Unit, the donor community and the World Bank have now rectified these problems.

The Phase 1 report is very critical at times of the CAP process, and various UN agencies. Many international NGOs, for example, felt that the CAP process was insufficiently transparent. Some were critical of the fact that they had to continuously chase UN agencies for funding, thus undermining the validity of the claim that the relationship between UN agencies and INGOs was one of partnership. At the same, the NGOs expressed concern about the spending priorities of some UN agencies which seemed to put a greater emphasis on costly rehabilitation projects for their offices.

The Phase 2 section, the one based largely on interviews with aid recipients (in Manatuto and Covalima) contains perhaps some of the most important criticisms for the future activities of agencies and organizations involved in humanitarian relief here in East Timor. One of the most significant issues raised was the lack of sufficient communication (which often took the form of misperceptions) between the United Nations system, international aid agencies and the East Timorese people. Unrealized promises made by some of the humanitarian agencies only served to aggravate the resulting tensions. It is for this reason, among others, that the report calls upon UNTAET "to monitor intensely every activity of humanitarian assistance." Amazingly, according to the report, UNTAET did not monitor aid distribution at all (although there were coordination efforts through the Humanitarian Pillar). This contributed to duplication of aid delivery in some areas, while other areas were left lacking.

Phase 3 of the report, the external review, similarly criticized the fact that "no initial framework agreement was established between UN agencies or INGOs working with local NGOs or local institutions to ensure East Timorese participation." As a partial explanation for this problem, the report states that the international community had difficulty identifying legitimate representatives of civil society: Xanana Gusmao and Bishop Belo, for example, were not present during the initial phase of the humanitarian response. Furthermore, the Catholic Church is divided into two dioceses.

How the existence of two administrative districts of the Catholic Church in East Timor would serve to inhibit East Timorese participation, however, is not at all clear. And while Xanana and Bishop Belo might not have been in the territory, they were certainly contactable. Certainly, the chaotic nature of the situation in East Timor in the aftermath of September's violence made effective international-East Timorese collaboration difficult. And the perceived need to deliver aid quickly to avoid disaster would limit opportunities for the time- and labor- intensive process of establishing cooperative links.

At the same time, however, it would seem that the United Nations and many, but certainly not all, international NGOs did not have sufficient knowledge of East Timorese society to know with whom to work, and, perhaps more importantly, simply did not make effective East Timorese participation a priority. (And, arguably, as a result, the ultimate effectiveness of aid delivery suffered.) For such reasons, the report criticizes UNTAET and the international community for their slowness at establishing multi-lingual work environments to facilitate the inclusion of East Timorese in employment opportunities. The assessment seeks to remedy such problems by calling for an "overwhelming commitment" by the humanitarian community and UNTAET to include East Timorese into the decision making process, to facilitate their recruitment [for employment at all levels], [and to] provide adequate training and skills as well as appropriate language courses."

As East Timor transitions from the emergency relief phase of the reconstruction to the development one, the external review (Phase 3) suggests that the UNTAET is ill-prepared. Neither the Humanitarian Assistance and Emergency Relief nor the Government and Political Administration "pillars" of UNTAET, the report states, "have assumed responsibility over an overall transition plan from relief to development." Similarly, the assessment contends that most United Nations agencies have no exit or transition strategy.

As a whole, the East Timor Consolidated Appeal Process Review is a valuable document as an overview and evaluation of humanitarian relief. Again, the report highlights the overall success of the humanitarian relief effort, while containing criticisms aimed at the shortcomings of the international endeavor. In this respect, it also serves as a source of ideas to improve the activities of the international community in East Timor and beyond as they relate to relief and development. Now having done the report, however, the question arises as to how UNTAET, the UN agencies, and the international aid agencies will respond to the concerns and criticisms contained within -- especially those relating to the lack of sufficient East Timorese participation.

More narrowly, how will UNTAET help ensure that the problems identified will not re-occur, and how will it facilitate a transition by the international community in East Timor from humanitarian aid to development?

A final note: the Phase 2 portion of the report contends that "militia supported by the Indonesian Military destroyed all social structures, people's livelihoods and the economy." While it may seem like a minor point, it is incorrect to place the blame, first and foremost, on the militia. The militia, after all, were a creation of the Indonesian military. They could not have operated as they did without not only the support of the Indonesian military (TNI), but also with their direction. There is ample evidence to document that the militia were a mere extension of the TNI. Many of the militia members, in fact, were TNI members who simply changed their clothes when working as "militia." Furthermore, numerous eyewitness accounts confirm that uniformed Indonesian soldiers directly participated in much of the horrific violence and destruction carried out in September 1999 and, to the extent that East Timorese militia participated, it was under the direction and with the logistical support of the Indonesian military. After all, how could a band of ill-equipped, poorly-trained militia with little political support carry out a systematic campaign of terror and destruction such as that that took place in September? The fact is that they could not have done so. Let us be clear that the primary responsibility lies with the Indonesian military. This is not a mere academic point. It has important implications for the processes of justice and reconciliation, as well as for the physical reconstruction of the country.

UN's refugee commissioner lashes out at camp violence

Sydney Morning Herald - July 18, 2000

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- Violence by pro-Jakarta militia in West Timor camps has sabotaged plans by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to register 125,000 East Timorese waiting to return to East Timor or resettle in Indonesia.

The commissioner, Mrs Sadako Ogata, yesterday issued a scathing attack on the Indonesia Government's failure to live up to its commitments to maintain order in the camps and separate trouble- makers from refugees.

"I am appalled and dismayed that small groups of thugs are able to carry out with impunity a campaign of intimidation in the camps," Mrs Ogata said in a statement released in the East Timorese capital, Dili. "I cannot remain silent while Indonesian authorities wantonly disregard the safety of humanitarian workers and refugees."

Recent attacks have forced the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to recall 750 workers, including 300 students, who had been mobilised to carry out the registration in 50 camps along the West Timor border from tomorrow.

The UNHCR said former members of pro-Indonesian militias threatened and stoned workers in four incidents, and damaged offices and vehicles. Soldiers fired shots in the air to allow staff in two camps to flee to safety.

In another incident, refugee officials said, several families being repatriated to East Timor were forced from buses. Crowds of militia members abused drivers while Indonesian soldiers took no action.

UNHCR officials said the registration scheduled to take place over three days was essential to pinpointing the number of refugees, assisting them and either facilitating their return to East Timor or helping them settle in Indonesia. Aid workers in the camps report escalating violence and a campaign of disinformation aimed at preventing people's return to East Timor.

About half of the people remaining in the camps are militia members or from the families of members, or Indonesian military responsible for killing and looting rampages in East Timor last year.

The latest violence comes a week after UNHCR staff resumed operations in the camps following a two-week suspension because of local resentment of the refugees. The Indonesian Government last year agreed to ensure unhindered access to camps and allow refugees to freely decide their future.

Land disputes disrupt East Timor

Associated Press - July 18, 2000

Daniel Cooney, Dili -- No one knows who really owns the blackened, burned-out building where Canadian businessman Kirk MacManus is trying to set up East Timor's first supermarket.

A Portuguese man claims it, saying the army threw him out when Indonesia invaded in 1975. Later, it housed an Indonesian bank. Then came East Timor's secession last year.

Dozens of East Timorese moved in soon afterward, claiming that since their country had been illegally occupied for centuries, the building and land rightfully belonged to them. UN administrators in East Timor don't know who to believe.

This half-island's layered history, as colony, territory and now nascent nation, means that land disputes are proving to be one of the greatest stumbling blocks to the economic development needed to sustain it as an independent country.

Without clear ownership laws and with many go-ernment records destroyed in a rampage by pro-Indonesian militias, businesses are reluctant to invest in long-term projects.

The precedents are unsettling for potential investors. In December, the United Nations ordered an Australian businessman to close a hotel he had just built in Dili, because it stood on disputed land.

After centuries of colonial misrule by Portugal and 25 years of corrupt and repressive Indonesian occupation, newly independent East Timor is one of the poorest places in Southeast Asia.

Much of its infrastructure and most of its buildings and homes were destroyed by pro-Indonesia militia after an overwhelming majority of East Timorese voted to break away in August 1999.

Apart from a handful of service companies setting up shop in Dili, hoping to profit from the United Nations' short-term presence there, East Timor's private sector barely exists. Unemployment runs at about 80 percent and there is little hope that things will improve soon. Most jobs in the cities disappeared when existing businesses were destroyed last year.

Foreign investment, considered vital to reviving the shattered economy, is only trickling in, UN officials say. "Who is going to invest in East Timor if we are unable to provide them with guarantees that the land on which they will be establishing their head office or their business is theirs, or can be leased to them for an acceptable period of time," said Sergio Vieira de Mello, the UN's top administrator.

Many Portuguese, Indonesian and East Timorese citizens have lodged claims for the same farm, shop, house or vacant plot of land, he said. UN administrators have no land ownership records for the territory and De Mello said neither Indonesia nor Portugal have been forthcoming with copies of theirs.

Until the problem can be solved, the world body is only granting leases of up to 12 months to incoming companies. A handful of businesspeople are gambling that they'll be able to turn a profit within that time.

MacManus, whose Australian-owned company, Supreme Boot Service Ltd., plans to invest about $300,000 in turning an almost totally destroyed building into a supermarket, said he stands to lose most of it if the lease isn't extended. "We have no idea if we can keep the property for a second year," said MacManus, walking around the charred remains. "It's a real big risk for anyone trying to do business here and scares away many people."

Unless UN officials quickly resolve the problem, the new nation risks being left without a functioning economy when the transitional administration pulls out in about two years' time. The United Nations intends to set up an independent tribunal in the next few months to arbitrate claims. But with hundreds of cases in the pipeline, that could take years.

A Portuguese woman who returned to Dili decades after fleeing the Indonesian invasion said the disputes are not just limited to commercial property. "No one knows who owns what," Alice Xavier said. "The house I grew up in and was later forced out of by Indonesians now has East Timorese people in it. So who owns that?"

Government/politics

Hypocrisy abounds in Indonesian politics

Sydney Morning Herald - July 22, 2000

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- Some of those politicians who angrily rebuked President Abdurrahman Wahid in parliament this week represent Golkar, the party that for years propped up the corrupt and brutal Soeharto dictatorship. For decades Golkar's sycophants defended Mr Soeharto, knowing that his family and cronies were looting the country of billions of dollars, still to be recovered.

A short distance from parliament, where Golkar MPs led the chorus of condemnation of Mr Wahid, party cadres spent three days this week holding their annual leadership convention. It was a grand affair, with the party's yellow flags and banners everywhere. Many of the participants stayed at the adjacent Hilton hotel, spending more in three days than the average Indonesian earns in a year.

Golkar's chairman, Mr Akbar Tanjung, who is also parliament's Speaker, made a blistering attack on Mr Wahid's nine months in office. "Like in a long dark tunnel, the nation can now only see a slight ray of hope at the end of it," he told cheering party members. "The Government has issued controversial statements and policies, and these have been prone to instability and political uncertainties that in the end will make the economic recovery even more difficult."

Golkar's intention to convince MPs to formally rebuke Mr Wahid for the way he is running the country was given a boost on Thursday when Mr Wahid refused to explain why he had sacked two economic ministers in April, although he did say it was for the sake of co-operation in the Cabinet economic team.

Mr Wahid's insistence that parliament had no constitutional right to question his decision prompted howls of protest. Mr Wahid has made many mistakes, spent far too much time travelling the world and appears erratic. It did not help his reputation when his masseur ran off with $US3 million.

Tempo magazine's cover this week shows him dressed for battle in a coat of armour, spearing himself. And that is exactly what he did. He could easily have placated parliament, and spiked his political rivals' plotting, by spelling out the reasons why he sacked the two ministers.

"President Abdurrahman Wahid squandered a rare chance to come clean before the nation, which would have restored some credibility to his besieged office," the Jakarta Post said in an editorial."With his popularity, and therefore his legitimacy, waning, the President could have used the opportunity presented him to win back some support. Instead he bungled it by choosing to confront the house."

But as MPs decide whether to swing behind moves to censure, or even unseat, him they might think back to the quality of the leadership that has gone before. Mr Wahid is in power, warts and all, and he is the only chance Indonesia has to survive its transition to democracy.

Golkar to restyle itself as opposition party

Straits Times - July 22, 2000

Jakarta -- Indonesia's Golkar party said it would be ready to be in the opposition and hinted that there would be a shake-up of its executive board ahead of the next general election in 2004.

"Golkar is ready to be outside of the government and play a role as the opposition party," West Java regional representative Siti Kuraesin said, referring to a political statement drawn up at the end of a three-day party leadership meeting. But Golkar Deputy Chairman Mahadi Sinambela was quick to add that the statement was "only a signal" as there had not been any clear notion in the country so far of "how to be an opposition party".

Since former President Suharto stepped down, Golkar has been trying to disassociate itself from its past, cope with defections and unite reformist and old guard factions. In the last general election in July 1999, Golkar reaped 22 per cent of the vote, trailing behind the front-runner, the Indonesian Democracy Party-Perjuangan which garnered 33.7 per cent of the vote.

Another decree drafted at the meeting said that Golkar has given party chairman Akbar Tandjung the authority to reshuffle the party's executive board and to postpone its national congress until after the 2004 elections.

The statement came only two days after Mr Akbar launched a stinging attack on the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid saying that its inconsistent and controversial policies have pushed the nation closer to the brink of the country's worst multi-dimensional crisis.

Press rebukes President for rebuff

Agence France-Presse - July 22, 2000

Jakarta -- The Indonesian press yesterday slammed President Abdurrahman Wahid's refusal to explain to parliament his decision to fire two ministers, and warned that he was courting a political disaster of his own making.

Newspaper editorials almost unanimously expressed concern that Mr Abdurrahman's failure to answer the House of Representatives' (DPR) demand for an explanation would deepen the confrontation between him and the legislature and spark a new political crisis.

The Media Indonesia daily said the President's "defiance" showed his refusal to recognise that the president and the parliament are constitutionally equal. "If only the questions put forward by MPs had been answered, tension between the executive and the legislature would have melted away," the daily said. "It is a shame that Mr Abdurrahman Wahid did not provide answers but created a new dispute instead," it added.

The Jakarta Post, in an editorial entitled "Don't blow it Gus!" said he had "squandered a rare chance to come clean before the nation", and urged him to back down before it was too late. "It is not too late for the President to do the right thing. He still has a chance with the written responses he is expected to submit to the House on Friday," it said.

The Muslim-oriented Republika charged that the President's refusal to explain the dismissal of Jusuf Kalla as Industry and Trade minister and Laksamana Sukardi as Investment Minister in April, was because he had no evidence of wrongdoing.

The DPR summoned Mr Abdurrahman to find out why he had given two different reasons for the sackings. The President had first said the two were sacked because they had been unable to work with other ministers, but later told parliament leaders that both men were corrupt. MPs then accused the President of slander, saying that the two had yet to be proven guilty. By denying parliament the right to question him the President had "opened a new battleground", the paper said.

In a speech read out by State Secretary Johan Effendi in parliament, the President's view was that the lower house had no right to question him under the constitution as he is not accountable to the DPR. But the MPs argued that the legal basis for their move was a law passed in 1999, which stipulated that the DPR had the right to summon the president to account for policies.

Abdurrahman `needs to reassert control'

Bloomberg News - July 22, 2000

Tokyo -- President Abdurrahman Wahid needs to reassert control over his fractured government if the country is to address problems like the slide in the currency and violent protests, World Bank President James Wolfensohn said here.

"If you don't have strong leadership it makes it much more difficult to solve the problems in the country," he said in an interview. "I hope the President is able to reassert the leadership he needs to have if the country is going to pull through."

The rupiah has fallen more than 20 per cent this year, making it the world's second-worst performing currency. The main Jakarta Composite stock index is down more than 40 per cent in US dollar terms, the fourth-worst in the world.

Political squabbling and accusations of corruption in the nine- month-old government have exacerbated the problems. "We are fully supportive of Gus Dur and his efforts to try and make things better, but he has quite some problems," Mr Wolfensohn said.

Indonesia's economy grew just 3.2 per cent from a year ago in the first quarter, the slowest pace in Asia. Gross domestic product expanded just 0.2 per cent last year after shrinking 13 per cent in 1998, missing out on a revival that swept across most Asian countries.

The country, which has been promised a three-year US$5 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund, had the last tranche of money delayed by two months when Jakarta failed to implement reforms including pushing companies to reorganise US$81 billion in debt.

Indonesia is now counting on the approval for a US$400 million tranche from the IMF to win back investors concerned that Mr Abdurrahman's government had been too distracted by political squabbles to focus on economic recovery plans.

"Indonesia has been the slowest to restore its growth and its equilibrium," Mr Wolfensohn said. "We're trying to work on issues of financial reform and restructuring debt. The difficulties that are there now obviously makes our job more difficult."

Mr Shahreza Yusof, who helps manage about US$1.8 billion at Aberdeen Asset Management Asia Ltd, said in separate comments that since the departure of former President Suharto, "at the back of everybody's mind is whether the country stays together or not". "The same problems that were not solved before are coming back to haunt the present government," he said.

Wahid apology eases tensions, masks defiance

South China Morning Post - July 22, 2000

Vaudine England and Agencies in Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid, going some way to ease political tensions, apologised to Parliament yesterday for a confrontation that stems from his refusal to explain why he sacked two ministers earlier this year.

Speaker of the House Akbar Tandjung, briefing reporters about a letter sent to Parliament by Mr Wahid late on Friday, indicated that the President had not explained the dismissals but would be prepared to do so in a closed session of the legislature if needed. It appeared that Mr Wahid was not apologising for refusing to clarify his stance to Parliament, but for the heightened political tension the standoff has caused. "To solve the problem quickly, he gave his apologies for all the things that came out from all this. He hopes the apology will be accepted by the Parliament," Mr Tandjung said.

Mr Wahid stunned Parliament on Thursday by refusing lawmakers' demands to explain why he sacked two economics ministers, Laksamana Sukardi and Jusuf Kalla, last April.

Commentators had united in criticising his failure to respond ahead of next month's crucial parliamentary session and lower the political temperature. "This is about public accountability," said Hamdan Zoelva of the Crescent Star party (PBB), part of the coalition which brought Mr Wahid to power last October. "The public has the right to know about the decisions behind government policy."

But Mr Wahid had insisted that Parliament had no right to question his constitutional prerogative to hire and fire ministers. He said Parliament's procedural efforts against him were an excuse to attack his presidency. "There are still pig- headed people who want to topple the President. Please try it. The President can only be toppled if he betrays the nation," Mr Wahid said yesterday.

Indicative of fresh moves against him were earlier comments by Mr Tandjung, who suggested that Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri should take over day-to-day governance. But he later toned down his comment, saying Ms Megawati would not be the ultimate decision-maker. "She still has to consult with the President. For important tasks she has to talk them over with the cabinet ministers," Mr Tandjung said.

There were fears that lawmakers' growing anger with the President could result in attempts to impeach him next month if it was found he had breached the constitution. Mr Wahid must address the People's Consultative Assembly on August 7 about his first year in office.

His "pomposity" -- in one parliamentarian's words -- prior to his apology appeared to be setting the stage for such a showdown. But, despite the threat, one analyst said: "The smart money is still that Wahid will pull this off, having shown everyone in the meantime that he is in supreme power. He won't explain things and Parliament won't be able to unseat him."

Holding back many politicians from forcing Mr Wahid out of office is the dangerous precedent this would set for any successor, who would also have to face Parliament once a year and risk being deposed.

Angry MPs jeer Wahid

Sydney Morning Herald - July 21, 2000

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid yesterday refused to answer questions from angry MPs about his sacking of two ministers, setting the stage for a confrontation likely to plunge the country into prolonged political turmoil. Prompting jeers in the country's 500-seat parliament, Mr Wahid, 59, challenged the authority of MPs to question him about the sackings, which have angered his key political allies, including the Vice-President, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri.

"At this time, we cannot entertain requests for explanations or clarifications," Mr Wahid said in a statement read out by the State Secretary, Mr Djohan Effendi. "The reality is that the right to ask clarification from the president by parliament is not stated in the constitutional law."

Mr Wahid's stand has greatly strengthened opposition to him ahead of next month's annual session of the People's Consultative Assembly, the top legislature, where he must give an account of his first nine months in office.

Many MPs want to see Mr Wahid replaced by Ms Megawati, but fear that unseating the country's first democratically elected leader would bring tens of thousands of his supporters onto the streets, plunging the country into instability two years after bloody riots forced the downfall of former president Soeharto.

MPs critical of Mr Wahid's often erratic and idiosyncratic leadership style now appear certain to move to censure him. The Government is struggling with an escalating religious war in the Maluku islands, separatist movements in Aceh and Papua, and an economic crisis that is showing no sign of ending.

Mr Wahid's arrival at the parliament yesterday, flanked by Ms Megawati, was the first time an Indonesian president had answered a summons from parliament to account for his actions. Ms Megawati had earlier refused to read his statement to parliament.

Mr Wahid said he appeared out of respect for the parliament and apologised for not giving a detailed explanation for sacking the two ministers in April, but claimed that to do so would violate the Constitution that protects the presidential system of government. He still wanted to "clear the tension" and stabilise the political situation, the statement said.

Mr Wahid referred to an earlier public explanation that he had sacked the state enterprises minister, Mr Laksamana Sukardi, and the trade minister, Mr Yusuf Kalla, because they would not co- operate with other Cabinet members.

Some MPs demanded that Mr Wahid explain why he had publicly accused the men of being corrupt. "The dismissal of the two former ministers was a political decision based on certain policy considerations," Mr Wahid said. "The reasons ... are within the realm of discretionary authority and would be impossible to detail one by one."

Mr Laksamana, a respected economist, is a key official of Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, which won the most votes at national elections last year.

"If he [Wahid] does not make the right move, he will be in trouble," Mr Laksamana said outside parliament. "How difficult is it for him just to say s-o-r-r-y?"

After Mr Wahid's statement had been read out, the President sat stoically as dozens of MPs bombarded him with questions and criticisms of his stand. He agreed to answer the questions later in writing. The already battered rupiah and Indonesian shares plunged after Mr Wahid's statement was read out.

Wahid defies angry Parliament

South China Morning Post - July 21, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Indonesian political confidence took a dive along with the rupiah yesterday as President Abdurrahman Wahid defied demands to explain his sacking of two ministers amid demonstrations and flag-burnings on the road outside Parliament.

Only after pressure did Mr Wahid decide to offer written replies to questions from members of the House of Representatives. Members of the voting blocs that brought him to power were dismayed at what they saw as arrogance towards the House.

"It's a case of the President having to learn to communicate better," said Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Minister for Marine Exploration. "The dismissal of the ministers is only an entry point -- actually they [Parliament] are very frustrated at his style. What they want to hear from him is, 'OK, OK, OK, I have done some bloopers in my time, but I will try to do better'. That would have solved it."

Mr Wahid said he saw no need to be present at the session: he had come in the name of transparency and democracy. His State Secretary, Djohan Effendi, read a speech reiterating Mr Wahid's view that Parliament's attempt to question him on his decision to fire the two ministers was unconstitutional.

State Enterprises and Investment Minister Laksamana Sukardi and Trade and Industry Minister Jusuf Kalla were sacked at the end of April without explanation.

Mr Wahid is sticking to the letter of the law, which allows the president full discretion to hire and fire. "We cannot entertain requests for explanations or clarifications," Mr Effendi said. "The reality is that the right to ask clarification from the president by the Parliament is not stated in the constitutional law."

Regardless of legal niceties, however, Mr Wahid has defied political realities by further upsetting the divided but increasingly powerful Parliament.

On August 7, he will face the larger People's Consultative Assembly, the country's highest constitutional body, to account for his first year in office, and parliamentarians are threatening to issue statements of censure or even try to convert the session into an impeachment. "The message is clear to the President - he is intelligent enough -- that he has to shape up," said Mr Sarwono. "Hopefully next time round we could see some sign."

House Speaker and Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung, when asked what would happen next, said: "What's important is to let society know that the DPR [House of Representatives] is not satisfied with his answers."

Mr Wahid is not averse to daring power plays and may wish to show his supremacy by asking the nation, once again, to hold its breath over what he says next. But most commentators fear this is a case of pride before a fall. "So, please explain to us the reasons for the sacking," said Julius Usman, a member of Vice- President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle (PDI-P). "Don't use all that legal mumbo-jumbo."

"If he does not make the right move, he will be in trouble," said Mr Laksamana, the respected former minister whose fall helped precipitate events. Spelling out the letters, Mr Laksamana commented: "How difficult is it for him to just say s-o-r-r-y?"

Megawati's high level maneuverings

Detik - July 19, 2000

Hestiana Dharmastuti/BI & Lyndal Meehan, Jakarta -- Megawati Sukarnoputri seems to be facilitating 'consensus' and playing her largely ceremonial role of Vice President to the hilt in recent weeks. From closing Muhammadiyah's Grand Assembly, to opening the Golkar Party's Leader's Forum and instructing her party not to disrupt the President's appearance before the House tomorrow, Mega seems to be seems to be consolidating the political elite- but for whose benefit?

Mega's appearance at the opening of the Golkar Party's Leader's Forum held at the Jakarta Convention Center yesterday, was greeted with cheers by the hundreds of Golkar supporters gathered for the ceremony. She joined Akbar Tandjung, Party leader and Speaker of the House, and numerous Golkar members and political leaders including Attorney General Marzuki Darusman, Arifin Panigoro, Jusuf Kalla, Sutardjo Soejoguritno, AA Baramuli, Theo Sambuaga, Harmoko, Haryanto Dhanutirto and Wardiman Djojonegoro.

The Forum will run until 21 July and will no doubt be assessing the party's current and future political strategies as it faces mounting allegations of corruption during the New Order regime of former President Suharto when Golkar dominated Indonesian politics.

Mega indeed seemed vastly more popular than party leader, Akbar Tanjung, who's negative comments on President Abdurrahman Wahid precipitated a storm of criticism, even from within his own party, most notably from the Attorney General.

Megawati's popularity with the voters was witnessed in the response her PDI-P received at last year's election where it collected the largest portion of the vote (37.4%) and 185 of the 700 odd seats in the People's Consultative Assembly. Her popularity at elite functions, however, is tied to the fact that, according to the Constitution, she will take over from a physically incapacitated President and because she is the likely successor should a significant movement develop within the House and Assembly to dislodge Wahid.

In recent weeks, the President has come under increasing criticism for his sometimes erratic leadership style and failure to solve such pressing issues as the worsening economic situation and communal unrest which many fear will lead to the 'Balkanisation' of Indonesia.

Besides Golkar, the second largest faction in the House and Assembly, other significant political power brokers do indeed seem to be falling in behind Megawati. Her appearance at the closing ceremony of the 44th Muhammadiyah Grand Assembly on 10 July also made headlines primarily because the organisation, which boasts some 28 million members and a political wing in the National Mandate Party (PAN), appeared to give their blessing to her presidency.

"Most of the Muhammadiyah leaders will give Megawati a chance to take the presidency because it is safer," Dawam Rahardjo of PAN told The Indonesian Observer at the Assembly. Earlier this week also, Amien Rais, who as leader of PAN had been instrumental in Wahid's election, described the August session of the full parliament as a 'turning point' when Wahid's fate would be revealed. "Whether he falls or not," said the mercurial Rais.

It is important to remember, however, that the President still appears to enjoy general support from the public despite his failings and that a general sigh of relief ushered from the international business community when Wahid got the top job over the politically inexperienced Megawati and her policy-devoid PDI-P last October.

What both the domestic population and international parties like to see is consensus ... and action. When Wahid, Akbar and Megawati met in mid April, the markets picked up. When the meeting scheduled between the three as well as Amien Rais fizzled on 12 July, the rupiah spiraled to below levels witnessed during the Habibie presidency. The rupiah picked up today to around Rp 9,100/US$ on more positive sentiment.

The question is, what is there to be positive about if political power brokers are attempting to turn the General Session of the Parliament into a Special Session in which the President is ousted and a new political equilibrium brokered amid massive social turmoil?

In all this, the 'sphinx-like' silence of Megawati prevails leaving the Indonesian public and international observers to wonder if her political ambitions indeed stretch to the Presidency in the immediate future.

Once known as a close ally of President Wahid, Megawati's PDI-P was the driving force behind the interpellation motion which has forced Wahid to appear before the House tomorrow and officicially account for the sackings of two Ministers. Admitedly, PDI-P leader Laksamana Sukardi, as well as Golkar's Yusuf Kalla, were ejected from key economic portfolios in April without clear cause.

Interestingly, she has instructed PDI-P members to refrain from interjecting or "turning the session into a kindergarten or zoo", said Deputy PDI-P Secretary General Pramono Anung, to Detik tonight.

While Megawati may appear to be pursuing her political ambitions through 'doing the rounds' of elite gatherings and building her support, the consensus she is brokering may ultimately have a positive influence on the stability of Wahid's presidency if she intends to bide her time, 'learn a few tricks of the trade' and build consensus for the cabinet reshuffle which will almost certainly take place after the parliamentary session if Wahid remains.

Tomorrow's events will have a major impact on the development of the leadership issue. If Wahid does not appear, and it is still not clear that he will personally deliver his response to the House, the House will almost certainly move to call him again and even impeach him after the third attempt. This could force Mega into a position she may well wish to avoid in the near future.

Indonesians becoming too used to graft?

Straits Times - July 20, 2000

Jakarta -- A series of corruption charges have been brought to light within the last two months alone, but they only add to the numerous graft cases yet to be processed in the Indonesian legal system, much less resolved in court.

In addition to the ongoing probe into the graft charge of former President Suharto and the trials of Bank Bali scam, Indonesians are discovering more each day how their tax money had been abused by the powerful.

Some of the most notorious cases are the illegal use of state banks' export credit by textile giant Texmaco, the abuse of billions rupiah of the central bank's liquidity credits by officials of the lucrative National Logistics Agency and by undeserved private banks and the misuse of reforestation funds.

Of all the cases, the government has only started an investigation into the multi trillion-rupiah Texmaco case -- but halted it in May for a lack of incriminating evidence -- as well as some minor irregularities in the Forestry Ministry.

Topping this is the latest baffling discovery of vast sums of money missing from the state coffers in the second half of the previous budget year.

The lack of reaction generated by the state auditor's report, however, raises the concern: Have Indonesians become highly tolerant of corruption that even such a massive figure, which is 11 times its loan from the International Monetary Funds this year, fails to move them? Or is corruption not worth pursuing if it does not carry political consequences?

Analysts think it is the latter. That most of the corruption involved second to lower tier bureaucrats makes it a less attractive proposition for politicians to pursue, they said.

"There are some political nuances in some of the recent corruption allegations because there are so many vested interests," Mr Adi Andojo Soetjipto, a former Supreme Court Justice, told The Straits Times.

Indonesians have seen, in the past few months, how graft charges were used as weapons in a vicious power struggle that deepens the split between President Abdurrahman Wahid and his opposition in Parliament.

He had been linked to at least two cases that may be probed by Parliament: Buloggate, which involved his former masseur and Bruneigate, which revolves around the US$2 million "personal donation" for him from the Brunei Sultan. Mr Abdurrahman has also been accused of having influenced a legal tender of a power project in East Java that is allegedly marred with favouritism.

In turn, his National Awakening Party struck back by complaining about irregularities occurring in an institution headed by Parliament speaker Akbar Tandjung in the 1990s, when he was a minister in Suharto's Cabinet. Mr Akbar, whose Golkar party has been critical of Mr Abdurrahman lately, is accused of embezzling billions of rupiah of the civil servant's housing savings to bankroll his party, a charge he dismissed as "character assassination".

All this political back-biting has not helped any effort to cleanse corruption. Mr Adi, who now heads the government- sanctioned Joint Anti-Corruption Team, said the government's most challenging snag in bringing corruptors to court was finding witnesses who would testify against them.

"The hardest part is to get someone to admit that he has bribed or colluded with a bureaucrat," he said. This is when a plea bargain might help encourage the witnesses, he said.

Although Indonesian law recognises the practice of plea- bargaining for witnesses who testify against the defendant, it was not known as a common practice in the country's legal system previously.

Last month, however, Attorney General Marzuki Darusman said that witnesses who would testify against the defendants on corruption cases could be exempted from punishment, a move assumed to signal the 131 witnesses in the Suharto's case.

But even with this, there is no guarantee of an impartial and reliable trial on corruption, as the integrity of most of the judges and attorneys are still questionable, said Mr Adi, whose critical stance on corrupt judges had caused him his job in mid 1990s.

For this purpose, the team, which in August next year will evolve into a presidential body, is working on rooting out corruption in the justice system. "I can't say that we'll ever be able to cleanse corruption 100 per cent because it is too deeply rooted. But I will be happy enough if we can bring to court one or two big cases within our one-year term," he said.

Cases: Still unsolved

The case involving former Indonesian President Suharto, who has been named a suspect in a corruption probe.
The 546 billion rupiah Bank Bali scam, which involves former President B.J. Habibie's inner circle, has been under public scrutiny for sometime, but some people linked closely to the scandal have not been named as suspects.
Buloggate, which involves a former masseur of President Abdurrahman Wahid and the deputy chief of the National Logistics Agency, has been investigated by the police, but the lack of transparency and the sluggish pace of the probe cause many to suspect it was not carried out seriously.
Investigation into the Texmaco case, in which textile magnate Marimutu Sinivasan allegedly abused 18 trillion rupiah of the state bank's pre-shipment credit, started in late 1999 but was halted last May due to a lack of incriminating evidence. Its whistle blower, Cabinet Minister Laksamana Sukardi, lost his job shortly before the announcement.

Parliament set to grill Wahid on dismissals

South China Morning Post - July 20, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid is due to answer questions from a fractious Parliament today in what will mark the beginning of formal moves against him by a body he once dubbed a "kindergarten".

A plenary session of the House of Representatives (DPR) will ask Mr Wahid to explain why he sacked two economics ministers in April. The State Enterprises and Investment Minister Laksamana Sukardi was sacked despite a record as perhaps the cleanest man in the Government. Trade and Industry Minister Jusuf Kalla also lost his job.

Mr Laksamana has been a leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), led by Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri, while Mr Kalla is an old-guard figure from the former ruling Golkar party. The two parties combined to force the holding of this "interpolation".

But Mr Wahid helped provoke the questioning by failing to issue an explanation at the time for the sackings and then saying they were due to allegations of corruption against the two men.

Political gossip about the loss of respected Mr Laksamana suggested he refused to be part of a corrupt business deal involving members of his party and of the National Awakening Party (PKB) -- the party which Mr Wahid founded and to which Mr Laksamana's replacement as minister, Rozy Munir, owes allegiance.

Mr Wahid has the right to appoint and fire cabinet members, but Parliament has latched on to the sackings as a weapon to wield against a president weakened by ill-health, indecisive governance and with an aura of scandal.

Today's presidential grilling precedes a special annual session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) on August 7, which will hear Mr Wahid's account of his presidency so far.

Parliamentary leaders say they will criticise Mr Wahid's determination to decriminalise communism, his failure to stop fighting in the Malukus, the failure so far to bring former president Suharto to trial, and the painful slowness of economic recovery efforts.

A senior PDI-P MP, Heri Achmadi, warned Mr Wahid to take today's session seriously. He said if the president's answers were unsatisfactory, the DPR could, after three months, call on the MPR to convene a special assembly session -- which could dismiss Mr Wahid if it found him to have violated the constitution or assembly decrees.

The run-up to parliament's muscle-flexing session has seen the major political players outlining their positions. A Golkar leadership meeting this week, which Ms Megawati attended, was the latest occasion for DPR speaker and Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung to assail Mr Wahid's presidency. He blamed the country's problems squarely on Mr Wahid in a critical 30-minute address.

"President Wahid, whom we all respect, has failed to take advantage of the opportunity to recover the economy. Instead, the President has exacerbated the situation by making controversial statements that only confuse the public," said Mr Tanjung.

MPR chairman Amien Rais, to date the most emphatic presidential critic, told a group of Muslim students that next month's assembly session would be a turning point "to see whether the President fell or survived".

Prosecutors will today seize a plot of land owned by tax-free charity foundations set up by former president Suharto, a spokesman for the attorney-general's office, which is investigating fraud at the foundations, said last night.

The men behind Megawati

Straits Times - July 19, 2000

Jakarta -- The husband and executive secretary to Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri are emerging as key advisers, providing guidance and support to the policies of Indonesia's most powerful woman.

The Vice-President's secretary, Mr Bambang Kesowo, and Ms Megawati's husband, Mr Taufik Kiemas, are strong influence on the Indonesian politician, who is also the chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Perjuangan (PDI-P).

The most "influential" person in the Office of the Vice-President is Mr Bambang, who heads the newly revamped bureaucracy. His influence stems from the fact the enlarged vice-presidential staff are all subordinate to him and all reports from the various deputies in the vice-presidential secretary's office have to go through him before they reach Ms Megawati.

Mr Bambang, 55, is an old hand in the bureaucracy and was known as a trusted legal expert in the presidential palace during the latter part of the Suharto era. He worked as Cabinet deputy secretary for five years, until September 1998 and was responsible for drafting Bills and presidential decrees.

The Vice-President also seemed to fully entrust Mr Bambang, who was appointed in January, with most of the selection of the deputies in her new office, who were sworn in on July 3.

The role of Ms Megawati's husband, Mr Taufik, who stood by her through tough times during the Suharto era and now accompanies her almost everywhere, has not gone unnoticed. Mr Taufik does not project any personal sense of inferiority despite the official position held by his wife.

Openly calling her by the affectionate pet name of "Ma", he is able to place himself well between the roles of Vice-President's husband in public, and father of the family.

In conversations with journalists, Mr Taufik said his duty was to accompany Ms Megawati as a husband. "Ibu makes her own decisions as Vice-President. However, when it comes to family matters, I am the chief," he quipped recently.

Mr Taufik, a self-professed businessman, married Ms Megawati in March 1973. They have two sons and one daughter.

Talk show a real turn-off

South China Morning Post - July 17, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- "We wish a lot of the talking would stop and everyone would just get on with their jobs," said a housewife who lives in sight of Jakarta's green and mushroom- shaped parliament building.

Her view is commonly held as Indonesians reflect on the two years since the fall of president Suharto in May 1998, the three years since economic crisis began to grip and the four years of political chaos since the violent storming of an opposition party headquarters in July 1996.

Daily talk shows on television and random samples of ordinary people reveal a frustration with politics in general and a fatigue brought on by the latest posturing of MPs and presidential hopefuls.

A rare in-depth survey of views across Indonesia's five main cities has helped to prove the point, with almost 90 per cent of those polled saying they felt confused and uncertain when asked who should replace President Abdurrahman Wahid.

Almost 75 per cent said they saw the police and armed forces as incapable of protecting them, revealing a concern about daily life and survival which is more immediate to most than the games politicians play.

This aversion to politics is partly because of a long history in which the majority of people have felt little benefit from manoeuvring at the top. The centralist anti-democracy of Suharto even forcibly curtailed public participation.

Now that overt restrictions, such as those on the press and on free assembly, have been lifted, however, many Indonesians find they are still stuck with a system which at best could be described as feudal democracy.

The feeling finds expression in the common complaint about the antics of "the elite". Even though the members of this political top table -- Mr Wahid, Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri, parliamentary Speaker Akbar Tanjung and People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) chairman Amien Rais -- wear reformist clothing of varying hues, the growing concern of even their close friends is that maybe these emperors have no clothes.

"Democracy will be reduced to being its own worst enemy if politicians continue to treat it as merely ... power politics," said Aleksius Jemadu, a lecturer in the School of International Relations at the Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung, West Java. "As we move closer to the annual session of MPR in August, the political elite are increasingly preoccupied with a political drama, the plot of which is simply 'who gets what, when and how'," he said. "The leaders tend to alienate themselves from the very source of their legitimacy, the people."

Regional conflicts

EU observers allowed in Malukus in 3 months: Wahid

Agence France-Presse - July 21, 2000

Jakarta -- European observers will be allowed to travel to the strife-torn Maluku islands in three months' time, Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid said in interview Friday.

Wahid told the BBC that despite previous calls for non- interference in the country's internal affairs he was not opposed to EU observers. But he said the current violence in the islands made their presence too dangerous. "After three months they can come. We are not opposed to their coming but ... we have to think about their safety," he said.

But the Indonesian government has repeatedly indicated the country will not seek foreign military assistance to help restore security. In the interview Wahid reiterated the government's objections to UN peacekeepers, saying "this is our country," and he rejected comparisons to the UN operation in East Timor.

Violence between Christians and Muslims in the Malukus, which has claimed more than 4,000 lives and created more than half a million refugees in the past 18 months, would soon be brought under control, Wahid said.

The Indonesian president rejected accusations from critics both at home and abroad that the government had not done enough to halt the religious strife. In particular, his government has been widely condemned by diplomats and church leaders for allowing nearly 3,000 volunteers of the militant Indonesian Muslim Laskar Jihad force to travel to the Malukus to wage a jihad or "holy war" against the Christians despite earlier pledges to prevent them from going.

Wahid also admitted he was in negotiations with unnamed individuals responsible for causing unrest in the strife-torn islands. "I met with the so called militants and reached an agreement with them that they will not do any more."

However he refused to name the specific individuals, saying he was still in talks with them, but acknowledged they were criminals and would be prosecuted if there was enough evidence. "Of course the law has to take its course ... they will be taken to the courts if I feel we have enough legal evidence but before that we had better shut up our mouth."

Wahid said events in the Malukus were being stirred up by certain members of the security forces who sought "to preserve the status quo," and he stressed his commitment to see them purged from the ranks. "We will take out those people from the Malukus and give them other jobs not in the military; but we cannot just put them in prison because we don't have enough evidence."

Indonesia under pressure to end Maluku violence

Agence France-Presse - July 19, 2000

Jakarta -- Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid faced international and domestic pressure Wednesday to end the bloody fighting between Muslims and Christians in the Maluku islands, which has raised the prospect of foreign peacekeepers.

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in New York said he spoke with Wahid and urged him to take "all necessary measures" to stop the unrest, which has claimed more than 4,000 lives in the past 18 months. "He did assure me that his government is doing its best and will intensify their efforts to bring the situation under control and we have decided to stay in touch," Annan told reporters.

A fresh wave of violence in the Maluku archipelago in the past month and the documented involvement of Indonesian army troops in the fighting has led to rising calls for the deployment of UN peacekeepers. Both Christians and Muslims have accused security forces of taking sides in the long-running conflict, which has also created half a million refugees.

Wahid has repeatedly indicated the country will not seek foreign military assistance to help restore security in the islands.

But Indonesia's police chief warned the pressure for peacekeepers would be irresistible unless Jakarta could stop the bloodshed. "We object to the presence of any foreign peacekeeping force," police General Rusdiharjo said in Jakarta before a cabinet meeting. "Consequently, we have to prove that we are capable of solving the Maluku problems immediately. Otherwise it will be hard to resist [foreign intervention]," he said.

There were no reports of clashes in islands Wednesday, but mobs burned houses in the Urimenseng area of Ambon left vacant by residents who had fled the violence, an Indonesian Red Cross volunteer said.

Local military and police vowed Wednesday to punish troops who were taking part in the violence instead of trying to control it. In a television interview late Wednesday, Maluku police chief Brigadier General Firman Gani conceded some members of the security forces were siding with either Muslims or Christians.

"I and the military chief have agreed to take stern action against police who are said to side with Christians and soldiers who are biased toward Muslims," Gani told the SCTV television channel. He said security authorities would consider biased security personnel as "rioters" and kick them out of the forces.

Gani argued security forces had been unable to restore order in Ambon because they were overwhelmed with too many problems, despite a state of civil emergency imposed in the city last month. But he said peacekeepers were not a solution since they would have little or no knowledge of "the core of the problems" in the islands.

Wahid said Monday he had discussed the unrest with Annan by phone, but ruled out any foreign involvement, save for logistical support. Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab said Tuesday that Indonesia would "never" tolerate foreign intervention, although he welcomed humanitarian aid for the refugees.

Christians fight back with militias

South China Morning Post - July 20, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Christian militias have formed in the North Maluku island of Halmahera, intent on wreaking vengeance against Muslim fighters, reports from the troubled area have confirmed.

The growing death toll, hundreds of thousands of displaced people and fresh evidence of Indonesian army backing of the violence also are forcing new diplomacy as Jakarta fends off the potential for foreign intervention.

"There can be no peace if the Muslims continue to attack this area and kill Christians," Sakius Odara, leader of the Laskar Jesus militia, told the BBC's Richard Galpin. "The only solution is to kick out the Muslims because we cannot live together any more."

Much recent attention has focused on the arrival in the Malukus of trained Muslim fighters from Java, called Laskar Jihad. A massacre last month in Duma, near the Halmahera capital of Tobelo, left at least 120 Christians dead.

In contrast, the newly discovered Laskar Jesus is a home-grown affair, formed in the wake of the Duma attack and swearing revenge for Christian deaths. The bitterness of the fighting is seen in the apparently systematic destruction of the Muslim areas of Tobelo.

Residents told visiting reporters Christians had burned Muslim corpses in the mosque, matching similar allegations against Muslims by Christian victims in other parts of Maluku. "It was the scale of destruction which hit me most," said Galpin, who travelled by road from Sidangolo, near Halmahera's southern port of Jailolo, up through the Kao and Malifut areas to Tobelo. "There is extraordinary destruction, whole areas completely flattened and deserted in town after town."

Reports from Jailolo say at least half the town has been destroyed as Muslim fighters have moved north from their bases in Ternate and Tidore into the Christian areas around Tobelo. Aid sources say 200,000 Muslims and Christians have been displaced by the fighting.

Recent arrivals of fresh troops are reassuring some fearful residents on Halmahera, although the fear of new attacks remains. Some sources describe the war as a form of sectarian "cleansing", citing what they call the deliberately brutal tactics. Access to Halmahera remains extremely difficult.

The BBC reports support recent revelations on film shot by Associated Press Television News (APTN) showing the army backing the militants. Survivors of the Duma killings say the Muslim fighters had backing from Indonesian soldiers. "The 30 soldiers guarding our village had all disappeared when we came under attack," villager Wens Tumada said. "They were amongst the Muslim fighters. I recognised them." The APTN footage made at the weekend in Ambon showed men in Indonesian army uniforms providing guidance and covering fire to white-clad Muslim fighters.

The revelations on the army support for the militias, and a phone call from UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, forced a statement from President Abdurrahman Wahid on Monday which appeared to allow for future requests by Indonesia for foreign help in the Malukus, in terms of equipment and logistics.

Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab has since insisted that under no circumstances would Indonesia request a foreign troop presence, a message he will take to next week's Asean meetings and later to the UN in New York.

Meanwhile, a shipload of 1,500 mostly Christian Ambonese has just arrived in West Timor, according to the International Organisation for Migration.

Indonesia troops said taking sides

Associated Press - July 18, 2000

Daniel Cooney, Jakarta -- Indonesia's military admitted Tuesday that some of its troops have taken sides in the long-running Christian-Muslim war in the Maluku islands.

Two days after television footage showed Indonesian troops fighting alongside Muslim militants, armed forces spokesman Rear Air Marshall Graito Usodo said some soldiers have become emotionally involved in the religious war.

"There are members of Indonesia's military who act emotionally, either because of their family names or where they come from," he said. "This is inevitable and we admit the existence of these cases."

He said that it was not the armed forces' policy to favor one side over the other in the fighting that has killed some 4,000 people since January 1999 on the group of islands 1,600 miles northeast of Jakarta.

Two people were shot and killed by snipers in fighting in the region's main city of Ambon on Tuesday, said Ibnu Alwan, a Muslim leader.

A boatload of 1,500 Maluku refugees, mostly Christians, was expected to arrive Tuesday in West Timor, the Geneva-based International Organization for Migration said. The ferry set out Monday from Ambon for the West Timor city of Kupang, 500 miles to the southeast.

In footage shot over the weekend by Associated Press Television News, Indonesian soldiers and an armored vehicle were seen providing covering fire for Muslim fighters attacking a Christian neighborhood.

Christian clerics in the Malukus have warned that elements of the Indonesian army were siding with Muslim paramilitaries who have infiltrated the region from Indonesia's main island, Java.

In an attempt to halt the bloodshed, the government imposed a state of emergency last month. But the move did little to diffuse fierce street battles over the weekend that left almost 30 people dead.

Usodo said the military intends to send another infantry battalion to the region, which would boost troop numbers to more than 11,000. But he acknowledged it was difficult for the soldiers to stop the fighting saying there are "psychological barriers when they [soldiers] need to take stern actions in their duties."

Also Tuesday, Indonesia's Minister for Foreign Affairs Alwi Shihab reiterated at a parliamentary hearing that the government will not allow an international peacekeeping force into the region. On Monday, President Abdurrahman Wahid said some international assistance -- such as equipment or logistical help -- may be required to end the sectarian violence.

In another war-torn region of Indonesia, gunmen fired grenades at a military outpost in Aceh province. Five soldiers were injured in the attack in Peulekong village, said Maj. Sumarna, an army officer in West Aceh. Like many Indonesians, Sumarna uses only one name.

More than 30 people have died since a cease-fire came into effect on June 2 in the troubled province. Rebels have been fighting for an independent state since mid-1970s in Aceh, located on the northern tip of Sumatra island.

Wiranto fans Ambon's flames

Sydney Morning Herald - July 18, 2000

George J. Aditjondro -- The religious war between Christians and Muslims in Maluku (the Moluccas), which has taken anywhere between 3,000 and 10,000 lives in 18 months, is a tragedy that so far has not attracted much concern outside church circles in Australia.

This is despite the fact that in World War II, more than 1,100 Australian troops were sent to Ambon, the provincial capital, to oppose the Japanese invasion, and hundreds are buried in the war cemetery near the city's Pattimura University.

But the university was recently burned to the ground in a new invasion, when thousands of Jihad (Holy War) fighters sailed to Maluku with the tacit support of officers loyal to deposed armed forces chief General Wiranto, supposedly to "liberate" their brothers and sisters from "religious cleansing" by Christian Moluccans.

As happened in the post-referendum violence in East Timor, the inter-religious riots in Maluku which erupted in January 1999 were well planned by forcesloyal to ex-president Soeharto.

In this case, they initially had two goals. First, to destabilise one of the strongholds of Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was then the strongest presidential candidate to replace B.J. Habibie. Second, to create unrest in places where General Wiranto wanted to revive army regional commands. He did so four months after the violence flared in Ambon with the old Pattimura Command.

While the trouble in Ambon and the nearby islands continued, with more troops flown in, the old Maluku province was soon divided into the predominantly Muslim area of North Maluku, with its capital in Ternate, and the religiously balanced province of Maluku, with Ambon as its capital.

After using Ambonese gangsters as a smokescreen, paramilitary forces fuelled the killings and destruction by continuously creating casualties on both sides that cried for revenge.

Exhausted and saddened by the killings, Christian and Muslim leaders in Ambon repeatedly tried to make peace between the two groups. Repeatedly, however, two intelligence officers in the Pattimura Command, Colonel Budiatmo and Colonel Nono, made sure that peace could not be restored.

Colonel Budiatmo maintains links with the Christian militia in Ambon, while Colonel Nono maintains links with the Muslim militias, who are strengthened by the fighters from Java and South Sulawesi.

Two other interest groups are involved in maintaining the violence in Maluku. The first is made up of radical Muslims who oppose Mr Wahid's presidency and are financially backed by Fuad Bawazier, a former finance minister under Soeharto who is close to Mr Wahid's main nemesis, parliament speaker Amien Rais.

The second group consists of Indonesian business conglomerates which benefit from the troubles in Maluku by escaping their obligation to pay trillions of rupiahs owed to the Indonesian banks.

The first group had sent the Jihad fighters to Maluku. The bulk of these fighters are naive villagers who believe in the existence of an international Christian plot to dismantle the Indonesian Republic which, in their eyes, began with the liberation of East Timor. They are assisted by soldiers and deserters from the Indonesian military and police.

The second group consists of the Jayanti, Barito Pacific, Sinar Mas, and Artha Graha Groups which are closely linked to the Soeharto family. Two of these conglomerates, Jayanti and Sinar Mas, have close ties with Australian companies.

With officers loyal to General Wiranto entrenched in the armed forces, Mr Wahid and his deputy have their hands tied. Every time Soeharto or General Wiranto are interrogated, violence flares up in Maluku.

[George Aditjondro teaches sociology and anthropology at the University of Newcastle.]

Footage turns up heat on military

South China Morning Post - July 18, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Men in Indonesian military uniform have been filmed providing covering fire for Muslim fighters as they attacked a Christian neighbourhood in the violence-wracked Maluku Islands. The footage has highlighted Christian calls for foreign troops to intervene, but such a move would be politically dangerous for President Abdurrahman Wahid.

Yesterday he suggested Jakarta could seek outside help if the fighting worsened, and Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab said such a deterioration could lead to the deployment of foreign troops -- though he called such an outcome hypothetical.

The Muslim militants shown on the film with homemade weapons and army-issue Garand M1 carbines and Colt M-16 rifles. They also carried the SS-1, an Indonesian version of the Belgian-made FN 5.56mm automatic rifle, which is only available to army troops in Indonesia.

Another shot shows a Muslim fighter dressed in white with an orange headband, shooting an M16 through a bunker. M16s are also only legally available through the armed forces. The footage appears to provide the first firm evidence of the participation of Indonesian soldiers in a communal conflict that in 18 months has claimed about 4,000 Christian and Muslim lives. The men in military uniform, filmed from the Muslim side of a street battle in Ambon, could be heard speaking Javanese.

The Muslim fighters wore either white head gear or green head bands. They are thought to be members of the Laskar Jihad, a militant Muslim group that has sent at least 3,000 fighters to the Malukus.

Muslim mobs, aided by army soldiers, yesterday resumed attacks on Christian homes, a witness in Ambon said, adding that soldiers and "jihad forces" also had attacked two Christian areas on Sunday. Sammy Weileruni, of the Christian co-ordination post at the Maranatha church in Ambon, said witnesses had seen the soldiers briefing the attackers before Sunday's assaults.

Fighting has increased in Ambon and further north on the island of Halmahera, which Christian groups blame on the arrival of Laskar Jihad. They are calling for foreign troops to separate the warring sides given the inability of Indonesian troops to restore peace even under a recently declared state of civil emergency.

Mr Wahid said yesterday that "if the outcome is still not satisfactory after we have done our best, we may ask for international help in the form of equipment and logistics". Mr Shihab said: "If the Government and the TNI [Indonesian armed forces] cannot stop the bloodshed in the Malukus or at least get it under control then we will consider sending foreign peacekeepers -- but such a situation now is merely hypothetical. We are doing our best to stop it."

US Defence Secretary William Cohen spoke about the Malukus while on a visit to Australia. "We would co-ordinate very carefully in terms of what responses would be appropriate, but that is something I think Australia must look at very carefully," Mr Cohen said.

Any armed intervention, and especially any led by Australian troops, would call to the Indonesian mind the events in East Timor last year when a foreign force stopped Indonesian-backed militia rampages. That affront to Indonesian pride was so great, and belief in a Western conspiracy to divide and rule Indonesia so widespread, that foreign intervention in the Malukus would be a threat to Mr Wahid's tenure in office.

Observers from both Muslim and Christian sides say the conflict in the Malukus is impossible to stop when the soldiers sent there to enforce peace are themselves participants on both sides of the religious divide. Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono, in his most outspoken criticism yet of his own troops, said in a weekend newspaper interview that rogue officers were an "uncontrollable factor" in the bloodshed and urged their sacking. However, he said he was powerless to force the army to sack them.

Call for sacking of rogue army officers

Sydney Morning Herald - July 17, 2000

Jakarta -- Indonesia's Defence Minister, Dr Juwono Sudarsono, has blamed rogue army officers for inflaming religious war in the riot-torn Maluku islands, where seven people died in fighting between Christians and Muslims yesterday, bringing the death toll over four days to at least 28.

Despite urging that the officers be sacked, Dr Sudarsono said he could not tell the military what to do. "There are some, or even many, members of the army, according to information gathered from both of the warring camps, who have become a major cause of the clashes," Dr Sudarsono was quoted by the Jakarta Post as saying.

Some soldiers had been "uncontrollable factors" in the bloodshed between Christians and Muslims from the time it erupted in January last year after a dispute between a Christian bus driver and a Muslim passenger.

"There are some local Malukus' legislators who claim that they [the officers] are a cancer," Dr Sudarsono said, stressing only a minority of army personnel and no police or marines were involved.

"The army should get rid of these officers." Dr Sudarsono said he had no direct power over the army, and that he ranked equally with the military chiefs under President Abdurrahman Wahid. "All I can give is advice."

In the face of allegations that troops have taken sides, the army has begun replacing some battalions. But any changeover will take months because troops on the ground will not be withdrawn until their replacements settle in.

The World Council of Churches appealed last week to the United Nation's High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Mary Robinson, to immediately visit Indonesia to urge the Government to stop human rights violations being committed in the Malukus.

Recent attacks by what the council called intruders indicated "a design to annihilate Christians or force them out of the Malukus", said a letter from the Geneva-based council to Ms Robinson.

Maluku residents said fighting raged through yesterday afternoon despite the deployment of heavily armed police and soldiers after 14 people were killed on Saturday.

Aceh/West Papua

20,000 Aceh refugees flee sanctuary

Jakarta Post - July 20, 2000

Banda Aceh -- Almost all of the approximately 20,000 refugees who sought shelter at Point-A area of the Exxon-Oil airport compound in Tanah Luas district of North Aceh were gone on Wednesday afternoon. Witnesses said security forces cajoled refugees to return by surrounding the area and firing warning shots into the air the night before.

Around 2,815 families had been staying there in makeshift tents after they fled their homes in Tanah Luas and Matangkuli districts. They fled their homes because of growing tension due to numerous armed clashes in the area.

Witnesses said the refugees were terrified as sounds of gunfire were heard around 6pm Tuesday. "They first tried to persuade the people to return home of their own volition. But later in the day, right after sunset, the troops fired shots into the air and we all hid in our tents," Nurhamah, a house wife from Blang Jruen, recounted her experience.

The last large group of around 2,000 refugees left the Exxon-Oil compound on Wednesday afternoon. Many were seen returning on foot; others went by whatever vehicles were available. "Never before in my life have I felt so scared and sad to be driven away like some kind of animal," Nurhamah added.

Police earlier claimed that residents had fled their homes due to rampant terror and propaganda from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist rebels, who used the people as shields for their activities.

But Deputy commander of GAM in North Aceh, Abu Sofyan Daud, on Wednesday denied the allegations. "Troops keep on launching security sweeps and many have died as a result. The humanitarian pause seems only to work for the government, but not for us and the people," he said.

Meanwhile, in Jakarta about 600 marines from the Cilandak Infantry Brigade 2 were preparing to leave for Aceh next Monday. TNI Spokesman Vice Marshal Graito Usodo said the battalion was being sent to replace colleagues who have been stationed there for six months.

The new dispatch of marines will be placed on the eastern coast of Aceh to prevent infiltration of weapons into the province. They will be guarding a 460 kilometer coastline which is divided into 19 guard posts.

Labour struggle

Labor dispute at KPC finally settled

Jakarta Post - July 20, 2000

Jakarta -- PT Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC) finally reached an agreement with its striking workers on Wednesday that allowed for an immediate resumption of production in East Kalimantan.

Minister of Manpower Bomer Pasaribu announced on Wednesday that the final agreement was concluded during negotiations held at his office by the Indonesian Tripartite Forum consisting of employer, trade union and government representatives.

"We agreed today to settle once and for all the labor dispute at KPC and coal production at its Sanggata mine in East Kalimantan, which halted on Tuesday, should resume immediately this afternoon," Bomer added after the negotiations.

KPC stopped operations on Tuesday for the second time in less than five weeks after striking workers resumed their blockade of the coal mine in Sanggata district following the failure of negotiations on Monday afternoon.

Besides KPC chief executive officer Grant Thorne, representatives of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) and the Ministry of Mines and Energy, and Muchtar Pakpahan, chairman of the Prosperity Trade Union, which organized the strike, also took part in the negotiations.

Director general for general mining of the Ministry of Mines and Energy Surna T. Djadjadiningrat said that under the agreement, the striking workers were to completely lift the mine blockade and return to work with immediate effect. "The agreement takes effect this Wednesday," he said.

KPC and the parties would now able to resume negotiations on technical details of the workers' demands, Surna said, adding that the Ministry of Manpower in Jakarta would facilitate the talks.

Sofyan Wanandi, Chairman of the National Business Development Council (DPUN), who also actively participated in the negotiations, expressed relief over the final agreement. "We were greatly concerned with this dispute and were keenly interested in contributing to its final settlement for the purpose of maintaining a conducive investment climate," Sofyan said.

Previous negotiations had been organized by the Regional Committee for the Settlement of Labor Disputes (P4D), which ruled that the workers' strike was illegal. The local committee had also concluded that KPC could ignore the workers' demands that included a 15 percent wage increase and the reinstatement of daily allowances.

KPC, jointly owned by the Anglo-Australian mining company Rio Tinto and the Anglo-American oil company BP Amoco Plc, first halted production in mid-June after striking workers blockaded its mine. But operations resumed earlier this month after both sides agreed to reopen negotiations.

Human rights/law

Team begins inquiry into attack on PDI headquarters

Jakarta Post - July 18, 2000

Jakarta -- A joint military-police investigation team initiated on Monday an inquiry into the involvement of both military and police personnel in the July 27, 1996 attack on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta.

The team questioned on Monday five military personnel as witnesses in a four-hour session at the National Military Police headquarters on Jl. Medan Merdeka Timur in Central Jakarta.

The five were Col. Harianto, former assistant to the Jakarta military commander for intelligence affairs; Lt. Col. Erwin, former chief of the Jakarta military command's intelligence detachment on Jl. Kramat VII in Central Jakarta; Lt. Col. Leonard, head of intelligence unit at the detachment; and Maj. Adi and Capt. Purwo, both personnel at the intelligence detachment.

Deputy chairman of the joint investigation team, Maj. Gen. Djasrie Marin, hinted that the status of those questioned could be converted from witnesses to suspects, if there was enough evidence to support allegations of their involvement in the attack. "The witnesses, including Col. Haryanto, can be named as suspects later. But, it will completely rest on the investigation results," Djasrie, who is also chief of the National Military Police, told reporters after the inquiry session on Monday.

He said the team questioned the intelligence officers upon the assumption that they had a lot of information about the attack. "In the beginning, the team questioned Col. Haryanto, since, as assistant for intelligence affairs, he must have known a lot about the attack," he said.

The two-star general said the team did not rule out the possibility of detaining the military or police personnel if they hampered the investigation, such as by giving unclear testimonies. "They can be detained here if they are not cooperative during the investigation," he said.

A previous investigation by police detectives had included the questioning, as a witness, of the former chief of what was then called the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), Gen. (ret) Feisal Tanjung, as well as former ABRI chief of sociopolitical affairs Lt. Gen (ret) Syarwan Hamid, former ABRI chief of general affairs Lt. Gen. (ret) Soeyono, former Jakarta military commander and incumbent Governor Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso and former ABRI chief of intelligence Maj. Gen. (ret) Samsir Siregar.

Djasrie vowed that the joint team would soon complete its investigation. "We were initially scheduled to question the officers on July 19. But, we decided to proceed ahead of the schedule to Monday [today]," he said.

He conceded that there was strong public pressure on the team to immediately complete the investigation. "We don't set the deadline. But we will complete the investigation as soon as possible since it has attracted the attention of the public, who are eager for the investigation results," Djasrie said.

Col. Agus Setiawan, a lawyer for the witnesses, refused to give any comments to reporters. "We will give comments after the team complete the investigation," he said.

An investigation team member, Sr. Supt. Makbul Padmanegara, said recently that civilians would be questioned at the National Police headquarters, while military and police personnel would be questioned at the National Military Police headquarters.

The July 27, 1996 attack on the PDI headquarters, which was occupied by loyalists of PDI splinter party leader Megawati Soekarnoputri, by supporters of the then PDI chairman Soerjadi, who were backed by elements of ABRI, triggered unrest throughout the Central Jakarta area on the same day.

Soerjadi replaced Megawati, who is now Vice President of the country, in a government-sponsored congress in Medan in May 1996. The unrest claimed five deaths and 149 others were injured. Another 23 people are reportedly still missing following the incident.

PRD demands abduction cases be solved

Suara Pembaruan - July 15, 2000

The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) must form an a commission to resolve the abductions of pro-democracy activists in 1997 and 1998.

This demand was made by a delegation from the Central Leadership Committee of the People's Democratic Party (KPP-PRD) on Friday, July 14, at the office of Komnas HAM in Jakarta. According to the chairperson of the PRD, Budiman Sudjatmiko and the General Secretary, Petrus H Hariyanto, the case is a serious violation of human rights and does not fall within the legal jurisdiction of the police. Rather it is the responsibility of Komnas HAM.

Budiman said that an independent team should be formed made up of people who are concerned with human rights issues along with the victims and family members of those who were abducted. Furthermore, the amount of data, evidence and the number of witnesses is already more than enough grounds for the formation of such a team. Fourteen activists were abducted by the military intelligence operation between 1997-98.

The PRD regards efforts through the military court which have tried members of the elite special forces, Kopassus, along with the recommendations from the Officers Honorary Council as little more than a "political theatre", designed to protect Suharto and other high-ranking military officers.

The head of KPP-PRD, Faisal Reza added that the results of the military trial must be nullified and Komnas HAM shoud recommend that the Attorney General, Marzuki Darusman, investigate the case.

PRD activist who had been abducted [four are still missing, presumed dead - J.B.] were also present including Kijoyo Sardo, Yakobus Kurniawan and Nezar Patria.

In response, the Secretary General of Komnas HAM, Asmara Nababan, said that such an investigation could not be carried out properly because the existing legal and judicial system is still very weak. Accordingly, it required special handling through a human rights court along with a special judiciary to try the high- ranking officers involved.

Aside from this, he said the investigation would be difficult because it involved a military intelligence operation. What is needed is a parliamentary decree which has the legal authority to obtain intelligence data.

Faisal said however, that it was not a problem of access to intelligence data. What was important was the willingness of the Attorney General to investigate the case and clean out the judiciary of status-quo forces which are protecting the New Order regime.

[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski]

Rights groups oppose military ties with US

Dow Jones Newswires - July 17, 2000

United Nations -- Six Indonesian non-government organizations are opposing resumed military ties with the United States, saying it would send signals that Washington supported Indonesia's alleged human rights abuses in East Timor.

In a letter to members of the US Congress and the Clinton administration released Thursday, the Indonesian groups called military ties between the two countries "indefensible." The letter also warned that any positive effect Washington's suspension of military ties with Indonesia may have had would be squandered.

"Any signal that the US is beginning to warm up to the Indonesian military is taken as signs that the kind of violence that is going on against the East Timorese will be encouraged," said Loren Ryter of the East Timor Action Network, a US-based group backing the Indonesian non-governmental organizations in their campaign.

The United States severed military ties with Indonesia in September after pro-Indonesian militias went on a killing rampage in East Timor after its people voted for independence. The United States had been Indonesia's primary supplier of weapons systems for several decades, and the two countries had an active training exchange program until the East Timor crisis last year. Washington is now reconsidering the suspension on condition that those responsible for last year's campaign of terror be punished and a peaceful solution be found to the refugee crisis in Indonesian-controlled West Timor.

UN officials estimate there are still about 120,000 East Timorese sheltering in squalid camps dotted across West Timor and that many of the refugees are being prevented from returning home due to violence and intimidation at the hands of anti- independence militias.

"Given the Indonesian military makes no distinction between national defense and domestic policing, the US must admit that any training and aid provided to the military can just as easily be used against Indonesian citizens," read the statement released by the groups.

The Indonesian organizations said when the Pentagon first announced joint training programs with the Indonesian military, members of a prominent non-governmental organization working in East Timor were attacked while authorities watched. "It indicates the extent to which Indonesian military authorities regard US overtures toward them as a green light to continue the policy that they have adopted for many months," Ryter said.

News & issues

Foreign movement suspected behind mining protests

Jakarta Post - July 22, 2000

Jakarta -- Minister of Mines and Energy Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has blamed the involvement of an "international movement" on growing protests against Indonesian mining operations.

The minister said here on Friday that the international movement used old land disputes, the environment and wage issues as means to provoke local residents or workers to carry out hostile action against the mining companies.

"There is a suspicion of the involvement of an international anti-mining movement behind the growing conflicts in mining operations," he said. The retired three-star general did not name the group but said the body usually used old conflicts and environmental issues to provoke local residents and workers with the main purpose of closing down the country's major mining operations.

Bambang said he was always hearing complaints of such movements during his visits to various mining operations across Indonesia. "It's a covert movement, through the use of pamphlets, with the aim of stopping mining operations," he told reporters at his office.

Bambang said that most of the demands made by the locals from the mining companies were old issues which had been settled years ago. This phenomenon, he said, occurred at the same time and nearly everywhere. "This indicates something planned and organized," he said.

Bambang was referring to conflicts at gold mining operator PT Newmont Minahasa Raya in North Sulawesi and coal mining firm PT Kaltim Prima Coal (KPC) and gold mining company PT Kelian Equatorial Mining (KEM), both in East Kalimantan.

Local residents have demanded that Newmont and KEM pay more compensation for land acquired by the mining firms during the early years of their operations. The companies refused to comply with the demand as the compensation payment had been settled a long time ago. The operations of the two companies were halted for several days after the residents blocked access roads to their mining areas. Newmont managed to strike a deal last month while KEM is still edging toward a final settlement, although the blockade has already been lifted.

Unlike the two companies, KPC has been forced to halt its coal mining operations due to the protests not by the villagers but its workers, who demanded, among other things, a 15 percent salary increase. The workers went on strike in mid June and have since forced KPC to shut its operation by occupying the company's mining plant. KPC had to halt its operation twice in five weeks due to faltering negotiations with the striking workers, but a senior government official said on Friday that talks had resumed.

Another frequent issue, brought up by many non-governmental organizations (NGOs), concerns alleged environmental damage that mining companies were causing. These organization charge mining companies with poisoning the environment with their mining waste material, which destroys local ecosystems and causes health problems to residents nearby.

Among the vocal NGOs is the Indonesian Forum for Environment (Walhi), which has taken a stern position against several major mining operations here, including giant gold mining company PT Freeport Indonesia.

According to Bambang, the key to solving disputes with locals lied in the role and the willingness of the local government to facilitate and mediate negotiations. "In addition, companies should be willing to engage in dialogue with their surrounding communities, while security forces should uphold the law in cases of security disturbances," he added.

Suharto foundation building seized

Associated Press - July 21, 2000

Jakarta -- State prosecutors investigating corruption charges against ex-President Suharto on Friday impounded an office building owned by charitable foundations linked to the former dictator. "The seizure of this building will prove that we are serious in dealing with the Suharto case," prosecutor Umbu Lagelozara said.

The 12-floor building located in South Jakarta's Kuningan business district houses several of the charitable foundations that Suharto is accused of defrauding during his 32-year reign. He is believed to have misused millions of dollars in funds raised by the seven institutions.

The office tower, which will remain open for business for now, is the second property impounded this week that had links to the former regime. On Thursday, the attorney general's office confiscated a mansion belonging to a Suharto crony, Zahid Husein, the former treasurer of one of the foundations.

Indonesia's Attorney General Marzuki Darusman plans to bring Suharto's case to court by August 10. Suharto, 79, has denied any wrongdoing. He has been questioned several times despite his attorneys' protests that he is unfit after suffering a stroke last year. Some of his children and business associates also have been interrogated.

Suharto relative held on drugs charges

Agence Frnce-Presse - July 21, 2000

Jakarta -- A relative of former Indonesian President Suharto who was arrested on drugs charges last month has been sent to a prison pending trial, reports said yesterday.

Gusti Maya Firanti Nur, the 30-year-old wife of Mr Suharto's grandson Ari Sigit, was transferred from Jakarta's police headquarters to the women's jail in Tangerang on the outskirts of the capital on Wednesday, the Indonesian Observer said.

The daily said Maya had received frequent visits at the police headquarters from her husband and children, and quoted her as saying that she was now undergoing treatment for addiction to crystal methamphetamine. Arrested in a hotel on June 22 for possession of the drug, the date of her trial has yet to be set.

Suharto, who ruled the country for 32 years, stepped down amid mounting protests in May 1998. He is now under investigation for alleged corruption during his marathon term of office. West Jakarta Police chief Senior Superintendent Aji Rustam Ramja, said Maya's main supplier was still at large.

PRD blasts Gus Dur over unresolved KKN cases

Indonesian Observer - July 19, 2000

Jakarta -- Chairman of the Democratic People's Party (PRD) Budiman Sudjatmiko says President Abdurrahman Wahid and his National Awakening Party (PKB) will only be regarded as true defenders of democracy if they are willing to thoroughly resolve all major corruption cases that took place during the New Order regime of ex-president Soeharto.

Budiman yesterday said the main problem is that Wahid, better known as Gus Dur, is yet to show his commitment to launching serious legal investigations into figures allegedly involved in corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN).

"Gus Dur is yet to show his willpower in the case of former president Soeharto. Calls for reform should aim to reveal the truth of [recent] history, which was obscured by the New Order," he said in a meeting with Deputy Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Matori Abdul Djalil at parliament.

He said the disclosure of the truth behind the events during Soeharto's rise to power will give a sense of justice to millions of families who were the victims of the New Order's crimes.

Budiman said the truth behind the anti-communist purges of 1965- 66 must be revealed. An estimated 500,000 or more people were slaughtered during the violence that led to Soeharto's ascent to the presidency.

The PRD leader, who was jailed by the Soeharto regime in late 1996 and released only this year, said Gus Dur has no political will to process the human rights abuse cases that took place under the New Order.

He cited the attack on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters on July 27, 1996; the kidnapping and torture of anti-Soeharto activists; the 1984 Tanjung Priok massacre of an estimated 400 protesters; the 1989 massacre of Muslim protesters in Lampung; the 1993 rape and murder of labor rights activist Marsinah; the forcing of peasants off their land for "development" projects; and many other cases.

In a statement issued by the PRD, the leftist party expressed its distrust of the top five political parties, all of which claim to be pro-reform, but in reality are doing little to put the villains of the Soeharto regime behind bars. The PRD also called on the public not to be fooled by phony reformists.

Budiman, who was accompanied by PRD Secretary General Petrus H. Hariyanto, said the PKB should help Gus Dur to develop greater democracy in Indonesia. "The PKB must prove its commitment to upholding democracy, human rights, and eradicating corruption," he said.

Suharto-military link to bombing unfolds

Detik - July 18, 2000

LH, NL/FW, BS & Lyndal Meehan, Jakarta -- The plot behind the bombing of the Attorney General's office on July 4 and its connection to the Suharto family continues to unfold. The bombs involved have been traced back to the Army and a former member of President Suharto's personal guard and four employees of one of Tommy's companies are being investigated. Denying prior knowledge of questionable deals, however, is an increasingly evident trend in the Suharto clan's self defense.

Last Thursday, the Chief of Police, General Rusdihardjo, told the press that he had sent the letters necessary to obtain permission to investigate a serving member of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) who by law may only be investigated in a military court. Rusdihardjo said that there would be no problem investigating the former presidential guard because the two forces would work together.

Today, Jakarta Police Detective Unit Chief, Senior Superintendent Harry Montolalu told the press that four of six witnesses taken from a white hardtop car parked in front of the AG office on the night of the incident were employees of Goro, a wholesale store owned by Hutomo Mandala Putra, known as Tommy Suharto. However, the Police could not confirm whether the four witnesses were at the site at Tommy's instigation.

"Previously, they worked at Goro. Tommy owns Goro. They could be Tommy's friends. It's not clear what was their motive for being at the site. But one thing is clear, their presence at the scene will be investigated," Harry said at the Jakarta Police headquarters on Jl. Sudirman, South Jakarta. Nine bodyguards who accompanied Tommy to the AG office on the day have also been questioned.

As reported widely, a bomb exploded at the AG office on July 4 only an hour after Tommy Suharto was investigated for alleged corruption in relation to the Gatari Air Transport Company case. One day after the minor explosion, the Explosives Detonation Team (Gegana) dsicovered two unexploded bombs weighing two kilograms each which could have blown away a quarter of the building. It's hardly surprising that rumors have been rife that pro-Suharto provocateurs were attempting to discourage the numerous corruption investigations currently underway into the clan and their cronies

Meanwhile, the police investigation has also revealed that finger prints found on the two unexploded bombs in the AG "Round Building" belonged to two individuals rather eight as previously thought. The fingerprints do not match those of the four taken from the white hardtop vehicle.

"At the moment, we are trying to summon people who are responsible for the bombing. While we work, we are also waiting for investigation results from the Army," said Harry explaining that the investigation has been split between the National Police and the Army.

The police Chief himself has admitted the case goes beyond a mere criminal investigation. "This case has implications which go much further. But this does not have to cause uneasiness or pessimism with the current situation," said Rusdihardjo at a meeting of police leaders convened to review the topic "Security Consolidation in the Leadup to the 2000 Parliament Session."

After the meeting, Chief of the Police Detective Unit, Maj.Gen. Chairuddin Ismail said it was now clear the two unexploded bombs came from the Army's ammunition storage facility at Saradan, Madiun, East Java. He said the police would soon be coordinating their investigations into the facility with the military.

Army Chief of Staff, Maj.Gen. Tyasno Sudarto, also confirmed that the Ministry of Defense and Security had ordered bombs of the same make and model from PT Pindad and stored them at the Saradan facility in 1996. The bombs were distributed from the facility and used in Army training exercises. "All of that is noted by the units and can be accounted for administratively," he said.

However, Tyasno did not rule out the possibility that bombs could have been secreted away. "I don't discount the possibility, but it needs to be investigated further. The possibilities at the moment are many and varied," he added.

Tommy himself appeared at the Attorney General's office today to face questioning on the Gatari Air Transport Company and it's relationship with the then Ministry of Forestry, the same case he faced on the day of the bombing.

Previously, both sides denied they initiated an arrangement to lease eight helicopters from the Ministry to PT Gatari to survey Indonesian forests. The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) were also involved in the logistical support of the project, providing pilots and base facilities. "Lease" being a lose term to describe a deal in which PT Gatari obtained the helicopters but has thus far failed to make any payment.

The debacle has cost the state an estimated around Rp23.3 billion (US$2.8 million) besides the fact that an unknown number of the helicopters are now no longer in working condition.

Leaving the AG offices today, Tommy's only comment to the press was, "In that contract, I am no where to be seen." When questioned on Tommy's knowledge of the deal worked out between PT Gatari and the Ministry, his lawyer, Hakim Simamora, stated later that his client, as Chief Commissioner of the company, only received reports from the Director.

Hakim stressed that in any contract there were rights and obligations. "The Ministry of Forestry was obliged to pay for 20% of the cost of spare parts while it has only handed over 5%. There is also the agreement on the division of profits which was that it would be divided between Gatari and the Ministry," he said. Another obligation the Ministry appears to have reneged on is the matter of payments for the use of Gatari's services. Hakim said that the Ministry was obliged to pay for a minimum of 1000 flying hours per year. "For every hour, the fee was US$645 and it turns out the Ministry has never paid," he said indignantly.

When asked if the case had resulted in any damages suffered by the state, Hakim replied that Gatari wouldn't know about that. Denying prior knowledge of questionable deals appears to be a trend in Tommy's self defense. His father is employing a more extreme version of the tendency. The former president could only remember his own name when questioned last week by a team from the Attorney General's office. Even if a clear link between those close to the Suhartos and the bombing emerges, the trend will no doubt be employed in future.

Environment/health

Indonesia's fires `Suharto's legacy'

British Broadcasting Corporation - July 21 2000

Alex Kirby -- A report by the World Resources Institute says the fires are symptomatic of "a far greater disaster -- the systematic plunder and destruction of south-east Asia's greatest rainforests over the past three decades."

The report says the fires of 1997 and 1998 burnt 10 million hectares of forest and caused economic damage estimated at US $10bn. It describes them as "the direct and inevitable outcome of forest and land-use policies and practices unleashed by the Suharto regime."

The report by WRI, which is based in Washington DC, is entitled Trial by Fire: Forest fires and forestry policy in Indonesia's era of crisis and reform. It is co-published by WWF and Telapak Indonesia Foundation, a non-governmental environmental group.

'Crony capitalism'

One of the authors, Dr Charles Barber, said: "Current Indonesian forest policies have provided powerful legal incentives for 'cut-and-run' resource extraction. "They have failed to create effective mechanisms for enforcing even minimum standards of forest resource stewardship."

The report says former premier Suharto's malpractices were perpetuated "by a corrupt culture of 'crony capitalism' that elevated personal profit over public interest, the environment, or the rule of law." During the 32 years of President Suharto's rule, WRI says, Indonesia lost at least 40 million hectares of forest, an area the size of Germany and the Netherlands together.

"Much of these forests were granted as timber concessions to Suharto's cronies, his family, and to ill-fated government projects like the failed effort to convert 1 million hectares of peat swamp forests in central Kalimantan into rice fields. "In the 1990s, oil palm and timber plantations replaced additional millions of hectares of forests. Illegal logging has become prevalent, accounting for an estimated half of the annual production of timber."

The report says many of the 1997 and 1998 fires were started deliberately by plantation owners who took advantage of the dry season to clear the forests and plant export crops instead. Dr Barber described the fires as "just the latest symptom of a destructive system of forest resource management carried out by the former regime over 30 years."

Concessions freeze

Preventing future fires, he said, would depend on a major restructuring of relationships between the state, the private sector and the millions of people who lived in the forests and depended on them. Dr Barber told BBC News Online: "The long-term solution lies in a thorough reform of the whole forest and plantation sector, a freeze on allocation of or extension of any logging concessions or plantation licenses, and the whole agenda for community-level sustainable management of forest lands and resources. "I wish I could be more optimistic, but the situation is very bad, and appears to be getting worse."

The report's recommendations include stronger laws and penalties against clearing plantations by burning. It wants indigenous people to be given legal protection to their ownership and use of forests, and help in managing them sustainably.

The WRI president, Jonathan Lash, said: "The key question is whether government forest policy will lead and smooth the way for these changes, or will be dragged along by popular action -- which is likely to turn increasingly violent -- at the grassroots.

Government threats against `fire-starters' not working

Straits Times - July 22, 2000

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Claims by the Indonesian authorities about serious efforts being made to stem plantation fires in Sumatra are being challenged by environmentalists who say that legal action is doomed to fail.

Officials believe the threat of stiffer penalties on companies will deter them from using fires as a preferred method of land clearing, but acknowledge that the long arm of the law is still very short.

So short in fact that out of the 40 companies suspected of starting fires in the last week, only one has been investigated. "Yes we are not yet strong enough with forest fire detection, the police investigators are still learning how to prosecute," said Mr Djoko Setyono of the Forestry Department's Conservation Division.

Officials from the Sumatran Environmental Agency say that of the 40 companies found to have hotspots or fires on their land, 30 are palm oil plantation firms and the other 10 are forestry companies.

Both critics and officials from the environmental agency point out that trying to get tough with the companies is painfully slow. And at the rate investigations are going it would take a recently-appointed special investigation team almost a year just to collect evidence against the 40 companies suspected of starting land-clearing fires.

Environmentalists say the threat to send errant companies to court has not had the intended effect -- and as such is no different from threats made in response to the disastrous fires of 1997, which led to most of the region covered in haze for weeks. "This effort is the same as during 1997. We know when and where the burning occurs. If the government really wants to stop the burning there is only one way and that is to stop opening up land," said Mr Djoko Waluyo from environment group Walhi, referring to the fact that plantation and logging licences are still being issued. "They have to punish any company known to have fires on their land by withdrawing their licence."

The Forestry Department's Mr Djoko blames a lack of funds and equipment on the slow reaction from Jakarta and Riau to act against the guilty plantation firms. But the millions of dollars worth of reforestation funds that have disappeared, suggest lack of money is not the real reason.

Environmentalists say it is too much money, in the hands of corrupt officials, combined with Indonesia's uncoordinated slow- moving bureaucracy that is the root of the problem. Mr Djoko of Walhi claims that corrupt officials in Riau have demanded money in order to divert investigations into the burnings.

The deteriorating air quality in Riau has forced the closure of several schools and both forestry and Environmental Agency officials admit that there is no coordinated team to fight the fires.

Only one team of 500 forest rangers and community volunteers has been sent to fight some of the fires in state forest reserves, said Mr Siregar, from the Environmental Monitoring Agency in Medan. He also said that air quality in Medan had improved yesterday, as winds had blown away much of the haze.

Meanwhile, Reuters quoted Foreign Ministry officials as saying that Indonesia would support discussion of the haze issue at next week's meeting of Asean Foreign Ministers in Bangkok.

Medan city airport closed as haze thickens

Straits Times - July 21, 2000

Jakarta -- Dense haze, from forest and brush fires on the Indonesian island of Sumatra, forced the temporary closure of its most important airport yesterday, officials said.

Poor visibility of less than 700 metres at Medan city's Polonia airport forced the suspension of all flights for four hours early in the day, an airport official said.

"The airport was temporarily shut down from 9 am and it was just re-opened at around 1 pm," Mr Maas Siregar, an official with Polonia's meteorology and geophysics unit, told AFP. "We resumed activity here after the visibility level reached 1,500 meters," Mr Siregar added.

The state Antara news agency said at least five domestic flights, scheduled to land at Polonia in the morning, were delayed by the closure. A Mandala airline flight had to be re-routed to Penang International Airport in neighbouring Malaysia, Antara said, adding that the smoke had caused fear and anger among hundreds of would-be passengers at Polonia.

Illegal land clearing by slash-and-burn methods in Sumatra's jungle-clad province of Riau is believed to be the cause of the haze, Mr Riyadi Usman, an environment official from Pekanbaru, told AFP on Monday.

Mr Usman -- who heads the environmental damage department of the Regional Environmental Impact Management Office -- said the smoky haze had covered most of Riau province on Sumatra over the past three mornings. "Our measuring equipment shows that the air over Pekanbaru in the past two or three days has reached the "unhealthy' level in the mornings," Mr Usman said.

He said that his office, local forestry officials and the provincial authorities were all co-ordinating efforts to prevent a repeat of the thick haze that blanketed the region -- extending as far as Malaysia and Singapore -- in 1997 and to a lesser extent in early 1998. The choking haze of 1997 remained for several months, causing extensive health and traffic problems in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia.

Meanwhile, the Riau provincial administration, angered by the continuing forest fires, is demanding that Jakarta revoke for good the permits of errant companies responsible for the fires.

Graft and poor policing keep fires burning

South China Morning Post - July 17, 2000

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Corruption and weak law enforcement promise to make the polluting haze caused by Indonesian forest fires a perennial problem. Farmers and contractors are burning forests to clear land for palm oil and rubber crops, and the logic of that market, in which raw commodities sell for much- desired dollars, will keep the fires burning.

Indonesia's environmental watchdog, Walhi, claims that even members of government teams dispatched to Pekanbaru, central Sumatra, to investigate the fires' causes are taking payments from the companies involved. "The [alleged] corruption is 50 million rupiah [HK$41,000] per person," said David O'Shea, a freelance documentary maker who filmed the teams at work.

The investigatory teams were supposed to collect material with which to prosecute the companies on whose land the burning was continuing. Satellite data indicate there are 91 hotspots in Riau province. Three other provinces are also affected. Singapore said last week it had detected signs of more than 200 fires on Sumatra.

Jakarta has blamed slash-and-burn land-clearing practices and banned them, but no company has been successfully prosecuted. Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid last week ordered that a taskforce be set up to deal with fires.

Arms/armed forces

Cohen says US reestablishing military ties with Indonesia

Associated Press - July 18, 2000

Sydney -- US Secretary of Defense William Cohen confirmed Monday that the US is reestablishing military links with Indonesia. But he denied his country is selling arms to Jakarta.

"There have been reports that the United States has resumed arms sales to Indonesia. Those reports are incorrect," Cohen told reporters in Sydney where he was meeting his Australian counterpart, John Moore. "What we have tried to do is to reengage Indonesia on a military-to-military level."

That policy will bear fruit later this month when US and Indonesian forces are scheduled to carry out joint exercises close to the port of Surabaya in the east of Indonesia's main island, Java. The exercises, involving naval landing vessels and marines, are designed to train the forces in providing humanitarian assistance to coastal regions hit by earthquakes.

For several years, the US government has blocked Indonesians from programs at federally funded military institutions such as West Point, citing human rights concerns. And last year, the Clinton administration froze military relations following the involvement of the Indonesian army in violence that broke out last year in East Timor following a vote by the province in favor of independence from Indonesia.

The US has stated it will continue to exclude Indonesia's army from joint exercises, focusing instead on its navy, marines and air force -- which weren't implicated in human rights abuses in East Timor.