• Deadlocks loom in West Timor negotiations - Agence France-Presse
• Talks with militia leaders focus on refugees' return - Sydney Morning Herald
• Indonesian top brass on trial for Timor atrocities - Australian Financial Review
• Sorely missed: the aid that murder drove away - Sydney Morning Herald
• Secret talks on sending refugees home - South China Morning Post
• UN delegation declares East Timor ready for independence - Agence France-Presse
• Gusmao describes challenges facing East Timor - Green Left Weekly
• UN administration moves to evict stallholders - Green Left Weekly
• Facts and fictions about the militias - Green Left Weekly
• UN forced to free confessed murders - The Age
• East Timorese commemorate '91 cemetery massacre - Agence France-Presse

• Workers occupy parliament after negotiations fail - Detik

• Wahid finds few friends on his return home - Sydney Morning Herald
• Wahid says some media get paid to spread lies - Jakarta Post
• Army chief lashes out at bickering politicians - Jakarta Post
• Golkar won't seek ouster of Gus Dur - Agence France-Presse
• Lawmakers call again for Gus Dur to quit - Straits Times

• One killed, two hurt in Medan blast - Agence France-Presse

• Renewed clashes in Aceh leave at least five dead - Associated Press
• Head of SIRA presidium to be apprehended - Detik
• Jakarta, rebels call for restraint in violence-torn Aceh - Agence France-Presse
• Economy, religion, human rights seen at the root of problems - Agence France-Presse
• More troops for West Papua as Jakarta tightens its grip - Sydney Morning Herald
• 92 percent choose independence in Aceh - Detik
• Independence is unstoppable, say separatists - South China Morning Post
• Papua council leaders to go on trial soon - Jakarta Post
• Aceh rebels threaten mass strike as police call for crack down - Agence France-Presse
• 50,000 rally for Aceh independence - Associated Press
• Aceh: Thousands rally for independence - Green Left Weekly
• Independence for West Papua would lead to a bloodbath: Downer - Sydney Morning Herald
• Sectarian clash erupts in Irian Jaya - Indonesian Observer
• Indonesia: The Aceh challenge - Asia Times
• Security forces at fault in Aceh - Jakarta Post

• Police step up efforts to flush out Tommy - Straits Times
• July 27 attack ordered by Feisal Tanjung - Indonesian Observer

• People's Democratic Party denies factional split - Detik
• Faction breaks from People's Democratic Party - Detik
• Spate of crashes blamed on cost cutting - Straits Times
• Army chief warns of disintegration - Indonesian Observer
• Girls on the streets - Straits Times
• Anti-Abdurrahman protesters attack parliament - Straits Times
• Students protest attack on seminar - Jakarta Post
• Adi Sasono elected ICMI's new chairman - Jakarta Post

• Here come the Kostrad Boys - again! - Watch Indonesia

• US wants stable Indonesia, says envoy on return - Agence France-Presse
• Howard orchestrates bid to heal Timor rift - The Age
• Indonesia can't hide glee over Bush - Dow Jones

• Indonesian bank governors resign - Associated Press
• Rice-tariff increase will hurt the poor, says bank - Agence France-Presse
• Lack of control by governments feared - Straits Times
• Indonesia's tax burden - Straits Times

Villagers seeking land compensation picket Riau company

Haidir Anwar Tanjung/BI & GB, Pekanbaru -- Up to a hundred people from the village of Okura, Bukit Raya sub-district, Pekanbaru, Riau, have set up makeshift tents at the entrance of PT Surya Inti Fariraya. They are picketing the company in order to receive compensation for land that was forcefully taken from them in 1989.

Regretfully, no representatives from the company have met the villagers thus far. The company's attitude is only fuelling the resolve of the demonstrators. The crowd was seen shouting and conducting speeches at the front of the factory in the provincial capital of Pekan Baru. Security guards and factory workers were seen to safeguarding the entrance of the factory.

The picket sprang up two days ago. The villagers are demanding that PT Surya Inti Fariraya pay them compensation after PT Surya Dumai Group, a subsidiary company of PT Surya Inti Fariraya, illegally seized 1,397 hectares in 1989.

A community leader representing the villagers, Abdul Hamid, said that the land occupied by the company used to be full of rubber plantations, vegetables and even a public cemetery.

"Now the fields have become palm oil plantations," Hamid said unable to hide his disappointment. He further explained that the disputed area used to belong to 43 families. Many of the original owners have passed away and their descendants have resolved to continue their struggle for compensation.

Hamid said that the villagers have been asked the company repeatedly to compensate them for the land. "Our demand has not been fulfilled," said Hamid adding that during the New Order regime of President Suharto they were prevented from doing so. He also claimed that the company used military personnel to terrorise the villagers.

Foreign firms face rising anger across Indonesia

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Grassroots anger with international conglomerates' business practices -- making millions from people's land while the people themselves remain poor -- is causing disruption to companies across Indonesia and millions of dollars worth of losses.

Many of these people's grievances appear to be valid, but the central government, concerned by more serious conflicts such as those in Aceh and Irian Jaya, shows little sign that it is willing to intervene.

During the past two months the oil fields of Riau have been plagued by a host of burnings, road blockades and other protests. In Lampung, South Sumatra, hundreds of villagers clashed last month with troops and later occupied parliament in a bid to gain compensation from a palm oil company. In Lombok, the offices of mining company PT Newmont were hit by a grenade blast. And, earlier this year, locals protested they had been poorly compensated for their land.

These demonstrators, like a growing army of poor farmers or out- of-work villagers, are taking the opportunity to demand compensation for the 32 years in which they were helpless.

One typical evicted victim of the "New Order's" land grab is Ijin, a Sakei villager living on the outskirts of Duri in Riau. Some 15 years ago he had the run of the whole forest. But he now survives by selling log off-cuts to dealers.

In the same forests where he once used to hunt and fish freely, he must now pay pulp and paper company Arara Abadi 10 million rupiah (S$2,000) for every tonne of logs he removes.

Ijin says Arara Abadi paid nearby villagers only 25 rupiah per hectare for their land. He himself had little choice but to accept the sale of his family land as the local military command accompanied the company negotiators.

Dr Trabani Rap, a doctor and indigenous Sakei from Riau, accuses Caltex and other large companies such as Arara Abadi of taking land from at least 150 locals for a pittance during the Suharto era. He argues that companies should start to repay communities for unfair deals.

Many of the villagers do not want to wait for the companies to reconsider their past policies. They have begun to fight back the only way they know how -- through demonstrations.

Angry displaced villagers last month took over Lampung's parliament when police detained villagers protesting over a palm oil company's inadequate compensation for their land. In North Sulawesi, multinational mining company Newmont has also been plagued by disputes with both local villagers and government.

Blockades by local landowners who are unhappy with compensation payments from Newmont have forced the mines' closure four times this year. Mr Edward Pressman, Newmont's public relations manager, says the complaints arose because 12 landowners just wanted more money, while the other 400 landowners were content with their compensation.

Sulawesi is not the only place where Newmont has had difficulties with local groups. A Lombok-based NGO called Gagas Nusa Tenggara ran a large advertisement in the Lombok Post asking for locals' complaints. Gagas accuses Newmont of unfair hiring practices as well as environmental destruction.

Gagas, on behalf of some local fishermen, has complained that Newmont has been polluting their fishing grounds, causing fish numbers to drop and fish and marine life to die.

It sounds like a reasonable complaint, except that the fishermen's grounds are several kilometres away from the site of the tailing dumpings. Also, it is unlikely that mercury tailings, which are dumped in underwater trenches, would be carried that far.

The fishing in these waters is usually aided by either cyanide or small explosive bombs. This usually kills or maims fish in a 500 m radius, as well as kills off all the coral in a 1-km radius.

Mr Pressman said the complaint possibly had more to do with a particular village's anger over Newmont's decision to relocate its port than with environmental damage. He said many of the catches of fish were low because of over-fishing, not because of mercury pollution.

Environmental pollution charges were being levelled at the company in an attempt to gain something, he said. "Clearly, people who want more from the company create an image of a terrible company -- one that pollutes and reduces fish catches," he said.

In some cases, it might be to the legislators' political or economic advantage to support these conflicts, said one industry observer. For example, the local government in East Kalimantan wants to buy shares in the major coal company there, while in Riau local oil mining companies with apparently close connections to local parliamentarians would like to starting drilling one oil block.

Riau Governor Saleh Djasit has just announced that the government would like to take over the Pekanbaru coast's plain oil block, currently managed by PT Caltex Pacific Indonesia.

The governor has demanded that the central government award Riau's government a 70-per-cent stake in the fields, which is far higher than the standard production sharing agreement which allows private companies a 15-per-cent stake.

Caltex would like to continue operating these fields as they produce a lucrative 60,000 barrels per day. However, it is not sure to whom and how the next year's contract will be awarded. And, if the legislation on which region controls natural resources is not passed soon, then mining sites could see further turmoil as districts compete for control of the lucrative resources.

"We have some concerns -- what happens if there are inter- district sparks over control of resources? Will there be conflicts? And will the security apparatus just sit on the sidelines?" asked Mr Ted Callahan, from KPMG Consulting.

Thousands of Indonesian students mark 1998 shootings

Jakarta -- More than 10,000 Indonesian students converged at a main flyover in South Jakarta on Monday to commemorate the shooting of seven students there two years ago, causing massive traffic jams along the city's main thoroughfare.

The students, from various universities in and around Jakarta, converged at the Atmajaya Catholic University just a few metres from the Semanggi flyover starting at around noon.

Wearing the colours and carrying the flags of their respective universities or student organisations, they occupied a three-lane avenue and a slow lane in front of the university. By dusk, at least 10,000 students had massed there.

The students sang hymns and pro-reform and pro-democracy songs and listened to a succession of speakers who mostly demanded justice for the shootings. They were scheduled to watch a film depicting the demonstration on November 1998 and the clashes between security forces and students that killed seven students and six civilians.

No one has so far been brought to trial over the shootings. The protests two years ago brought together tens of thousands of students to demand reforms of the country's government.

The commemoration resulted in a complete halt of traffic on the main north-south thoroughfare passing underneath the flyover and slowed traffic passing over it for several kilometres.

Anti-Habibie demonstrators block traffic in capital

Jakarta -- Rush-hour traffic in downtown Jakarta ground to a halt yesterday as protesters blocked streets, demanding that former President B.J. Habibie and his security chief be prosecuted for the deaths of 10 students two years ago.

About 1,000 protesters marched down the city's central Sudirman Avenue, demanding that prosecutors file charges against the former President and former military chief and security minister General Wiranto.

In May 1998, Dr Habibie took over as head of state when massive protests forced former President Suharto to resign. He had ruled the country with an iron fist for 32 years.

In November 1998, security forces killed at least 10 students during another wave of violent protests, this time aimed against Dr Habibie's administration, which was dominated by right-wingers who had underpinned Mr Suharto's regime.

Although Dr Habibie was voted out of office and replaced a year ago by President Abdurrahman Wahid, no investigation into the killings has been undertaken.
 

East Timor

Deadlocks loom in West Timor negotiations

Jakarta -- Deadlocks are looming between Indonesia and the United Nations, as a UN Security Council mission reports to headquarters on Monday on the situation in camps in West Timor holding tens of thousand of East Timorese refugees.

The mission's visit last week garnered a raft of promises and assurances from Jakarta about future security for the refugees, and the international aid workers needed to help them. But two crucial logistical steps are proving difficult to negotiate.

Jakarta, diplomats say, is putting up barriers to a reconnaisance trip to West Timor by UN security experts to assess whether it is safe for staff to return two months after militia murdered three of their colleagues there. In addition, the removal of militia leaders has yet to be assured by Indonesia, because authorities here insist the militias no longer exist.

UNSC Mission chief, Martin Andjaba, pointed repeatedly to intimidation and misinformation by militia leaders, cited by returning refugees, as barriers to repatriating the refugees. "The intimidation must be stopped," he declared before departing Indonesia on Friday. "Decisive action is necessary to deal with remaining militias."

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)'s Peter Kessler said that meant removing the militia leaders. "Removed means they must not be there, not intimidating, not distorting information," he told AFP. "Refugee camps are not a refuge for militia intimidators."

Police and military commanders accompanying the delegation through West Timor's Haliwen refugee camp on Wednesday insisted that all militia gangs had been dissolved.

"As you can see for yourself, there are no militias here. They were all disbanded on December 12, 1999," Belu district commander Lieutenant Colonel Joko Subandrio told AFP at Haliwen, 25 kilometers from the border with East Timor. "What we have here is former militias, they are now living among the refugees," West Timor police chief Brigadier General I Made Mangku Pastika said. "They are only refugees, they have no privileges."

Andjaba said the refugees had complained about security, saying they did not have free choices about their future, and that security in the camps was uncertain. The presence of militia leaders, former or otherwise, also poses a threat to humanitarian workers.

UN refugee workers who escaped the fatal attack on their office in the border town of Atambua on September 6 said the attackers wore the T-shirts and insignia of militia gangs. The attack prompted the exodus of 400 aid workers from the region, bringing the registration and repatriation of refugees to a halt.

As the mission departed on Friday, Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab highlighted the "need for the resumption of international assistance to the refugees" to support Indonesia's efforts at restarting registration.

Two UN security officers were in West Timor assessing security for this week's 'one-off' repatriation of the families of former Indonesian military personnel. But permission for more experts to go in and gauge the wider picture is yet to be granted, Kessler said.

Pro-integration refugees at Haliwen cited fears of revenge by their former rivals as reasons for not going home, pleading with the officials to "neutralise" tensions between East Timorese groups and guarantee reconciliation.

"Which leaders can take us back, in peace, with reconciliation?" asked pro-integrationist Celestino Gonzales, 65. Both sides have done bad things, not just the pro-integration side." Andjaba said "the twin tracks of justice and reconciliation" were the key to solving the problem.

But over the border, an under-resourced justice system has released 56 prisoners suspected of serious crimes in last year's anti-independence violence, undermining efforts at reconciliation. "How are we meant to have reconciliation, when the people who committed crimes are living freely in the community here?" a resident of the shattered town of Suai asked the delegation.

In breaking voice, Gonzales spoke for the group of refugees from Dili's Kaikolo neighbourhood now shetlering in Haliwen. "We had jobs and postions before. Who can take responsibility for our fate now? Who can guarantee our future?"

Talks with militia leaders focus on refugees' return

Mark Dodd, Dili -- The United Nations has entered talks with senior militia leaders implicated in some of the worst crimes in East Timor last year, but whose return may lead to the repatriation of thousands of refugees.

Groundbreaking talks were held at the border town of Batugade on Tuesday with, among others, Cancio Lopes de Carvalho, former leader of the Mahidi (Life or Death Integration) militia. The Mahidi was one of the most extreme of the pro-Jakarta militias, linked to the Suai cathedral massacre in which up to 200 people were killed. "He [de Carvalho] said he was prepared to face the judicial process provided it was fair," said Mr N. Parameswaran, chief of staff to the head of UN operations in East Timor, Mr Sergio Vieira de Mello.

Mr Parameswaran, accompanied by senior East Timorese officials and two senior commanders of the pro-independence Falintil force, met de Carvalho and three other ex-militia leaders who say they fear for their lives and are now negotiating to return. Only the Mahidi leader gave an undertaking that he was prepared to face justice.

The talks centred on the return of thousands of East Timorese refugees under the control of the four men. The three other leaders were de Carvalho's brother, Nemecio Loes de Carvalho, Domingos Periera and Juanico Cesario, a former Baucau-based militia leader. Last month the four wrote two letters to the UN Security Council requesting protection from former colleagues and Indonesian authorities.

Two weeks of negotiations culminated in Tuesday's border meeting, conducted out of sight of the Indonesian military at the request of the militia leaders. "He [Cancio Lopes de Carvalho] told me bluntly he wanted reconciliation and repatriation," Mr Parameswaran said. "You know one of our primary [UN] functions here is to promote the return of refugees. There are some 120 or 130,000 refugees still there, and if we can find any ways or means to get them back then we will." On an earlier visit to East Timor, Cesario had promised to return with 6,000 of his followers. No date has been set for the repatriation of the militia leaders, although both sides are now involved with internal discussions.

While the rewards are potentially high, the return of any high- profile militia leader is fraught with risk. The UN's serious crimes unit has lengthy dossiers implicating most of the militia leaders on war crimes charges, including murder, multiple murder, rape, arson and abduction.

Despite support for negotiations with the four militia leaders by independence leaders such as Mr Xanana Gusmao, many East Timorese are still traumatised by last year's violence. Mr Gusmao's support for the reconciliation process is controversial. Many Timorese, particularly in areas worst affected by militia violence, oppose reconciliation without justice.

Indonesian top brass on trial for Timor atrocities

Tim Dodd, Jakarta -- Indonesia will put on trial 22 military and police officers, government officials and militia members accused of human rights violations in East Timor, the Indonesian Attorney-General, Mr Marzuki Darusman, said yesterday.

Those to be tried before a special human rights court include the two army officers in command of East Timor in the lead-up to the independence referendum last year, and the then police chief in charge of the territory.

These are Major-General Adam Damiri, whose command area based in Bali included East Timor; Brigadier-General Tono Suratman, who was in command in East Timor until just before the ballot; and police chief Brigadier-General Timbul Silean. According to Jakarta-based news service Satunet, Mr Darusman said the trial of the 22 was expected to begin in January.

If General Damiri, General Suratman and General Silean are convicted they will be the first senior army officers to be found guilty by a court for human rights violations. In the past junior officers have been convicted while their seniors have gone free.

The human rights law under which the 22 are to be tried provides for jail terms of up to 25 years for major abuses. The trial will take place under a law passed by the Indonesian Parliament early this month which allows people accused of past human rights abuses to be tried under a human rights code that did not exist when the offences took place.

Mr Darusman's announcement came as a UN Security Council delegation was wrapping up its inspection of the human rights situation in West Timor, where pro-Indonesian militia killed three UN refugee workers in September. After the killings, the UN halted its refugee aid programs in West Timor, where an estimated 120,000 East Timorese are still living in squalid conditions.

Sorely missed: the aid that murder drove away

Mark Dodd, Atambua -- Ringed with fading yellow police tape, the smashed office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is an eerie deserted shell -- a house of death.

The double-fronted white concrete residence lies in the town centre. Only a radio antenna and peeling UNHCR poster is evidence of its former official use. Piled in front of the office is a jumble of fire-blackened furniture. It was here the mutilated bodies of three UNHCR international staff murdered by a frenzied militia mob on September 6 were dragged and burnt.

A delegation from the UN Security Council made a rare visit to Atambua yesterday to decide whether conditions were safe for the refugee agency to return.

Indonesian authorities believe security has been restored and have urged the UN to resume humanitarian operations to an estimated 120,000 refugees, stopped after the Atambua attack.

"We understand without humanitarian aid these problems are going to go on and on," said the provincial police chief, Brigadier- General Made Pastika.

He said six former militiamen had been arrested over the murders, and 600 police commandos, reinforced by army and local police, would remain to ensure security for all refugees wanting to return home to East Timor -- a guarantee reiterated by his army counterpart, Major-General Kiki Syahnakri.

The 15-kilometre road leading from the Indonesian border checkpoint of Motain to the border town of Atambua passes several settlements of East Timorese refugees.

An Indonesian police escort bus led the way as a group of journalists were driven there for the first time since the violence yesterday. Red and white flags fluttered outside the thatched roof dwellings while women and children waved to the convoy. In the shadows, groups of young men wearing dark sunglasses and baseball caps looked at the convoy without smiling.

The Haliwen refugee camp just outside Atambua occupies a disused soccer field. About 2,000 refugees live here and so do hundreds of surly young men still opposed to East Timor's independence from Indonesia.

An elderly man said his son and daughter lived across the border in the East Timor town of Bobonaro. "I hope to join them soon. I'm feeling desperate. I'm so alone here," he said before the young men swarmed around him and he stopped talking.

Graciana Sampaio, in her late-20s, stood under a plastic awning leading to her squalid dwelling. "All of my family are back in East Timor but I'll stay here until things get better," she said.

At the Haliwen camp, Mr Martin Andjava, the Namibian diplomat leading the 21-strong UN delegation to Atambua, said he welcomed an announcement on Tuesday by the main militia group known as Untas renouncing violence and condemning the September 6 killings. But he said it was too soon to say whether it was safe enough for UNHCR to resume humanitarian operations.

Secret talks on sending refugees home

Joanna Jolly, Atambua -- A secret meeting between senior East Timorese militia leaders, United Nations political staff and East Timorese political and military leaders could result in the return home of thousands of East Timorese refugees from camps in Indonesian West Timor.

The meeting, which took place in East Timorese territory close to the border crossing place at Motaain on Tuesday, marked the first time a group of senior militia leaders has entered the newly independent country to discuss repatriation with East Timorese leaders.

More than 100,000 East Timorese refugees are still living in squalid camps in West Timor, where they fled or were forcibly deported by militia and the Indonesian military after East Timor voted for independence last year.

After the murder of three UN staff in Atambua, West Timor, in September, all UN and international aid agencies withdrew from the province. Reports from a small number of refugees, who have returned to East Timor since then, say militias continue to intimidate those who want to go back.

On Tuesday, militia leaders Joanico Cesario, Cancio Lopez de Carvalho and his brother Nemecio Lopez de Carvalho travelled across the border to meet seven members of East Timorese political organisation the national council for Timorese resistance (CNRT) and two members of the East Timorese guerilla army Falintil.

The meeting took place on the eve of yesterday's visit by a UN Security Council delegation to the West Timorese border town of Atambua to assess the implementation of Security Council resolution 1319, which requires Indonesia to disarm the militia and bring those responsible for the UN murders to justice.

According to a source close to the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (Untaet), warm greetings were exchanged between the two groups on Tuesday, and the two-hour talks took place in a spirit of reconciliation. "Joanico gave concrete plans to return 6,211 of his followers and said he was able to give us a list of names," said the source.

"Cancio and Nemecio were interested in returning to their home town of Ainaro on a 'look and see' visit, and invited Falintil to their camps around the West Timorese border town of Betun," the source added.

The meeting was initiated after the three leaders wrote to the UN Security Council in October saying they would return to East Timor and face justice if their security was guaranteed. The leaders and their supporters say they've split from the Union of Timorese Warriors (Untas), the main political body representing refugees in West Timor, and believe their lives are in danger because they know too much about who organised the campaign of violence and destruction in East Timor last year.

Despite a statement from the regional Indonesian commander, Major-General Kiki Syahnakri, yesterday that the militia had been 90 per cent disarmed, militia leaders say they still have many automatic weapons.

The Untaet source described Tuesday's meeting as promising, but warned other past militia initiatives had not resulted in any returnees. "We will now see if these ideas become reality, but it is a good beginning," the source said.

The three militia leaders were not among refugees and community leaders who met the Security Council delegation yesterday. In a visit organised by the Indonesian Government, the delegation was taken to the Haliwen refugee camp near Atambua, where residents claimed there were no militia, they had enough food and the situation on the border was calm. The delegation spent close to an hour in the camp.

Augustine Pinto, who called himself the leader of the Dili branch of Untas, told the head of of the delegation, Namibian Ambassador Martin Andjaba, the people in the camp of 12,000 were not ready to return yet. "We are Indonesian patriots," said Mr Pinto. "We want to go back with the red and white [Indonesian] flag." Mr Andjaba said he had not spent enough time in the camp to assess whether it was safe for UN agencies to return to West Timor.

UN delegation declares East Timor ready for independence

Bronwyn Curran, Dili -- UN Security Council envoys wrapped up a two-day mission to East Timor Tuesday, concluding that it was ready for independence but in dire need of international support.

"The continued support of the international community is crucial," the delegation's chief, ambassador Martin Andjaba of Namibia, told a news conference before leaving for Indonesian- ruled West Timor.

But he praised progress in the UN-administered territory. "Our assessment here is that the people of East Timor are ready for independence," he declared. "We're highly inspired by the remarkable achievements in East Timor," he added, lauding the efforts of the UN's chief administrator here, Sergio Viera de Mello.

Andjaba conceded the mission had observed "problems here and there," but concluded they were not "impediments" to the territory's transition to self-rule.

The delegation heard complaints of chronic underfunding for reconstruction, and inadequate resources for the justice system during intensive briefings Sunday and Monday with East Timorese and UN administrators.

The UN administrator in the southern Covalima district on Monday told the envoys that lack of resources for investigators in the devastated town of Suai had resulted in three confessed killers and rapists being set free.

Suai community leaders also complained in an open forum with the delegation that people they believed responsible for massacring possibly hundreds of refugees in their cathedral on September last year, were living freely in the community.

"I think this is clear, there are limitations," Andjaba said when pressed on the justice problems. "As I said at the beginning the administrators will not be in a position to administer everything successfully. So what is required now is for the international community to support the efforts here, so that all the things are done here successfully, including the administration of justice," he said.

Andjaba cited the recent establishment of an interim East Timorese cabinet and National Council, headed by independence leader Xanana Gusmao, as "important steps in the process of transition."

However, he declined to name a timetable for the territory's first elections, although de Mello and some East Timorese leaders have nominated August 2001 as a target date. Andjaba would only say: "The time has come for them to get their independence." Critics say next August would be premature, as the territory has yet to draw up a constitution and build a political system.

Complaints of an 85 million dollar shortfall in funds to rehabilitate infrastrucutre and basic services were put to the delegation by the cabinet's member for infrastructure, Joao Carrascalao.

Construction funding complaints were also made by Suai community leaders, who said the pace of rebuilding their town, which was virtually razed to the ground, was too slow.

The Security Council's British ambassador, Stewart Eldon, responded by promising more funds once security had been fully restored and after independence. "We all know that not as much money is being spent on infrastructure and development as many of us would like," he told the Suai leaders on Monday.

"As soon as the problems of security can be resolved, there will be more resources to spend on development. After independence there'll be a whole array of mechanisms designed to help you get the assistance you need."

The delegation was to begin the Indonesian leg of its mission Tuesday in the West Timor capital of Kupang, where it will check on Indonesia's progress in disarming and disbanding anti- independence militia and prosecuting the killers of three UN refugee workers two months ago. The Security Council team has said the repatriation of refugees from camps in West Timor is its top priority.

Gusmao describes challenges facing East Timor

Merrilyn Treasure, Sydney -- Having won liberation after 25 years of struggle, the East Timorese people's first challenge is to defend their right to freedom, East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao told 500 people at a "Peace and Justice in East Timor" public meeting here on November 9. Gusmao was delivering the 2000 Sydney Peace Prize lecture.

In his speech, Gusmao emphasised the importance of political freedom in establishing a society which is inclusive of all viewpoints. A society which is compassionate and just, he said, does not need retribution. Rather, what is required is reconciliation. This would require state support for those who suffered most in the struggle: the widows, orphans and Falintil veterans who are unable to support themselves in the new society.

On the question of relations between Australia and East Timor, he said that they must be based, not on ongoing dependency, in which East Timor begs for aid year after year, but equality.

UN administration moves to evict stallholders

Jim Mcilroy, Dili -- Street stallholders selling food and drinks on the seafront near the centre of the city here faced an attempt to forcibly evict them from their established positions on November 3, as the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET) moved to "clean up" the waterfront area, as part of a plan to make Dili a place attractive to tourists and the increasing numbers of foreign UN employees residing in East Timor.

A crowd of traders gathered on the seafront that morning in angry protest at UNTAET's unilateral attempt to shift them to another, much less prominent site.

After negotiations between East Timorese community leaders and the UNTAET acting district administrator, the eviction move was postponed, at least until discussions had been held between UNTAET and East Timorese representatives.

Police and military personnel, who were preparing to seize the stalls and take them away in trucks, then dispersed.

Avelino Coelho, secretary of the Socialist Party of Timor (PST), described the attempt to move the stallholders by force as "totally unacceptable."

The minimum basis for a move by the traders would be the provision by UNTAET of "proper conditions" for the street stalls at another site, he said.

"The government should provide jobs for the people", he noted, instead of attempting to remove those who were creating their own employment.

"We need reconstruction, not oppression", said Eusebio Gutterres, representing the Labour Advocacy Institute of East Timor (LAHET). "Why not reconstruct the damaged buildings which are everywhere in Dili?" he asked.

"The street stallholders already pay tax of US$10 per month. They need proper facilities, including sanitation. Then they may be prepared to move at some stage", he said.

"UNTAET fails to consult with the people. We need real democracy here", he added.

This incident is indicative of a growing frustration among the population of East Timor with the bureaucratic methods of UNTAET.

A deep social divide has developed between the highly paid foreign employees of the UN and the mostly unemployed and poor people of Dili and other areas of the country.

Arbitrary decisions over employment of teachers, appointments to consultative bodies and other issues has provoked protests by different groups in recent months.

A majority of the buildings in the capital remain burnt-out shells, because the UN has no policy of direct investment in reconstruction, merely waiting for private capital to carry out any rebuilding over time.

UNTAET is essentially preparing the groundwork for the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to dominate any new East Timorese government, due to be created following elections expected by late next year.

Meanwhile, the demands of the Timorese people for genuine democratic rights, jobs and a significant improvement in living conditions are growing.

Facts and fictions about the militias

Jon Land -- On November 5, the Channel 9 Sunday program screened a special report titled "On Patrol in Timor", which claimed to show "how moderate militia factions are politically battling hardline groups still ready to attack the UN peacekeepers". The report, however, muddied many facts and issues surrounding the militia.

The Sunday team visited West Timor, under the protection of the Indonesian military, and met with various pro-Jakarta militia leaders. Their report, which was repeated in the evening on 60 minutes program, completely failed to explain why the militias are still active and why 120,000 East Timorese refugees remain hostage within militia controlled camps.

The two key militia leaders that reporter Ross Coulthart interviewed where Joao Tavares and Filomena Hornay. Tavares, a landlord from Bobonaro district in the west of East Timor, has a history of close collaboration with the Indonesian military, spanning 25 years. He was appointed commander of the militias last year. His deputy is the infamous Eurico Guterres, praised and awarded by Jakarta's elite for being an Indonesian national hero.

Hornay is one of the main representatives of the Union of Timorese Warriors (UNTAS), an umbrella organisation of pro- integration groups that formed in Kupang earlier this year. UNTAS has waged a tireless propaganda campaign in the refugee camps, spreading lies and misinformation about the conditions within East Timor.

Both Hornay and Tavares have repeatedly attacked and criticised the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) and believe that last year's referendum was rigged. They have not shown any remorse for the crimes they committed or for the dire circumstances of the East Timorese refugees.

While Coulthart questioned the sincerity of the remarks made by Tavares and Hornay, he nonetheless portrays them as different from other militia leaders; he hails them as "moderates" and as a "hopeful sign" in the militia movement.

The split within the ranks of the militia leaders is primarily between opportunist thugs over how they can best improve or maintain their political status under the patronage of the Indonesian military and Jakarta's civilian elite. Differences within the ranks of the militia on how to do this have surfaced due to increasing international pressure upon the Indonesian government to reign in the militias (especially in the period following the murder of UN workers in Atambua in September).

Curiously, Coulthart failed to make any mention of the letter sent by one group of militia leaders to the UN in which they stated their desire to reveal information about the extent of involvement of the Indonesian military in the organisation of the pre- and post-referendum terror campaign. The letter called for UN protection, claiming their lives are in danger because they are prepared to reveal the truth.

While their action is no doubt a self-seeking ploy for amnesty, they were condemned by the so-called moderate Tavares for their letter, as well as for their call for the UN to oversee the handing in of weapons by the militias.

The Sunday report also distorted the complex issue of reconciliation and the investigations underway into war crimes and human rights abuses.

For example, during the interview with Tavares, Coulthart threw in the leading question and comment, "The truth is that there has been wrong on both sides, hasn't there? Isn't that the first step to reconciliation, that both sides should admit crimes?"

Other than comments made by militia members, Coulthart presented no evidence as to what "crimes" where committed by the national liberation movement. There was no discussion with any East Timorese leaders the alleged abuses and war crimes committed by Falintil or pro-independence activists in the struggle for freedom.

The most "serious" form of "violence" against pro-integration supporters that Coulthart could point to is the fact Tavares' house in the town of Maliana has been vandalised.

It is true that there has been some instances of retribution against pro-integration supporters and former militia members who have returned to East Timor. This has largely involved beatings and intimidation, an understandable response from a population that was terrorised in the most cruelest ways over a long period of time.

But there have been no widespread or systematic attacks upon pro-integration supporters. There have been no assassinations or disappearances of former militia members, even though there have been plenty of opportunities for this to take place. There have been some reports of revenge killings taking place, though these remain largely unconfirmed.

East Timorese political and religious leaders have made reappeared calls upon pro-independence supporters to refrain from violent retribution. There have been slow and painstaking efforts to reintegrate pro-integration supporters back into their communities.

"On Patrol in Timor" rightfully points out that the UN personnel responsible for investigating killings and other human rights abuses are being hampered by lack of resources and red-tape. But here again, Coulthart failed to explain that the United States, Australia and other Western powers do not want an international war crimes tribunal to go ahead, despite the recommendations of the UN investigative team that visited East Timor late last year.

The Western powers would rather have Indonesia bring to account those responsible for war crimes in East Timor. This is, however, looking increasingly less likely.

UN forced to free confessed murders

Mark Dodd, Suai -- United Nations police in this shattered town had been forced to free people who had confessed to rape and murder because of a lack of resources to pursue investigations, a senior UN official told a visiting Security Council mission yesterday.

"We've had to release criminals who've confessed to rape and murder," said Kenji Isezaki, the UN's administrator in charge of the Cova Lima district.

The three men were released because a lack of resources prevented a proper investigation. The offences were committed in the violence that erupted after last year's vote for independence.

Mr Isezaki made the admission to a 21-strong delegation from the Security Council on a one-day visit to Suai, the scene of some of the worst violence.

The unfinished Suai cathedral was the scene of of the worst single militia atrocity in which as many as 200 unarmed men and women sheltering in the cathedral grounds were murdered by militia mobs.

The head of the UN delegation, Martin Andjaba from Namibia, told a small group of local people in Suai that he would do his best to ensure the return of all East Timorese refugees in West Timor. "Right now they are suffering over there. They must come back," he told the gathering at Suai Cathedral.

And despite the UN admission that at least some of those involved in the violence had been freed, Mr Andjaba said those responsible for committing serious crimes should be brought to justice. "Justice must be done, those who committed crimes must be brought to justice. It is the determination of the international community to ensure justice," he said.

East Timorese commemorate '91 cemetery massacre

Dili -- Thousands of East Timorese, clutching flowers and photos, followed independence leader Xanana Gusmao in a procession through Dili's still-rubbled streets yesterday, in the largest ever commemoration of a massacre in the city's Santa Cruz cemetery nine years ago.

On November 12, 1991, Indonesian soldiers opened fire on protesters in the cemetery, killing what activists say more than 200 people, while the Indonesian military put the official figure at 50 to 60.

Video footage of the cemetery attack was broadcast around the world and drew international attention to the brutal oppression that the East Timorese were living under during Indonesia's 24- year rule over their half-island territory.

Nobel peace laureate Jose Ramos Horta, now the territory's foreign minister, said at least 500 people had been killed, based on information from the church, Dili's Bishop Belo and pro- independence fighters. "It did not stop at the cemetery, it did not stop that particular day," he said before the procession.

An estimated 250,000 East Timorese lost their lives opposing Indonesia's rule, according to human rights activists, and on August 30 last year their struggle was won when 78.5 per cent of the population voted to break away from Indonesia.

The price for last year's independence vote was at least 600 lives and the razing of the territory when Jakarta-backed militia unleashed a wave of arson, looting, destruction and killing after the vote.

Fourteen months later Dili is still a shell of a city, with gutted buildings, piles of rubble, rusting corrugated iron and burnt out homes lining its streets.

But with the city's new freedom, more than 2,000 people were able to congregate at the whitewashed Motael church on Dili's waterfront for a 90-minute mass to mark the ninth anniversary of the Santa Cruz massacre.

Crowds spilled out from the churchyard onto the waterfront park, where teenage boys knelt in prayer on the grass, girls clutched sprays of bougainvillea and hibiscus, and relatives carried wreath-encircled photos of the missing and the dead. Mr Gusmao held a cross of red bougainvillea leaves as he led the procession out of the churchyard.
 

Labour struggle

Workers occupy parliament after negotiations fail

Muchus BR/Hendra & GB, Sukoharjo -- After two days of fruitless negotiations over an increase to Christmas and Ramadhan Bonuses (THR), hundreds of workers of plastic bag and sack producer PT Sami Surya Indah Plastik, Sukoharjo, Central Java, ultimately occupied the Legislative Council (DPRD). They threatened to remain on strike until their demands are fulfilled.

The workers walked around 5 kilometers on foot from the factory located in Pandeyan village, Grogol, Sukoharjo, to reach the parliament building. They carried large posters and banners along the way listing their demands and arguing for a better deal for workers.

The decision to stop work and march to the parliament was taken suddenly after representatives of the workers failed to reach any agreement with the factory management even after intense negotiations since last Wednesday.

Achmad Sugeng, the owner of the company, said that his side could just afford to give an additional Rp 30,000 (US$ 3.40) on the holiday bonuses given last year. The workers had demanded twice their monthly salary but had reduced their demand to a 50% bonus.

As they arrived at the Sukaharjo Legislative Council, the marching workers were received by numerous members of parliament led by the Deputy Head of the Council, Drs. Abdul Rosyid Muchtar. While eight representatives of the workers met with the members, the others sat in and around the building seeking shelter from the pouring rain.

The Sukaharjo parliament members promised to call the factory's owners next Saturday. The workers were asked to go back to work as usual while waiting for the results of the meeting.

However, the workers immediately rejected the request saying they were determined to continue the strike until their demand for an additional 50% bonus was fulfilled. The company later announced that workers who did not come to work between Friday and Tuesday would be considered to have resigned and finally hundreds of workers agreed to return to work. However, they decided to go to work but not work until their demands were met.

Over the last two days, around 750 workers of PT SSIP have been on strike and the management, when contacted by Detik were unwilling to state their total losses due to the strike.
 

Government/politics

Wahid finds few friends on his return home

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid flew back to Jakarta this week into stormy weather that has nothing to do with the arrival of the monsoon season. Members of Indonesia's elite are stepping up their attacks on the 60-year-old President amid behind-the-scenes manoeuvring to unseat him.

Few people these days have a good word to say about him as prices for basic services and goods soar, the rupiah and stock market flounder, secessionist demands approach fever pitch in some parts of the country and the Government appears to lurch from crisis to crisis.

While Mr Wahid was making one of his frequent overseas trips, 200 of the country's 700 MPs last weekend attended an informal gathering called Outpouring of Opinion, organised by a former finance minister, Kwik Kian Gie. They accused the Government of a lack of strong leadership and vision, inconsistency, inability to uphold the law and, most damaging of all, continuing a culture of corruption and nepotism.

Quickly forgotten have been Mr Wahid's achievements such as forcing the armed forces into renouncing their role in politics, outmanoeuvring the former armed forces chief, General Wiranto, and prising the national police out of the military's clutches.

Even Mr Wahid's spokesman, Wimar Witoelar, candidly admits his boss's failings. "For this presidential office, the things that one hears outside basically are all true: you know, how disorganised it is ... an uncontrollable president. I can say with all the honesty I can convey here that this man is a good guy. I can also say that my man does not have the competence to govern."

The blunt message from the presidential palace is that people should not expect too much or rely too heavily on Mr Wahid, who is clinically blind.

According to the Van Zorge Report, a regular analysis of Indonesian politics, Mr Wahid's legitimacy is being gradually eroded by a series of destabilising events and continued attacks on his credibility against a backdrop of apparent gridlock in the process of reform and economic recovery.

Analysts say his authority is being undermined increasingly by the political and military elite. Many of these people remain loyal to or are on the payroll of the family of former president Soeharto and his cronies.

The results for the country could be dire, analysts say, citing events in West Papua, the far eastern province formerly known as Irian Jaya. After taking office Mr Wahid listened to the Papuans, who were marginalised under Soeharto. Mr Wahid promised them autonomy and even allowed to them fly their beloved Morning Star, the separatist flag, as long as it was alongside and below the Indonesian flag.

But Mr Wahid's critics described the concessions as a grave mistake that could lead to the disintegration of Indonesia, and forced him into a policy backflip. The Papuans are now threatening a bloodbath unless their demands are met.

Mr Wahid's willingness to talk with separatist leaders in Aceh, the staunchly Islamic province at the other end of the archipelago, has also been portrayed by his critics as weakness instead of an attempt to negotiate an end to a vicious cycle of violence.

On many important issues, such as West Papua, Mr Wahid is in disagreement with his Vice-President, Megawati Sukarnoputri, who appears to be close to hardline elements of the armed forces.

She has so far refused to join calls for Mr Wahid's resignation, but was said to have been very interested in the meeting of Mr Wahid's critics organised by Mr Kwik, a key member of her party. "Kwik would never have proceeded without Mega's blessing," Tempo magazine quoted a source as saying.

But as the Van Zorge Report said: "Toppling President Wahid will not be a quick-fix solution to the complex array of problems facing the country, but would do immense damage to the tentative steps towards empowering civil society."

Wahid says some media get paid to spread lies

Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid calls on both electronic and print media to promote truth in their coverage, saying there are media who get paid to spread lies and slanders.

"There are media who are paid to publish lies or slanderous news," the President said Saturday evening in his speech at a reception to mark the launching of Metro-TV, dubbed the first news TV station in the country, in West Jakarta.

President Abdurrahman also directed his criticism at a number of international television stations whose coverage did not reflect the reality. "There was a foreign television station that broadcast the mass gathering in Aceh and stated that millions of people turned up for the event," he said.

The President was referring to the mass rally in Banda Aceh on November 11. The organizers of the rally said they had invited two million to the event.

"In fact, less than 100,000 people turned up. However, thanks to a good television 'angle', it looked like [Banda Aceh] was swarmed with people who wanted a referendum. The fact is, people do not want a referendum," said the President, adding that therewere more people who declined to attend that those who came. "Tell the truth," he stressed.

Army chief lashes out at bickering politicians

Jakarta -- Army Chief of Staff Gen. Endriartono Sutarto lashed out on Friday at bickering civilian politicians, who he said were grabbing power with utter disregard of the negative repercussions for the nation.

Endriartono said political leaders in the country were currently consumed with attaining power. "What has come to the fore is how to get power. One statement after the other comes out that is not enlightening [but confusing]," Endriartono was quoted by Antara news agency as saying.

"The results of this situation are felt in [failed] efforts to revive the economy and a worsening of the security situation," Endriartono said while addressing students at the Staff and Command College in Bandung.

"It is under this situation that TNI [the Indonesian Military], even though it has asserted its commitment not to enter practical politics, is still viewed as a primary political force ... [even though] we are in a distressed situation," he said. Endriartono, who assumed his current post a month ago, called for a commitment by all political components of the nation to lift the country out of its dire situation by putting national interests above personal and group interests.

He also warned that a joint commitment was necessary given the rising threat of the disintegration of the unitary state due to increased demands for independence, which he said were spurned by economic interests and disparities between the central government and the regions.

People in regions rich in natural resources, such as Irian Jaya, Aceh and Riau, want to enhance their welfare, but feel the central government has ignored them. Therefore, they have became eager for independence, Endriartono, a 1971 graduate of the Armed Forces Academy, said.

"Reviving the economy has become a must if the country wants to emerge from this messy situation. Economic recovery will have a powerful influence on political and security stability," Endriartono said.

Addressing separatist demands in Irian Jaya and Aceh, Endriartono said the military could only conduct operations based on the decisions of politicians. These decisions, which should be reached through cooperation between the government and the House of Representatives, will become the legal umbrella for TNI in taking concrete action to defend the unitary state, Endriartono said.

"Furthermore, politicians prefer to use the police," he said, adding that the military could only become directly involved if an emergency situation was declared or if ordered by the President, with the approval of the House.

"What we all need now is a declaration that this nation will not tolerateany separatist activities. TNI by itself cannot make such a declaration because we are not political decisionmakers," Endriartono said.

Golkar won't seek ouster of Gus Dur

Jakarta -- The Golkar party, Indonesia's second largest political party, announced yesterday that it would not support calls by certain MPs for President Abdurrahman Wahid to resign.

Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung was quoted by the Satunet on-line news service as saying the party would not seek Mr Abdurrahman's resignation, but it would continue to criticise his policies whenever necessary. "The spirit is to remind the President that he needs to improve his performance and the ways he manages the government," Mr Tanjung said.

Mr Tanjung, who also chairs the People's Representative Council (DPR), was speaking a few days after an informal meeting of more than 100 legislators called for Mr Abdurrahman to step down, citing his alleged failure to improve the country's economic, social and political conditions.

Mr Abdurrahman's former chief economic minister, Kwik Kian Gie, who instigated the meeting, is now pushing for the call to be endorsed by the whole legislature. Mr Kwik and others are seeking a special session of the powerful People's Consultative Assembly to revoke Mr Abdurrahman's mandate and effectively oust him from office.

Golkar, the party that for 32 years dominated the country's politics under former President Suharto, has joined the Indonesian Democracy Party-Struggle (PDIP), the country's largest party, in not seeking the President's ouster before his term ends in 2004.

The PDIP holds 153 seats at the 500-seat DPR while Golkar holds 120 seats. Mr Abdurrahman's National Awakening Party, the fourth-largest party, has 51 seats.

Lawmakers call again for Gus Dur to quit

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Indonesia's embattled leader has suffered another attack on his presidency when lawmakers called on Mr Abdurrahman Wahid to resign, blaming him for the country's economic woes, and the separatist and ethnic violence rocking the country.

An informal gathering of legislators on Saturday ended with many of them either demanding his resignation or vowing to push for a special session of Parliament. "The meeting was given clear evidence that economic recovery has been hampered by the President," said Mr Djoko Susilo from the Islamic Reform faction.

He was referring to ex-Economic Minister Kwik Gian Gie's contention that Indonesia's economic woes were due to the President's weak leadership. "It's like we're caught riding in a taxi with a reckless driver," Mr Djoko said. "What we need to do is stop the taxi and get rid of the driver."

However, the calls for Mr Abdurrahman's resignation were not formal calls and were not made universally by all the parties. While Mr Djoko said the Reform faction has agreed to call for his resignation, the two major factions in the Lower House -- Vice- President Megawati's PDI-P party and the Golkar party -- stopped short of doing so.

Even as individual Golkar members joined the chorus of criticism at Saturday's event, significantly neither Golkar party chief Akbar Tandjung, Ms Megawati nor the military faction attended the conference.

President Director of Vickers Ballers and financial analyst David Chang however dismissed the criticism of the new Cabinet's economic performance as premature. A lot of the criticisms of Mr Abdurrahman's leadership were based on personal animosity and political rivalry, he said.

However, he added that analysts expected "more volatility in the market because this bickering will continue. Gus Dur has a lot of opponents now," he said, referring to the President by his nickname.

PDI-P faction leader Sophan Sophian said PDI-P still supported the President and that Ms Megawati did not want to use a special session to attempt to impeach the President. Ms Megawati two weeks ago lashed out at the President's parliamentary opponents, asking what solutions these opponents had for Indonesia's problems. She said that this year's parliamentary session was a waste of time and only contributed to the political intrigue.

The legislators' call, backed by political opponents who have consistently attacked Mr Abdurrahman since early this year, comes amid growing criticism of his leadership and inability to turn Indonesia's economy around.

Reform members and some Golkar members expect that Mr Abdurrahman will still gain all the major parties' support when they reveal the details of the President's alleged involvement in the Buloggate and Bruneigate scandals.

"There's a strong indication that the President was involved and is guilty of violating his oath in office," claimed Mr Djoko, who added that the parliamentary team investigating both cases will present their findings in two weeks.

Mr Abdurrahman who is currently in Qatar attending the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, has denied any improper dealings and has refused to personally attend a summons by the committee. A key suspect in the case, Alip Agung Suwondo, has also said that the President had no knowledge of the financial swindle.
 

Regional conflicts

One killed, two hurt in Medan blast

Jakarta -- An explosion near a Christian meeting hall in the capital of Indonesia's North Sumatra, Medan, killed one person and seriously injured at least two others, hospital staff said yesterday.

"We have one person in the surgery room and another in the intensive care unit," said a nurse on duty at the Herna private hospital in Medan. "There was one woman killed in the blast, but the body was not brought in here but taken directly to Pirngadi state general hospital," the nurse said. She also said that at least four others were admitted with minor injuries but they had already been allowed to leave.

The explosion was so powerful that it shattered most windows in the hall and in the science and technology department building of the nearby Dharma Agung university. The hospital is just a few metres away from Pardede Hall, a Christian meeting place where people were gathered to mark the 50th anniversary of the Indonesian Council of Churches.
 

Aceh/West Papua

Renewed clashes in Aceh leave at least five dead

Jakarta -- Renewed clashes between government troops and separatist rebels have left at least five people dead in Indonesia's Aceh province, police and rights workers said Friday.

Supt. Herarus Sumarman, the local police chief, said three people died when guerrillas attacked a police patrol on Wednesday in the west of the province, 1,750 kilometers northwest of Jakarta.

Meanwhile, villagers found the decomposing bodies of two people in separate places in the north of the region. Human rights workers claimed one of the victims had been kidnapped by the security forces earlier this week.

The latest deaths bring to at least 235 the number of people killed in the region since a truce between separatists and Indonesia's government came into effect June 2. Rebels recently pulled out of peace talks scheduled to resume in Switzerland.

Rebels belonging to the Free Aceh Movement have been fighting for independence for their oil- and gas- rich homeland for about 25 years, leaving at least 5,500 people dead in the past decade.

Head of SIRA presidium to be apprehended

Rayhan Anas Lubis/Fitri & PT, Banda Aceh -- The Greater Aceh Police has released a warrant to apprehend the head of the Information Center for the Aceh Referendum (SIRA) Muhammad Nazar. If he is not found within two or three days, Muhammad Nazar would be listed as a fugitive by the Greater Aceh Police.

Greater Aceh Police Chief Superintendent Sayed Husaini spoke to Detik about the warrant on Thursday. The warrant was released on Wednesday, "This is the third," said Sayed.

Sayed said Nazar has failed to fulfill two summons made by the Greater Aceh Police. "If he could not come, he should have informed Police headquarters providing his reasons whether that be due to illness or other problems. He didn't even do that," said Sayed.

As previously reporter, the Greater Aceh Police has named Nazar a suspect for "disturbing public security". "He has been spreading hatred and provoking public. Take a look at banners and his statements prior to Independence Day on 17 August," Sayed said citing some of Nazar's actions.

Nazar however, did not feel guilty about spreading banners emblazoned with "Neo Colonialism" -- a term he uses to describe the Indonesian government -- demanding they (Indonesian government) should leave Aceh soil. What probably angered the Indonesian security authorities were his actions during a massive rally held in Banda Aceh to commemorate the first anniversary for the calls on Aceh's Independence.

SIRA-Rakan or Mass Gathering for Peace and Sovereignty, has been held since Friday amid efforts from the Security Authorities trying prevent hundreds thousands of Acehnese in participating in the rally. On the climax of the gathering, Tuesday, Nazar read out seven points of declaration demanding the Indonesian government to restore Aceh's sovereignty as a free and separate nation. Nazar threatened to hold mass strikes if the demands were not met as of the 26 November 2000.

"It is the right of every person," he said. Nazar nonchalantly responded to the summons. "Whether I will appear at the Greater Aceh Police headquarters or not, should be discussed with my lawyer because he knows everything on legal affairs. So, I just leave it up to him to see if there is a great reprisal if I didn't meet the summons," Nazar said to Detik.

In the meantime, Nazar's lawyer, Abdurahman Yacob said, Nazar would fulfill the summons. "I am sure Nazar will come to the Greater Aceh Police headquarters to fulfill the summons," said Abdurrahman a few days ago.

However, Abdurahman regretted why the summons has only been conducted now. "It is so political. The banner incident was on August, why has he been summoned now. It was close to SIRA- Rakan," he said.

Allegations that a political agenda was actually behind Nazar's summons were immediately brushed aside by the Greater Aceh Police Chief. "There is no political issue here. This is an issue of upholding the law, it just happened to be done now, at the same time of their event [SIRA-Rakan]," said Sayed.

Therefore, Sayed added, if Nazar, who is the head of SIRA Presidium and head of the SIRA-Rakan Organising committee, could not be found, he then would be officially put onto the fugitive list or DPO. " We will bring him in. If Tommy is being hunted, let alone Nazar," said Sayed comparing it with the manhunt that is currently in progress for Tommy Suharto.

Jakarta, rebels call for restraint in violence-torn Aceh

Banda Aceh -- The Indonesian government and the separatist Aceh Merdeka movement (GAM) issued a joint call Thursday for restraint to stop the violence in the troubled province of Aceh.

Both sides called on "all personnel of the Indonesian armed forces and the national police, as well as the GAM, to again exercise restraint, so as not to give rise ... to tension and violence amid the society," they said in a statement.

The statement, read to journalists here by GAM representative Sofyan Ibrahim Tiba, also urged both sides to respect regulations laid down by a joint committee on security modalities.

And they urged everyone, including operators of public transport, to resume daily activities. "It is hoped that all can engage in their respective daily activities in a calm manner and in respect of prevailing laws and regulations," Tiba said.

Senior Superintendent Ridwan Karim, a government representative on the committee set up to help implement a May truce, said both sides were concerned about security in Aceh.

The security conditions had "claimed victims and properties and caused the worsening of the economy because of traffic blockages in Aceh which ultimately poses a heavier burden on the people of Aceh," Karim said.

Both sides agreed to enter talks on the political substance of the conflict as soon as possible, he said. But none of the representatives gave a date.

The GAM said earlier this week it was pulling out of planned peace talks in Geneva on Friday until the Indonesian security forces halted violence in Aceh. And Tiba reiterated Thursday: "As long as violence is still being perpetrated by personnel of the armed forces and national police on site, the GAM will not resume negotiations to discuss the political substance [of the conflict]."

The call for restraint came as earlier Thursday armed men ambushed a police patrol in Kluet Utara sub-district in South Aceh, leaving three policemen badly wounded, said South Aceh Police Chief Superintendent Ali Husein.

Aceh police operations spokesman Senior Superintendent Kusbini Imbar meanwhile said the chief of the Padang Tiji subdistrict police, who was injured in a grenade attack on his home on Monday, had died while being treated at the police hospital in Medan on Wednesday.

The government and the GAM signed a three-month truce in May, which was extended for another three months in September, but it has so far failed to curb the violence.

The GAM has been fighting for independence from Indonesia for the past 20 years in the staunchly Muslim province. Jakarta, still smarting over the loss of East Timor in a UN-supervised ballot last year, has ruled out independence for Aceh but has promised broad autonomy instead.

Economy, religion, human rights seen at the root of problems

Jakarta -- A flood of settlers who dominate the economy, Islamization and human rights abuses by the military are at the root of growing separatist sentiments in Indonesia's province of Irian Jaya, a researcher said.

Jakarta must restore the rights of Papuans to their own livelihood, culture and religion, and change its brutal ways in dealing with separatism if it wants to see the province remain part of Indonesia, said Karel Phil Erari of the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI).

"Let's sit together and talk to find a peaceful solution, in which the people's rights are accommodated," Erari, who heads PGI's department of research and development, told AFP.

Erari, himself from Irian Jaya, otherwise called West Papua, said Papuans resented Jakarta's policy of moving hundreds of thousands of people from densely-populated Java island to the remote, predominantly Melanesian Christian province.

He said the people feared that their culture would face extinction. "They want their culture to be respected. They want their Melanesian identity to be an inherent part of their lives," he said.

He charged that the central government had forced "Javanization" in Irian Jaya by inundating the region with migrants. "Javanese elements have now become very dominant," he said.

Jakarta is also trying to "Islamize" the predominantly Christian province by building more mosques and less churches. "There's a widespread impression that Muslims' interests are prioritized. It is easy to build mosques but people have a difficult time raising funds to build a church," he said.

Erari said the government must also stop militaristic approaches to quash separatist aspirations and introduce new economic policies through regional autonomy. "The people must be assured that they will not be killed if they speak up for their rights."

Hundreds of pro-independence Papua taskforce members went on a rampage in the hinterland town of Wamena on October 6 after police forcibly removed several separatist "Morning Star" flags and shot dead Papuans protesting their actions.

Hospital staff in Wamena said six Papuans and 24 non-native settlers were killed in the day-long violence. "The more people the military kills, the more stronger their calls for independence," he said.

Former human rights minister Hasballah Saad said Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who has been charged by President Abdurrahman Wahid to deal with problems in eastern Indonesia, could play a "significant role" to help solve the problems in Irian Jaya.

Saad said Megawati's party, which won last year's elections, has a widespread following in eastern Indonesia. "She has strong willingness to solve the problems but she needs teamwork and that is what she's lacking," he told a discussion here on Wednesday.

Erari said the US-based gold and mining company, Freeport McMoRan, which is operating the world's biggest gold and copper mine in Irian Jaya, should raise its contribution to developing the easternmost Indonesian region.

"They are now allocating one percent from their total [annual revenue] ... but I believe some of it goes to a third party," he said without elaborating. Freeport said the annual average contribution stood at 1.5 million dollars.

A long-simmering struggle for independence in the province has been fed by military brutality and Jakarta's perceived exploitation of Irian Jaya's huge oil, gas, timber and mineral resources.

The movement has gained momentum following East Timor's split from Indonesia last year, and peaked with a popular congress in June at which participants demanded that Jakarta recognise a declaration of Papuan independence 39 years ago. That declaration will be commemorated on December 1.

Independence leaders maintain that a UN-sponsored 'Act of Free Choice' vote in 1969, which sanctioned Indonesian sovereignty over the former Dutch territory, was flawed and unrepresentative. Jakarta has flatly refused to consider granting independence, but has promised broad autonomy by May 1, 2001.

More troops for West Papua as Jakarta tightens its grip

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- Indonesia is sending 1,300 more combat-ready troops to West Papua as its army chief, General Endriartono Sutarto, warned that secessionist demands could break up the country.

The troops will arrive before a December 1 deadline for independence supporters to pull down the separatist Morning Star flag flying in most towns in the remote province, formerly called Irian Jaya.

"All Indonesian people have to possess and demonstrate a high spirit of nationalism and have healthy souls that will never support national disintegration," General Sutarto said.

"Now we are witnessing many regions demanding to secede from the state ... I call on the people to share a united vision on national integrity and to eliminate their vested interests."

Major Putranto, one of the commanders of the fresh troops, said before leaving the city of Makassar: "We are prepared to defend national sovereignty, because that's our main duty."

Support for independence in the resource-rich province has reached almost fever pitch, and many Papuans have vowed to fight to stop the flag being pulled down.

Human rights and church activists say Jakarta has been steadily boosting its security forces in the province in recent months following the emergence of thousands of black-dressed pro- independence militia who call themselves Satgas Papua (Taskforce Papua).

Observers believe the new troops from the army's Kostrad strategic reserve will take to more than 10,000 the number of police and troops in the province, including a 650-strong police mobile brigade guarding the giant Freeport copper and gold mine, Indonesia's biggest taxpayer.

There are also unconfirmed reports Jakarta has sent elite troops from Kopassus, the unit blamed for orchestrating much of the violence in East Timor last year.

Activists fear Indonesia's security forces have encouraged the formation of the East Timor-style militia to provide an excuse for a brutal military crackdown. The militia are mainly unemployed youths who often extort money and goods from shopkeepers and have become a law unto themselves.

Separatist fighters operating from bases near the border with Papua New Guinea are also threatening to attack Indonesian troops and settlers unless Jakarta gives the province its independence by December 1.

President Abdurrahman Wahid, after adopting a conciliatory approach to the secessionist demands when he took office last year, has hardened his stance in recent weeks, ordering the banning of the separatist flag and a crackdown on the militia and pro-independence leaders.

Police in the provincial capital, Jayapura, said this week that they were preparing to lay separatist charges against Mr Theys Eluay, the president of the pro-independence Papuan Presidium, and six other members. Police have already charged militia commanders with extortion.

A former military commander in West Papua, Major-General Sembiring Meliala, now an MP, told foreign journalists in Jakarta this week that more troops needed to be sent to the province. "We definitely need more personnel to secure Papua. Due to its large area, two or three battalions are not enough. We will do all the necessary measures to curb any separatist movement anywhere in the country. Repressive measures sometimes cannot be avoided."

92 percent choose independence in Aceh

Lukmanul Hakim/GB, Jakarta -- Results of polling carried out by the Aceh Referendum Information Centre (SIRA) show that a clear majority of Acehnese would chose independence from Indonesia. 92% of recipients chose to break with the republic. Meanwhile, the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights plans to question the commander of the Banda Aceh police about the crackdown in the capital.

SIRA polled 2,769,856 people between November 3-11, or 65.9% of Aceh's total population of around 4.2 million people. 92% chose independence, a mere 0.133 % chose to remain within Indonesia and 7.847% abstained.

The polling was conducted in the lead up to the `SIRA Rakan' or Aceh Mass Gathering for Peace and Sovereignty which was blocked by a concerted effort on the part of the security forces to inhibit the mass exodus of Acehnese to the capital. The `SIRA- Rakan' was held to commemorate a similar action one year ago in which one million Acehnese gathered to demand an East Timor style referendum on independence.

Independence is unstoppable, say separatists

Chris McCall, Jakarta -- Support for independence in troubled Aceh has reached fever pitch and separatists say the campaign's momentum now is almost unstoppable. Indonesia largely has its own security forces to blame, they say.

Backers of an independence referendum have vowed to continue peaceful rallies until the former sultanate's sovereignty is restored after bloody killings and a wave of mass protests marked by intimidation. The latest in the province last weekend drew 400,000 people to the capital, Banda Aceh, despite the efforts of security forces. Indonesia has consistently rejected the referendum demand, and has the full backing of the international community.

"Now about 95 per cent want full independence," claimed Nasrullah Dehlawy, political officer of the lobby group United People of Aceh, set up to campaign for independence through peaceful means. "People will do everything, even without international support."

Government representatives were due to meet with figures from the rebel Free Aceh Movement in Geneva today to resume talks about extending a truce which has failed to end more than a decade of bloodshed. But the rebels postponed the talks, saying Indonesia's security forces are killing too many people. The Foreign Ministry's director-general for politics, Wirayuda, said the rebels had indicated they would agree to fresh talks before the end of the month, "but we don't have a fixed date".

Hundreds of Acehnese have been killed since the truce began in June. Mr Dehlawy, who is also a member of a truce monitoring committee, put the number of dead at more than 1,000. Around two-thirds were civilians and most were killed by the police or military, he said.

However, some of the killings were probably spontaneous revenge attacks on officers by ordinary Acehnese, he said. "People cannot bear it. They feel they have been treated like animals," said Mr Dehlawy. Indonesian security forces blame the rebels for much of the violence, but independent monitors do not agree.

At a mass rally on Tuesday, the Information Centre for Aceh Referendum, (Sira), the main body campaigning for a vote for the province on self-determination, vowed to begin a new wave of strikes and protests this month if a series of demands were not met.

Sira's remit is to campaign for a vote on independence, not to second-guess its likely result. But the demands read out by co- ordinator Muhammad Nazar on Tuesday struck a strongly pro- independence note.

It demanded restoration of Aceh's sovereignty and for the Dutch Government to "revoke" a declaration of war from 1873 which led to its inclusion in the former Dutch East Indies, renamed Indonesia following independence.

Apart from this century-old war cry, it called on the Hague to be brought to book for "illegally" handing over control of Aceh to Jakarta in 1949. That year, a conference was held in the Dutch capital which finally gave Indonesia independence after a bloody four-year war.

Sira's other demands are equally unlikely to be met. It has demanded that Indonesia withdraw its security forces and that Jakarta be held responsible for more than a decade of human rights abuses in the province. Sira had also sought United Nations intervention. It promised a new wave of peaceful mass strikes if the demands were not met. That is unlikely in the extreme.

With the truce faltering, there are fears that a new, wider conflict could erupt. The Indonesian side has accused the rebels of using the truce to regroup. Their operations have become much more sophisticated in the two years since former president Suharto fell.

A rebel truce-monitoring delegation remains in place at Banda Aceh's upmarket Kuala Tripa hotel. Representative Amni bin Ahmad Marzuki said technically the truce remains in force until January 15, but the rebels would not resume talks with the Government side unless there was a halt to the violence.

Papua council leaders to go on trial soon

Jakarta -- Papua Presidium Council (PDP) chief Theys Hiyo Eluay and six other PDP leaders will soon be tried for alleged separatist activities, Irian Jaya Police chief Brig. Gen. Sylvanus Yulian Wenas said on Tuesday.

"We will continue the legal process against these people. Theys' dossier has been submitted to the district court. We're just awaiting for a hearing schedule," Wenas said in Jayapura after leading the commemoration of the 55th Anniversary of the National Police Mobile Brigade.

Law professor Loebby Loqman of the University of Indonesia is expected to be an expert witness at the trial, which could take place in Jayapura between December and January, he said. "It's up to the court to decide the schedule since December is full with the Christmas and Idul Fitri celebrations. "The security forces, however, are ready to secure the trial," Wenas said.

Besides Theys, the other PDP members being charged are Thaha Al Hamid, Agus Alua, Herman Awom, Don A.L. Flassy, John Mambor and Mrs. Beatriks Koibur.

The chief of the Irian Jaya Police's operational and control command, Sr.Supt. Kusnadi, said Theys was being charged under Article 106 of the Criminal Code on crimes against the state. The article carries a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.

"He is also being charged under other articles related to separatist activities, for such actions as hoisting the Morning Star separatist flag. We also have sufficient evidence of his [Theys] involvement in the second Papuan Congress [from May 29 to June 3], which vowed to declare Irian Jaya's independence on December 1 this year," the officer said.

In an attempt to maintain order and uphold the law ahead of the planned commemoration of Papua Independence on December 1, the police launched a three-month operation to quell separatist activities. The Tuntas Operation began on November 10 and will continue until February next year, he said.

"We will use all approaches in stages, starting from persuasive measures moving to repressive measures," Kusnadi said, adding that there was the possibility special operations would be staged to disperse separatist camps.

"I believe people are tired of violence. Therefore, we really hope that the problems can be resolved without bloodshed." He also said the situation in Abepura market in Jayapura, which saw clashes between South Sulawesi migrants from Bugis and Makassar and locals on Monday, had returned to normal on Tuesday.

"Only three people were injured in the incident, not 16 as the local media reported. However, we do not tolerate such brawls as it can lead to larger unrest," Kusnadi said, adding that disputes between migrants and locals had become common in the area. "The migrants are usually vendors who work hard to earn their money, while some locals tend to extort money from them. In the Abepura case, the migrants fought back," he explained.

Aceh rebels threaten mass strike as police call for crack down

Banda Aceh -- Separatists in the Indonesian province of Aceh threatened Tuesday to launch a campaign of civil disobedience to win independence as police in Jakarta called for a free hand to crack down on the rebels.

A declaration in favour of the oil-rich, strongly Muslim province breaking away from Jakarta was approved by a meeting of leaders from across the province. It received a rapturous welcome at a huge pro-independence rally attended by an estimated 500,000 people at a state university campus here.

The rally came a day after rebel leaders in the province said they were pulling out of an upcoming scheduled peace talks with the government in protest at escalating violence by security forces.

The mass gathering, the third of its kind here since Friday, was informed of the leaders' declaration by activist Muhammad Nazar. "The Indonesian government is asked to return the sovereignty of Aceh to the Acehnese nation," he said to applause and yells of "freedom" from the crowd.

The declaration spelled out four other demands: The withdrawal of all Indonesian security forces from the province: the acceptance by Jakarta of responsibility for military atrocities in the province; intervention and mediation by the UN and other foreign countries and; The revoking of the Netherlands' declaration of war against the kingdom of Aceh of March 26, 1873 (Separatists argue this declaration of war is proof of Aceh's sovereignty).

"If the five demands are not implemented by November 26, it is called on the Aceh nation to launch a peaceful mass strike starting from November 27 until December 3," the leaders' declaration said.

But in Jakarta national police spokesman Brigadier General Saleh Saaf told a press conference the police were fed up, and wanted a free hand to launch a crackdown on the rebels. Saaf accused the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) of abusing a truce signed between the government and the rebels in May to consolidate their strength and urged the government to review it.

"We called on the government to review the humanitarian pause because the GAM is using the period to attack security forces," Saaf said. "We are running out of patience. We have done our part to obey the humanitarian pause [the name given to the truce] but they continued to attack police and soldiers, even when they were praying," he said. Saaf said 75 soldiers, 108 policemen, and 660 civilians had been killed and hundreds others wounded in separatist violence since August 1998.

The police call came after a GAM statement earlier this week said it was pulling out of peace talks scheduled with Jakarta this month, and reflected fading hopes for a peaceful political settlement of the Aceh problem.

The crowd on the campus, who had arrived aboard open trucks, buses, motorcycles, cars, pedicabs and on foot since around 9am dispersed peacefully following Nazar's speech. Security personnel were noticeably absent from the streets of the provincial capital, and traffic to and from the rally site was directed by students in university jackets and SIRA members.

The rallies, which started Friday, mark the first anniversary of a similar gathering in Banda Aceh on November 8 last year which was attended by up to a million people.

There were no reports of incidents or violence in Banda Aceh, but police and residents reported at least one death elsewhere, bringing to 39 the number who have died since last Wednesday when people started heading to Banda Aceh for the protests.

The GAM, which will celebrate its 24th anniversary on December 4, has been fighting for an independent, Islamic state since 1976. Jakarta, still smarting over the loss of East Timor in a UN- supervised ballot last year, has ruled out independence for Aceh and promised broad autonomy instead.

50,000 rally for Aceh independence

Muharram M. Nur, Banda Aceh -- With a peace process in shambles and violence escalating, about 50,000 people rallied in Indonesia's Aceh province Tuesday to demand independence.

Shouting "Freedom," the demonstrators gathered at a university in the provincial capital, Banda Aceh, and called on the international community and the United Nations to intervene in the separatist conflict, which has been raging since 1975 and has left thousands of people dead.

"We want independence immediately and the fighting to stop," said Nur Masyithah Ali, one of the speakers. Independent eyewitnesses estimated the crowd at about 50,000.

Independence activists said at least 50 people have been killed leading up to the rally and dozens of others were missing. Police and hospital officials said 30 people were killed. President Abdurrahman Wahid has blamed the army and police for the deaths.

On Sunday, the rebels said they would not take part in the next round of peace talks. Rebel leader Amni Marzuki accused Indonesia's police and military of murdering dozens of civilians in a crackdown against the separatists.

Government representatives had planned to meet with the rebel group, the Free Aceh Movement, in Switzerland on Thursday and Friday. The two sides signed a truce in Geneva in June. But violence has continued, leaving at least 230 people dead since then in the province 1,100 miles northwest of Jakarta.

The decision by the rebels to break off contact with the government is a severe blow to the peace process and a major setback for the reformist-minded Wahid, who is trying to find a political solution to the 25-year insurrection.

At an earlier independence rally on Saturday, about 30,000 people marched through the streets of the capital. Police and soldiers in helicopters and armored vehicles monitored the protest.

Aceh: Thousands rally for independence

James Balowski -- Some 400,000 people converged on the capital of Indonesia's nothernmost province of Aceh, Banda Aceh, on November 10 for a two-day independence rally, despite scores of killings by security forces trying to prevent demonstrators attending.

The November 11 South China Morning Post said that by late afternoon, 10,000 had assembled at the Baiturrahman mosque to mark the first anniversary of a popular call for a vote on self- rule for the region. Last year's demonstration was attended by nearly 1 million people -- almost a quarter of the province's population.

They shouted "freedom" as a woman, whose husband was killed by Indonesian soldiers, gave a fiery speech at the start of the rally. "It is time that Aceh got its independence. Our suffering is almost unbearable", she told the crowd.

Organisers blamed the low turnout on the security forces' violent attempts to stop people joining the rally. A November 9 Agence France-Presse report said that police had admitted shooting 13 people dead "in self-defence". Other reports put the figure as high as 26. Human rights groups reported more than 100 had been injured. They said the final death toll could be more than 40 once staff had checked reports from remote areas.

Human rights activist Faisal Hadi was quoted in the November 11 Sydney Morning Herald: "It is clear the police and army were prepared to do anything to stop people reaching Banda Aceh for the rally."

Hadi said some of the deaths occurred when convoys of trucks and cars refused to turn round at police roadblocks and others were shot when they tried to reach the city by boat. "Police opened fire into the crowds while they were at sea and also trying to dock. There was no way they could miss", he said.

The South China Morning Post said that, according to a witness, a 14-year-old boy was killed and scores injured when soldiers fired at a mosque packed with thousands of residents in the Tualang Cut area of East Aceh on November 9. The victims were sheltering in the mosque after police barred them from going to the rally.

The South China Morning Post also reported that in a separate incident in East Aceh on the same day, security forces shot dead two people who tried to resist attempts to prevent them from going to the rally. In the Bireun district, four people were killed and dozens injured in a similar incident

Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid has warned security forces against using violence saying it could undermine the "humanitarian pause" between the government and the rebel Free Aceh Movement. "I will not let Acehnese ... be shot", Wahid was quoted as saying. "I'm in charge of the military and police. Do they think I'm afraid to fire them?

On November 8, 10,000 pro-independence Acehnese staged a rally in front of the United Nations office in Jakarta demanding international intervention to end the violence in Aceh. A leaflet distributed there by the Information Centre for Aceh Referendum-- which was also responsible for organising the November 10 rally in Banda Aceh -- called the government "neo-colonialist" and said it could not solve the continuing violence.

"The kind of ... crimes against humanity conducted by the government of Indonesia have destroyed the culture and economy of Aceh", the statement said.

"Arbitrary military operations conducted by the government of Indonesia are obvious violations of the general understanding for the humanitarian pause between the state of Aceh and the colonialist government", it said.

The statement made three demands: that the UN and the international community intervene to seek a peaceful end to the conflict; that Aceh's historical right to independence be recognised; and that the UN pressure Indonesia to halt the violence.

Independence for West Papua would lead to a bloodbath: Downer

Tom Allard, Brunei -- The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Downer, has rejected suggestions of double standards over Australia's refusal to back an independence vote in West Papua, saying Indonesia would disintegrate into a "bloodbath" should the province secede.

Amid continuing doubts about the validity of the rejected vote for independence in West Papua -- until recently known as Irian Jaya -- in 1969, Mr Downer said yesterday there was no point in looking at the issue again, rejecting comparisons between the renegade Indonesian province and East Timor.

"We don't think there's any value in unravelling that [vote] and exacerbating the situation in Irian Jaya," he said, rejecting calls for a new vote, as demanded by West Papuans.

"The fragmentation of Indonesia will lead to a bloodbath, and then people would be coming to me and saying what was I going to do about it. The international community can't promote the disintegration of Indonesia. It would have a devastating impact on South-East Asia."

With Australia so close to the region, he said, the national interest demanded that Australia offer no support to independence movements appearing throughout the archipelago.

Mr Downer said it was not inconsistent for Australia to act vigorously to promote East Timorese independence but actively discourage other regions in Indonesia calling for the same self- determination.

"The circumstances relating to East Timor were very different to the circumstances in the other provinces, and the history is very different." Most importantly, it was Indonesia that decided on the quick independence vote for East Timor, not the international community, he said.

The letter from the Prime Minister, Mr Howard, to the then Indonesian president, Mr B.J. Habibie, calling for a vote had no time frame for the plebiscite, he said, and therefore there was no double standard for Australia.

The rhetoric from Mr Downer at the Asia Pacific Economic Co- operation (APEC) forum, where Mr Howard is expected to meet Indonesia's President Abdurrahman Wahid, comes as Australia moves closer to finalising a date for the frequently postponed joint ministerial meeting between the nations.

Mr Downer said the meeting should take place by the end of the year, and arrangements for Mr Wahid's long-awaited visit to Australia were almost complete.

Sectarian clash erupts in Irian Jaya

Jakarta -- A massive clash broke out in Irian Jaya (West Papua) yesterday between transmigrants and natives. There were no immediate reports of any casualties, although there were many injuries. The violence occurred at the central market in Abepura subdistrict and lasted for at least one hour, Antara reported.

The transmigrants were from South Sulawesi and Java. Hundreds of natives attacked them with poisoned arrows, blowpipes, axes, stones and scythes. The settlers hid inside the market until four truckloads of Mobile Brigade (Brimob) police arrived from Jayapura city and stopped the unrest.

The incident halted school activities in the area. Students fled from their classrooms and ran away, ostensibly to go to their homes, but many were reported missing. Anxious transmigrant families were late yesterday waiting for news on the fate of their children, fearing they may have been hacked up and left on roads or in rivers.

Staff from the Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) in Jayapura collected material evidence such as poisoned arrows, darts shot from blowpipes, axes, stones and scythes to be submitted to police as evidence.

It was the second brawl to occur at the market in three days. Five locals were seriously wounded in the first brawl on Saturday. They were identified as Thinus Daisev, Dani Kogoya, Alfonso, Zakarias and Othis Seserai. All were taken to Abepura Public Hospital.

The first clash broke out when transmigrants working at the market attacked the five locals and injured them with knives. The reason for the attack was unclear. But in retaliation for the attack, hundreds of natives armed with traditional weapons besieged the market complex.

Army Chief General Endriartono Sutarto yesterday said the government should immediately identify the main cause of the problems in Irian Jaya in order to prevent more unrest in the province.

He said the problems should be settled by both the government and the people. Sutarto was speaking after witnessing a ceremony in Jayapura marking the transfer of post of chief of the Trikora regional military command from Major General Albert Ingkiriwang to Major General Tonny A. Rompis.

We should sit down together at one table to discuss the Irian Jaya issue. Parties should not be boastful, or suspicious of one another, he said.

The four-star general urged the Irian Jaya administration to hold talks with the people, especially the Papua Council Presidium, which is seeking independence from Indonesia.

Sutarto admitted the people of Irian Jaya may want independence because they feel Jakarta has siphoned off their provinces mineral wealth and natural resources. He warned that the military would not sit back and watch if the situation in Irian Jaya becomes a threat to national unity.

Indonesia: The Aceh challenge

Once again political developments in Indonesia have reached a crisis point and once again President Abdurrahman Wahid is abroad -- this time traveling to Qatar to attend an Organization of the Islamic Conference meeting, then to Brunei for the annual Apec summit photo-ops. Crises perhaps seek out Wahid absences or, given the frequency of both, there are bound to be coincidences. In any case, as the frequent flyer left for Qatar on Saturday, Indonesian lawmakers -- 200 of the country's total of 500 -- gathered at a central Jakarta convention center and, as has also become a frequent occurrence, called on the beleaguered president to resign, saying he was no longer capable of fixing Indonesia's ailing economy or stemming separatist and sectarian violence.

Such violence, blamed by Wahid on his own security forces, had reached another high point in northern Sumatra's Aceh province (with at least 21 killed) in the run-up to a Saturday rally of tens of thousands at the main mosque of the provincial capital of Banda Aceh demanding a UN-supervised independence referendum. The numbers were the more impressive as organizers of the rally had actually called it off on short notice, fearing that large-scale clashes with army and police might erupt if the rally attracted anywhere near the previous year's gathering of 250,000 demonstrators.

The Acehnese struggle for independence is not new. In 1873, the Dutch colonial masters ensconced in Java had declared war on the Aceh Sultanate and -- to a point -- subdued it a couple of years later. But only to a point: violence and occasional larger uprisings continued until 1942 when the Dutch were forced out of the Indonesian archipelago by the invading Japanese military. In 1949 when Indonesia gained its independence and the Dutch East Indies ceased to exist, Aceh joined -- or was joined to -- the newly independent nation on condition of being granted far- reaching autonomy. As the central government in Jakarta didn't stick to its part of the bargain, violence soon broke out again and in December 1975 Aceh leaders declared independence, only to invite military occupation by central government troops. Over the past decade at least 5,000 people have been killed there, thousands more have gone missing. This year's June 2 truce signed by the Wahid government with the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, or GAM) has had some effect, but only some: over 200 people have been killed since. More bloodshed is likely to follow.

Aceh wants its independence. Jakarta wants to keep its oil- and gas-rich province in the fold, clearly rather more interested in the substantial revenues it can extract than the fate of some 4.5 million Acehnese. It's a simple equation. Of the 29.8 million metric tons of liquefied natural gas (LNG) Indonesia exported in 1999 to Japan, Korea, and Taiwan for US$4.5 billion, 38 percent, worth $1.7 billion, was produced in Aceh at the Arun LNG plant adjacent to the Arun natural gas field owned and operated by Mobil Indonesia, a joint venture of state-owned Pertamina (55 percent), America's ExxonMobil (30 percent), and smaller shareholders. As 28 percent of central government revenue is derived from oil and gas production and exports, it can readily be estimated that Aceh accounts for nearly 5 percent of total government revenues, or around 12 trillion rupiah. But by most counts, Aceh gets back less than 20 percent of that in budget outlays, or some $50 for every man, woman, and child. The people of Aceh regard that as a raw deal, and we agree.

The same sort of deal prevails with other resource-rich provinces. It's how it worked in Dutch colonial days, it's how it worked under Suharto's New Order, it's how it continues to work under Wahid. It's looting, pure and simple, to enrich a corrupt military, corrupt civilian officials and their favorite business cronies. And it's the best recipe for the fracturing of the nation. The challenge for someone, for an elected leader willing to face the challenge rather than running hither and yon on irrelevant junkets, is to devise an equitable solution -- an Indonesian federation in which states, not provinces, with reasonable degrees of autonomy have an equitable stake. Failing that, break-up of the nation is only a matter of time -- shorter rather than longer. And that could have the nastiest of international consequences: Given the fundamentalist outlook of the Aceh Muslim clergy, an Islamic fundamentalist republic of Aceh would likely result from the separation in anger of the northern Sumatra territory from Indonesia and sit astride the access routes to the world's most important shipping lanes of the Malacca Strait. That's not our idea of positive things to come for Southeast Asia.

Security forces at fault in Aceh

Banda Aceh -- The people of the troubled northern Indonesian province of Aceh were on the move. Thousands of them faced an uncertain fate at the hands of the Indonesian security authorities as they made their way to Banda Aceh, the capital of the embattled province where a peaceful rally in support of a UN monitored referendum on the subject of independence was due to take place on Saturday, November 11.

I was at the Syiah Kuala University campus in Banda Aceh on Thursday as hundreds arrived from the Pidie regency, joining the thousands who'd already gathered from around the province.

They arrived bringing rice and other food stuffs, tarpaulins to sleep under, cooking pots and stoves. These people have uprooted themselves from their homes to show support for a referendum to vote for independence from Indonesia.

Having been turned back on the main roads by the police's elite Mobile Brigade (Brimob) unit and the Indonesian Military (TNI), they had traveled in trucks, buses and cars on the little known back roads of this beautiful rainforested province.

One man said: "It took us seven hours to travel the 80km from Saree. We tried to get through on the main road but Brimob turned us away and even shot the tires of some of the vehicles." The vehicles they had just disembarked from were turning around to go back to pick up more villagers.

A woman, two young children clinging to her, told me: "The military shot my husband in a rice field. Our convoy refused to go back and they [Brimob] started to shoot in the air. We all ran. Then they began to shoot at us. Several were injured and my husband died. We have no weapons, we are only farmers. They have the guns. I came with the convoy because my husband is already dead, what could I do? He would have wished me to come." Reports have also come in claiming that two bridges, at Saree and Seulawak, have been blown up.

On Wednesday some 1,000 people, having been terrorized by the police and military on the road, had taken to the sea and arrived in local fishing boats from Sigli, the capital of Pidie.

These men, women, and children were fired upon by the authorities as theyapproached the small fish market port. The official word is that the authorities shot into the water and over the heads of the people.

This was obviously not the case, as two civilians -- one an elderly bystander -- were injured. Indeed, the death toll over the past five days has reached almost 200 according to reports from the villages, with many more injured. The number of deaths is difficult to verify due to the remoteness of many areas. Independent witnesses tell of Brimob taking away bodies to unknown destinations.

I myself witnessed people being shot at as they ran through rice paddies for cover, being made to sit in the blistering sun and ordered at gunpoint alternately to sing and pray, and tires of vehicles being shot out. This is the reality of democracy Indonesian style.

Mohammed Nazar, leader of the Center for Information on a Referendum for Aceh (SIRA), the organizers of the rally, said: "We feel so bad. We organized a peaceful rally and it is resulting in the slaughter of innocent civilians. "We have sent word to the villages. Please do not try to come to Banda Aceh. We know you want to be here with us and we know you support the referendum but please do not risk the lives of yourselves and your children. We cannot guarantee you safety as you travel here."

A senior Free Aceh Movement (GAM) representative in the humanitarian pause monitoring team said: "The 'pause' is not working. We are here to monitor its failure. We can see from the actions of the police and the military over the past few days that the Indonesian government is not committed to the internationally brokered pause." In the past, the issues of independence for Aceh and support for GAM wereoften separate. Due to the actions of the Indonesian security forces over the past months, these two issues have been gradually merging into one.

Generally distrustful of the government in Jakarta, the Acehnese want independence and many more of them believe that the only way to obtain this is by supporting GAM.

It is difficult to see what progress could be made at the peace talks due to be held in Geneva on November 16 and 17. The Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has said that Indonesia will never grant independence to Aceh. The government is offering accelerated development for the province or special autonomy.

Nasrullah Dahlawy from the United Peoples of Aceh Movement and chief GAM representative on the humanitarian pause monitoring committee said in an interview earlier this week: "We do not trust the Indonesian government. We will never agree to anything less than full independence.

"The people of Aceh are willing to make a very generous offer to the Indonesian people of sharing for a limited period the benefits of the wonderful natural resources that belong to the free people of Aceh." In the meantime, although the government has not banned the referendum rally from taking place, a local police spokesman Colonel Kusbini Imbar told this author in a telephone interview on Thursday that "we will do all we can to prevent people reaching Banda Aceh. This includes the use of force if necessary." I have been witness to this use of force. In an apparent turnaround, President Abdurrahman Wahid said on Friday that the people of Aceh should be allowed to attend the rally.

Typical of Indonesian politics, while the President was making conciliatory noises, Susilo, who was in Central Java, has been quoted as saying that "firm actions" would be taken to prevent the mass rally from turning into a popular call for a referendum.

The information I received from local organizers on the Saturday morning certainly confirms that the crackdown has continued overnight.

Rahdi, one of the leaders of SIRA said: "The situation has been really terrible overnight. Despite the President's statement that the people should be allowed to attend the rally, there has been another six confirmed deaths and many more as yet unconfirmed. The numbers of those wounded is around 40. "Please help us. Let the international community know what is happening to the people of Aceh."
 

Human rights/law

Police step up efforts to flush out Tommy

Robert Go, Jakarta -- With President Abdurrahman Wahid breathing down their necks, the Indonesian authorities have stepped up the hunt for former strongman Suharto's youngest son. They plan to seize his properties throughout Jakarta and subpoena his wife to testify on Monday.

Mr Abdurrahman returned from Brunei on Thursday after attending the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. He reiterated yesterday his deep disappointment at the security apparatus' continual failure to find Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, a fugitive from the law since the beginning of this month. "The performance of all personnel involved in this matter will be evaluated ... Negligence of duty will have consequences," he told reporters.

Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman and National Police Chief S. Bimantoro are among those in the hot seat after their men bungled Tommy's prosecution. Leading legislators and observers have also criticised the two senior officials after it became clear that the police were negligent in keeping tabs on Tommy prior to the issuance of his arrest orders.

The authorities have responded by turning on the fugitive's young wife and the rest of the Suharto family. In a landmark move against the former First Family, prosecutors intend to take possession of Tommy's 22 properties scattered throughout the capital.

This will be used as collateral against the US$3.3 million fine that the Supreme Court imposed on Tommy, along with his 18-month jail sentence. They also confiscated a home, located in the Suharto family's Cendana complex, belonging to both Tommy and his wife, Ardhia "Tata" Regita Cahyania, earlier this week. The police also announced yesterday their intentions to question Ms Ardhia over her husband's whereabouts.

July 27 attack ordered by Feisal Tanjung

Jakarta -- Former military commander Feisal Tanjung gave the order for the deadly 1996 attack on the headquarters of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a former intelligence official implied yesterday.

Former military intelligence chief Lieutenant General Moetojib said the attack of July 27, 1996, was ordered by the commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI).

Im not accusing the former military commander. Please ask the former military commander. He's still alive, Moetojib told the press after being questioned by a Military Police team investigating the July 27 incident.

But journalists are not in a hurry to talk with the bad-tempered Tanjung. When a photojournalist attempted to take Tanjungs picture last week, the retired general responded by punching him in the guts. And when he was ABRI commander, Tanjung often got angry with journalists and cursed them, referring to them as dogs.

The investigation into the July 27 case has recently been focusing on the substance of a meeting held by former coordinating minister for political and security affairs, Soesilo Soedarman, two days before the attack took place.

Testimonies from retired generals give the impression that former president Soeharto had implicitly asked his generals to put a stop to a free-speech forum that was taking place outside the PDI headquarters on Jalan Diponegoro in Central Jakarta. Soeharto allegedly said the forum should be stopped because it was disturbing public order and had been critical of the government and military.

At that time the PDI headquarters was occupied by supporters of then opposition figurehead Megawati Soekarnoputri. She had been ousted as legitimate party leader at a PDI congress organized in June 1996 by the government and military. She was a replaced by a pro-Soeharto lackey called Soerjadi.

The removal of Megawati was not recognized by her supporters, so the PDI split into two factions: a popular pro-Megawati faction and a farcical pro-Soeharto faction that had virtually no popular support. It was the pro-Megawati forces who were staging the free speech forum.

Moetojib said the July 25 ministerial meeting had only discussed how to harmonize the conflicting PDI camps. But force ended up being used to take over the PDI headquarters. The brutal takeover was not in line with the conclusion of the meeting and Soedarman was very angry at that time, said Moetojib.

He said those who could be held responsible for the operational maneuvers involved in the attack were then Jakarta Military commander Major General Sutiyoso and then Jakarta Police chief Major General Hamami Nata.

Moetojib said there's no way the attack order could have come from the coordinating minister for political and security affairs, or from the defense and security minister [Edi Sudradjat]. The chain of command came from the higher level. It was the military commander, he said.

I cannot accept it if the coordinating minister for political and security affairs is blamed for the incident. I will defend him and take action, he was quoted as saying by Astaga. Moetojib emphasized that military intelligence (Bakin) only provided information on the situation on Jalan Diponegoro in the run-up to the July 27 attack.

Megawati had been elected chairwoman of the PDI at a national congress in Surabaya, East Java, in 1993. Increasing support for Megawati caused anxiety among members of the autocratic Soeharto regime. So they had her ousted in 1996 and replaced with veteran politician Soerjadi.

Analysts say the July 27 attack was part of the Soeharto regimes effort to quash the budding pro-democracy movement. Hired thugs, backed by the military and police, descended upon the PDI building and attacked unarmed civilians.

Activists say dozens of people were killed in the incident and ensuing riots that symbolized the peoples resistance against the autocratic regime. The official death tally was only put at five.
 

News & issues

People's Democratic Party denies factional split

Iwan Triono/Hendra & GB, Jakarta -- The Central Leaders' Committee of the People's Democratic Party (KPP-PRD) denied there has been a split in the party. The PRD maintains there was no break-away faction but rather the sacking of six inactive members who then announced the formation of a new organisation: the Socialist Democratic Association (PDS).

"The split within the PRD as reported in various media press is not true. What occurred was the sacking of several of the members of the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee," said a release received by Detik, Friday.

As reported earlier, Hendri Kuok and other PDS activist held a press conference at the Indonesian Family Planning Association hall (PKBI) on Tuesday to announce the split and declare 11 different points of contention between the FDS and PRD's Central Leaders.

Kuok who was PRD's former international representative in Australia and the PRD's representative in the General Election Commission (KPU) said that the separation was caused by existing internal conflicts in the PRD's organisations which developed into fundamental and irreconcilable differences. "It's a matter of democracy versus bureaucratisation," he said.

The release stated that the decision to sack six PRD leaders was the result of the party's National Presidium Meeting held between November 11-14, in Jakarta. The National Presidium meeting was attended by the Central Leaders' Committee as well as the Regional Leaders Committees. The six sacked members had been sacked were:

1. Ir. Coen Husuein Pontoh (Department of Education)
2. Hendrianto Kuok, SH (Department of Education and International Relations)
3. Mugiyanto (Department of Education and International Relations)
4. Ida Nasim Mh (Department of the People's Struggle)
5. Dyta Caturani (Department of the People's Struggle and International Relations)
6. Muhamad Ma'ruf (Department of Publications)

Before the sanction was put in effect, the release said, the six had been given oral and written warnings and even suspended from the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee.

Finally, after exhausting existing mechanisms within the party organisation, the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee ultimately suggested to the members of the party's National Presidium meeting to sack the six for negligence in their duties. The members then decided the six had not conducted their duties as outlined at the PRD's Second Extraordinary Congress in October, 1999 and had violated article 20 line 2 of the PRD's Guidelines: "Every member must carry out their duties and responsibilities as handed out by the PRD".

Furthermore, the PRD also denied that the party was not critical of President Abdurrahman Wahid, known popularly as Gus Dur, as charged by the six upon the launch of the Socialist Democratic Association (PDS) on November 14. "The PRD's attitude to the current regime of Gus Dur is clear, we never compromised with Gus Dur's policies which have clearly harmed the people," said the release.

The PRD's Central Leaders' Committee claimed that since February 2000, they have staged tens of actions and released thousands of statements at the central or regional level highly critical of Gus Dur's policies and performance politically, economically and in regards to the implementation of the law.

"We have criticised Gus Dur strongly because he has furthered the economic policies of neo-liberalism, has not been definite in the prosecution of [former president] Suharto, abusers of human rights, and in resolving corruption cases. Therefore, the argument of the PDS' founders that the PDS was established because of the PRD's uncritical or indefinite attitude towards Gus Dur was fabricated and untrue," said Central Leaders' statement.

According to the release, the PRD's program was determined by the highest mandatory body of the PRD-second Extraordinary Congress- which was approved by members of the PDS who attended at that time. The PRD's program is now to do away with false reformists and destroy the remnants of the New Order of former president Suharto: the Golkar Party, militarism, corrupted bureaucrats.

The PRD also said that the claim of the founders of the PDS that the party had become over-centralised, bureaucratic and silenced their aspirations was untrue. "The PRD's mechanisms uphold democracy.

The decision making at the of the PRD derives from the input of the leaders of the party from rural, subdistrict, city and regional levels," the release stated. "So that their claim that the PDS was established because of the PRD's uncritical attitude to Gus Dur and the occurrence of bureaucratisation and centralisation with the party was baseless," said the release.

In addition, the release claimed that the six had not been active in the party for six months. During that time, they had never been involved in the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee meetings, including plenary, National Executive or department meetings. They have made no contribution to the party at all.

"In a practical sense, they never conducted their duties as leaders of the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee of the People's Democratic Party (PRD). Because of their inactivity, they would clearly not know the dynamics within the party itself," said the release which was also signed by PRD Sec.Gen. Petrus H. Haryanto.

Despite the aforementioned differences, the PRD's Central Leaders' Committee stated that they support the PDS's establishment as a means to increase the existing discourse. "Now's the time for responsibility from the PDS to carry out their ideological, political, economic, legal and social-cultural programs. We are ready to cooperate with the PDS and other organisations which have the same platform as the PRD," ended the release.

Faction breaks from People's Democratic Party

A Dipta Anindita/Hendra & GB, Jakarta -- The Socialist Democratic Faction (FDS) of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) led by Budiman Sudjatmiko has formally separated from the PRD after a long-running difference of opinion. FDS members have established a new struggle organisation named the Socialist Democratic Association (PDS).

Hendri Kuok and other PDS activists held a press conference at the Indonesian Family Planning Association hall (PKBI) on Jl Hang Jebat, Jakarta, Tuesday, to announce the split. Kuok was the PRD's former international representative in Australia, the PRD's representative in the General Election Commission (KPU) and Coordinator of internal and foreign political affairs division of the FDS.

He said the separation was caused by existing internal conflicts in the PRD's organisations which developed into fundamental and irreconcilable differences. "It's a matter of democracy versus bureaucratisation. We have 11 different points of contention between the FDS and PRD's Central Leaders," he told journalists.

The People's Democratic Party (PRD) was formed through student activist networks in 1996 in Yogyakarta, Central Java. At the time, the PRD was the only organisation brave enough to declare itself a political party in direct breach of the law which recognised only three political parties tightly controlled by the New Order regime of former president Suharto. It incorporated many "leftist" students and established workers', peasants', students' and artists' groups.

The PRD made national and international headlines in July 1996 after they were blamed by the Suharto regime for the riots which erupted in Jakarta after the security forces raided the offices the Indonesian Democratic Party. Many of the party's top leaders, including Budiman Sudjatmiko, were thereafter imprisoned for subversion. They contested the June 1999 elections but did not obtain a seat in the House or Assembly.

With the rapid political changes seen since Suharto's fall in May 1998, largely precipitated by the actions of more "radical" student groups, the PRD has struggled to find a new identity. The split has evidently come in response to the changing times and its effect on the party.

Furthermore, Hendri also said that there was no position of Chairman in the new Socialist Democratic Association (PDS) but rather it would be directly led by the secretary. Secretary of the PDS, Coen Husain Pontoh, said that they had agreed to make the PDS into a political party someday.

"However, at present our organisation has yet to possess the prerequisites for establishing a new party. We will start with the Socialist Democratic Association (PDS) and look for input and suggestions on how the wider people's movement can be more democratic. The issue of becoming a party or not will be discussed in our congress in six months," Coen said in response to journalists' questions.

The aforementioned 11 points of differences between the FDS and PRD were presented to the assembled journalists in a press release:

1. The bureaucratic decision making system of the PRD.
2. The democratic centralism of the PRD has developed to become a centralism that is both unhealthy and bureaucratic.
3. The development of the party as approved at the PRD's Second Congress in 1998 and the Extraordinary Congress of 1999 was not implemented as agreed.
4. The PRD's attitude to the current regime of Gus Dur [President Abdurrahman Wahid] is no longer in keeping with the PRD's vision as an opposition party.
5. The Party's newspaper was not made the central priority activity of the party.
6. The PRD did not make the organisation of labourers its priority work, but prioritorised the power of the urban poor.
7. The PRD's political activities tended towards sectarianism resulting in their isolation from the power of other radical masses.
8. There was no theoretical clarity, so the PRD could not respond politically with a comprehensive and united perspective.
9. The PRD displayed chauvinism in looking at the problems of nationhood in Indonesia, such as resistance of the people's of West Papua and Aceh, as categorised as regional turbulence rather than a problem of nationhood.
10. Opportunism in solidarity between the people's of the world was always directed towards the internal struggle [in Indonesia] while neglecting efforts to support solidarity for oppressed people in other countries.
11. The women's struggle was placed as a non-priority.

Spate of crashes blamed on cost cutting

Jakarta -- Indonesia's economic woes have hit the country's air force. Limiting the flying hours of jet pilots owing to budget shortages, has been blamed for the spate of jet crashes this year.

Air Force chief, Marshal Hanafie Asnan, told a parliamentary hearing that human error had been identified as the cause of air mishaps this year. "The budget for the 2000 fiscal year could only provide 36,060 flight-hours for every aviator per year, while the ideal is 55,000 flight-hours," he said at the hearing with the House of Representative's Commission I for Political, Security and Foreign Affairs.

He contended that the limited budget, which he said could only cover about 9.9 per cent of the air force's total needs, had affected the training programme directly, particularly flight training.

Marshal Hanafie said that the reduced flight hours for fighter pilots had increased the probability of crashes. But he refused to mention the amount by which he would like the air force budget to be raised.

His meeting with legislators on Tuesday was an apparent attempt to lobby House members to ensure that the government allocated sufficient money for the air force. The air force has already lost four of its limited modern fighter planes this year. They include three British-made Hawk 100/200 jet fighters and one US- made A-4 Skyhawk.

The latest crash of a Hawk 100 occurred on Oct 19 near the Supadio Airbase in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, killing both pilots onboard. "Just like the others, the latest crash was also caused by human error," said Marshal Hanafie. Apart from the loss of life, the crashes are also depleting the air force's limited air power.

But one positive development in the force is the news that the Republic of Singapore Air Force intends to "donate" 19 used Italian-made Machetti jet trainers which are similar to the OV-10 Bronco.

Army chief warns of disintegration

Makassar -- Army Chief Endriartono Sutarto has warned that ongoing calls for secession and independence in some parts of the country could lead to national disintegration.

Now we are witnessing many regions demanding to secede from the state in an effort to deal with the multi-dimensional crisis. Therefore, I call on the people to share a united vision on national integrity and to eliminate their vested interests, he said in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on Tuesday. Sutarto was in Makassar to brief Army personnel at the Wirabuana VII military command.

He said all components of the nation should rely on togetherness and talks in order to resolve the countrys many problems. All Indonesian people have to possess and demonstrate a high spirit of nationalism and have healthy souls that will never support national disintegration, he said.

Commenting on the decision by the Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) not to tolerate the hoisting of the separatist Morning Star flag in Irian Jaya, Sutarto said the military will follow government policy, as long as it is in line with the national interest. As long as the government works for the sake of the interests of the entire nation and people, we must be loyal. The most important thing is that whats best for this nation will be best for TNI, he said.

President Abdurrahman Wahid had earlier this year allowed rebels in Irian Jaya to hoist their separatist flag. He even provided government funding for a congress of rebels and tribal chiefs that resulted in an independence declaration.

The flag has since been banned and Wahid has promised special autonomy for Irian Jaya. Responding to allegations that TNI personnel were involved in this weeks bomb blast in Medan, North Sumatra, Sutarto promised to take stern measures against any of his subordinates who break the rules. If there were any Army personnel involved in the case, then I, as a leader, will punish him or them, he said.

Girls on the streets

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Since the economic crisis began, they have become a common sight at almost every major intersection in Indonesia's large cities -- singing and dancing and beggar children and teenagers who make a bee-line for the most expensive cars or taxis. They usually plead "please mister" or just strum a few lines on a battered guitar until a small donation is made.

In the last three years, the number of child street beggars has doubled, but more alarming is the rise in the number of girl beggars. Poor families are no longer protecting their girls, but sending them out to earn money, said Indonesia's Asian Development Bank's Director Jan van Heeswijk.

And since children's shelters will only house boys, girls who have been cast out by their families are forced to sleep in parks, bus stations or railway stations. Once on the streets, they are forever marked as bad girls who are easily preyed upon by local hoods, said non-governmental organisation volunteer Kirik Erwanto.

According to the Asian Development Bank, a study found that girls now make up 20 per cent of the country's estimated 170,000 street children. In Yogyakarta, street children numbered 1,600 in July, of whom 400 were girls, said Mr Kirik. "Within these last three years, there has been quite a dramatic increase in female street children in Yogyakarta," he said.

Eighteen-year-old Suria Teynah knows what living on the streets is like. She spent most of her teenage years on the streets singing at intersections or selling newspapers in Yogyakarta, one of the more popular destinations for street busking.

She said that her street life gave her freedom but more than a few problems too. Like many other street kids, she started taking flu medicines, drinking vodka and sniffing glue.

"Glue sniffing is cheap and I used to enjoy it," she said. The habit nearly caused her to have a miscarriage. Looking pale but proudly clutching her one-month-old baby, she said she was now trying to turn her back on that life. She has married her boyfriend who works as a fare collector on buses, and has been accepted back home by her parents.

Suria is one of the luckier ones. Many of the other former street kids, who have found proper jobs through a shelter called Ghifari, said it would be impossible for them to return to their villages and settle back into normal life. Mr Kirik said the girls are stigmatised because they have a reputation for being wild and sexually loose.

Almost all girl street beggars have been sexually abused by other street kids as part of an initiation process and later by local boys or men who take advantage of their vulnerability, he said. Many end up as prostitutes when they become a little older, he added. Others become "mistresses" for an older, richer man.

Ani, a girl staying at the Ghifari shelter, who spent two years working and living on Yogyakarta's streets, said that street girls need protection as life on the streets is very difficult. Agreeing with her, Suria said: "The girls and boys stay together. So those that have a boyfriend are ok, but for those who don't yet, it's very dangerous."

Presently, under an aid programme funded by the Japanese government through the Asian Development Bank to target street girls, Ani will have a greater chance of leading a normal life. Shelters such as Ghifari will receive funding to provide counselling services, health care for pregnant girls and those with sexually transmitted diseases. Vocational training will also be provided.

Indonesia is struggling to recover from the country's prolonged economic crisis. The World Bank, in a report issued ahead of a crucial meeting of international donors in Tokyo last month, noted that half of Indonesia's population is either living below the poverty line or in danger of joining the swelling poor.

Rise in teen prostitution

• The economic crisis has forced a record number of children onto the streets to earn a living.
• Indonesia has also seen a dramatic increase in the number of teen prostitutes in the last three years.
• The number of children dropping out of school has risen to 6.8 million.
• The number of child workers (under 18 years) has doubled since the start of the crisis from 1.8 million to 3.6 million.
• Every year since the crisis began, some 150,000 children under 18 become prostitutes, said Mr Yaumil Agoes Achir, the vice- presidential adviser on people's welfare.
• Almost half of Indonesia's 500,000 prostitutes are under 18 years of age, and as many as 50,000 would be under 16 years old, said Dr Irwanto from the Centre for Societal Development and Studies of the Atma Jaya Catholic University.

Anti-Abdurrahman protesters attack parliament

Jakarta -- Thousands of angry protesters demanding President Abdurrahman Wahid's resignation trashed part of Indonesia's Parliament yesterday.

The demonstrators, some wearing white headbands, smashed lamps and chairs in the lobby of the parliamentary complex. Outnumbered police stood by and the violence only stopped when protest leaders brought the situation under control.

Lawmakers belonging to Mr Abdurrahman's Nation Awakening Party met the group to discuss its demands. But other deputies refused to speak to the protesters.

A statement released by the organisers of the protest urged Parliament to convene a special session that would impeach Mr Abdurrahman, whom they accused of incompetence and womanising.

The President has denied having had an affair. The statement demanded that Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri take over the top post.

Students protest attack on seminar

Yogyakarta -- Representatives of 50 student groups and non- governmental organizations here urged Governor Hamengkubuwono X on Monday to take stern measures against members of a Muslim group who raided an AIDS discussion on Saturday night.

The incident at Kaliurang tourism complex left about 25 people injured, including two French nationals. "The governor is our last hope for justice without any discrimination. These brutal acts must be investigated and those responsible for the acts must be tried," the groups said in a joint statement on Monday.

Advocacy Coordinator of the Yogyakarta branch of the Indonesian Planned Parenthood Association (PKBI) Wuwun Widyawati accused Yogyakarta Police of ignorance in releasing 52 suspects because of a lack of evidence.

Some 150 people, armed with wooden sticks and sharp weapons, stormed the building where the discussion took place. About 350 attendees from Yogyakarta, Jakarta, Surakarta and Malang, comprising people considered at high risk of contracting HIV/AIDS, scattered for safety.

Adi Sasono elected ICMI's new chairman

Jakarta -- Former state minister of cooperatives and small and medium enterprises Adi Sasono was elected chairman of the Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association (ICMI) at the end of the association's four-day congress on Sunday. He replaces former president B.J. Habibie, who had held the post since the association was established in Malang, East Java, in 1990.

Adi, who was the association's secretary-general, will be assisted by five deputies -- economist M. Dawam Rahardjo, businessman M. Amien Azis, lecturers Jimly Asshidiqie and Zuraini Jamal, and Shalahudin Wahid, the deputy chairman of the country's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, and the brother of President Abdurrahman Wahid.

The congress also elected communications expert and Golkar Party legislator Marwah Daud Ibrahim as secretary-general. Former forestry minister Muslimin Nasution was elected chairman of ICMI's council of experts, replacing Amien Rais, the Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly and chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN).

A former acting chairman of ICMI, Achmad Tirtosudiro, was appointed chief of the association's supervisory board, while former state minister of human rights affairs Hasballah M. Saad was named the board's secretary.

Adi, who chairs the People's Sovereignty Party (PDR), defeated a number of other candidates, including Muslimin, Marwah and Jimly, in the early Sunday morning election.

Noted Muslim scholar Nurcholish Madjid had been nominated for the chairmanship, but was dropped as a candidate because he failed to fulfill the requirement obliging candidates to explain their vision for the organization.

The 57-year-old Adi said under his leadership the association would concentrate on four main agendas, including programs dealing with the people's economy and humanitarian issues.

"The economic development of the people is significant for the country's economic recovery," he said during a media conference after closing the congress. He said the association also would help contribute to the settlement of humanitarian problems in the provinces of Aceh, Maluku, West Kalimantan andIrian Jaya.

He revealed ICMI had established three teams to lead the organizations humanitarian program. The Aceh team is led by the former chairman of the United Development Party (PPP), Ismail Hasan Metareum, while the team for West Kalimantan, Maluku and Irian Jaya is led by Hasballah. A team established to help victims of flooding and landslides in Central Java is being headed by Republika daily general manager Parni Hadi.

Habibie, who had been scheduled to open the congress on Thursday, did not appear until the congress' closing because he had accompanied his wife to Germany for medical treatment.
 

Arms/armed forces

Here come the Kostrad Boys - again!

Ingo W -- The latest military reshuffle continues the trend to shift former Kostrad officers to the center of power of the Indonesian army (TNI-AD). The network of generals of this most powerful of the TNI's Main Command Forces (Kotama) has increased its influence since the downfall of former president Soeharto enormously and today holds important top positions in the army's command structure. To have a Kostrad pedigree seems to guarantee an officer's rise through the ranks.

Kostrad is the Indonesian army's main mobile force with a troop strength of 25.638 men (numbers given to the press in April), still below its regular strength of 27.828 men.

As a curious phenomenon, the forces' acronym stands for two quite different names, either Komando Strategis TNI-Angkatan Darat or Army Strategic Command, or Komando Candangan Strategis TNI- Angkatan Darat, Army Strategic Reserve Command, under which the force was established back in 1963. Nowadays Kostrad is structured into two infantry divisions 1 and 2, which each consisting of three, respectively four infantry brigades. Battalions of approximately 650 men form Kostrad's operational and combat units.

Former commanders of Kostrad in high positions include:

• Djamari Chaniago, Chief of the General Staff (Kasum TNI), former Kostrad Commander (Pangkostrad) and Chief of Infantry Division 2 (Pangdivif 2)
• Agus Widjoyo, Head of the TNI's Territorial Staff (Kaster TNI), a former commander of the Airborne Infantry Brigade 17 / Kujang
• Djadja Suparman, Commander of the TNI Staff and Command School (Sesko TNI), Pangkostrad in 1999-2000
• Johny Lumintang, Gouverneur of the National Defence Institute, Lemhanas, former Pangkostrad and Pangdivif 1

But Kostrad's main protagonists are two generals who have reached top positions quite recently:

First, there is the new Kostrad Commander, Ryamizard Ryacudu, who in August replaced Agus Wirahadikusumah, the reformist general and close confident of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Agus WK exposed massive irregularities in the use Kostrad funds in the forces' foundation Yayasan Dharma Putera. Ryamizard has virtually grown up inside Kostrad and fast made it to the top in four years. He has served as Chief of Staff of Kostrad Division 2 (1997), Chief of Staff of Military Command (Kodam) II/Sriwijaya (08/97-04/98), Pangdivif 2 (04/98-07/98), Kostrad Chief of Staff (Kas Kostrad) (07/98-01/99), Commander of Kodam V / Brawijaya (01/99-11/99), and Commander of Kodam Jaya/Jakarta (11/99-08/00). He must have powerful patrons who seem to regard him worth for even higher positions. Ryamizard, born 1950 and a graduate of the military academy class of 1974, still has five years of service ahead of him until he reaches the age of retirement. Given the TNI's fast frequency of command reshuffles, in which command positions hardly hold longer than a year, Ryamizard is definitely a man destined to reach the very top. It can be assumed that his patrons spare him to step into the shoes of former Kostrad Commander (1996-1997), the retired General Wiranto.

Secondly, we have the Army Chief of Staff Endriartono Sutarto, appointed last October, who served as Chief of Staff of the Airborne Infantry Brigade 17 under commander Agus Widjoyo (now the TNI's Territorial Chief and mentor of a stronger role of the armed forces in state and society). Sutarto replaced Tyasno Sudarto who was allegedly involved in a counterfeit money operation to financed the pro-Indonesian militias in East Timor in 1999. Certainly not a man with a great deal of a Kostrad pedigree, Sutarto is an officer with wide service experience in all areas of the army's duties, including administration, education, and he was even commander of the Presidential Security Guard. A man able to build and cultivate relations among the internal factions of the army.

Kostrad's rise to the top of the army was initially not against the intentions of President Wahid. Having ousted the powerful TNI chief, general Wiranto, the president needed the support of Kostrad, which also formed Wiranto's base of power. It was Wiranto who sidelined Prabowo Subianto in October 1998, son-in- law of former President and army Supreme Commander Suharto, who appointed Prabowo as Pangkostrad in March 1998. Besides belonging to the inner circle of Suharto's confidents, for Kostrad's internal old bosy' network Prabowo was too much a man of Kostrad's rival force Kopassus to be acceptable as Kostrad commander.

Wiranto cleansed Kostrad not only from Suharto's, but also from Kopassus' influence, and paved the way for structural reforms which paved the way for Kostrad's rise to the army's top positions. Although formally retired, Kostrad still forms the backbone of Wiranto's power in Indonesian politics.

Kostrad's combat duties

In February, Kostrad was given the green light by President Wahid to conduct the Operasi Sadar Rencong III to crush the the Acehnese separatist movement Gerakan Aceh Merdeka. Kostrad undertook a wide range of combat measures in close co-operation with the Police elite force Brimob (Brigade Mobil). This two- pronged approach to regional unrest became a sort of hallmark for Kostrad, especially since it re-establishes a style of combined operations between major forces of the army and the police, which officially are placed under different commands since April 1999.

During the course of the year, Kostrad's combat duties -- and Brimob's as well -- were enlarged to cover all areas of unrest in Indonesia, with a visible concentration of troops in Eastern Indonesia. In October, Kostrad's Head of Staff Willem da Costa, reported to the press that "of about 25.000 soldiers of Kostrad, as many as 16.000 are in areas of operation as the Moluccas and the Northern Moluccas (six battalions), Irian Jaya (three battalions) and Nusa Tenggara Timur. Meanwhile there (in Aceh) are no more Kostrad soldiers on duty there." (Kompas Cyber Media, 13.10.2000)

Kostrad has a virtually free hand in their areas of operation. Gus Dur has never raised his voice against this elite force.

Recently, the units formerly deployed in Aceh must to have been shifted to Papua, where a heavy presence of Kostrad units was reported from August onwards. This heavy strain on Kostrad capabilities was deplored by Ryamizard in late September during a troops inspection: "Ideally, Kostrad should have about 27.000 personnel, but we only have 89 percent of that figure." (Jakarta Post 27.10.00)

Agus WK

Wahid intended to make Agus Wirahadikusumah (WK) head of Kostrad, a goal he reached in March. Agus WK was ideally suited for the job, for he had the right credentials. He has served in several Kostrad positions and was widely regarded as one of the bright Indonesian officers.

But Wahid's plan to re-structure the army with the help of Kostrad backfired. It was especially Agus WK's outspoken wish to dissolve the army's territorial structure was sure to find the strongest resistance of Kostrad, as this mobile force needs the regional Kodam as docking stations and bases for logistical support for their combat duties in the daerah (areas).

Finally, the President was helpless against the united power of Kostrad's officers network to replace Agus WK. But he even lost his influence on the Army Chief of Staff (Kasad) position. Besides Tyasno replacement in October by Sutarto, the Deputy Army Chief of Staff (Wakasad), it took another month until Kostrad's silent support lifted Kiki Syahnakri into the position of the Wakasad.

Kiki Syahnakri

Kiki Syahnakri is not a Kostrad man, at least as far as his visible career path reveals. He virtually grew up in East Timor, and became known to the world as Commander of the East Timor Korem (military region command) 164/Wira Dharma in 1994. At that time he had already reached the age of 46. In November 1999 he went on to become commander of Kodam IX/Udayana after Indonesian troops had left East Timor. It must be assumed that during his stints in East Timor he has established close relationships with Kostrad and has made an impression in handling the pro-Indonesian militias in West Timor after the Atambua massacre in September.

Looking at his military career path, Kiki's main abilities and experience lie in combat and warfare. He is a man of war.

Kostradizing Timor

The reshuffle reveals Kostrad's still high interest in the island of Timor as a whole. Kiki's position of Military Area Commander of Kodam IX/Udayana is handed to Willem T. da Costa, a Kupang- born Timorese, dyed-in-the-wool Kostrad man with military experience in East Timor. He had been Chief of the Udayana Command, became commander of Kostrad Infantry Division 2, then Kostrad Chief of Staff. Certainly he will serve Kostrad's interests in the Udayana Command.

Udayana's Chief of Staff, Mahidin Simbolon, will become commander of Infantry Division 2, a position which will qualify him for a future stint as Kostrad Chief of Staff. Simbolon took over Kiki's position as Commander of Korem 164/Wira Dharma in 1995.

So, the old East Timor hands are back on top of the army. What that means for Indonesia and its relations towards an independent East Timor, remains to be seen.
 

International solidarity

US wants stable Indonesia, says envoy on return

Jakarta -- United States Ambassador to Indonesia Robert Gelbard, who has embroiled in a war of words with ministers in the Jakarta government, has returned here with a message that Washington would like to see a stable Indonesia.

Mr Gelbard returned to Jakarta on Tuesday after more than a week of home leave. He told a seminar that instability in Indonesia "would serve no national interest of the US or other friends of Indonesia". The seminar, "US-Indonesian Economic Relations and the Rule of Law" was hosted here by the powerful Golkar party.

In the statement, Mr Gelbard also lashed out at some Indonesians whom he said were claiming that foreign governments were "trying to destabilise" the country. Those people were promoting "some undefined goal of their own" and clearly had "not thought the matter through rationally", he said. "On the contrary, instability here would be an important potential regional destabiliser. A destabilised South-east Asia and Asia-Pacific region would undermine our own national security," he said.

He said Washington "firmly supports the same goals as Indonesians themselves do for this vast and diverse country". He cited the aims as "democratisation, sustainable economic growth and territorial integrity". "A democratic and prosperous Indonesia ... is not only in Indonesia's national interest. It is squarely in the US national interest as well," he added. Mr Gelbard's Indonesian critics have in recent weeks demanded that President Abdurrahman Wahid declare him a "persona non grata" for his outspoken remarks.

He has drawn the ire of legislators and some politicians, including Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab and Defence Minister Mohammad Mahfud, for his blunt condemnations of Jakarta's failure to address problems such as the militia threat in West Timor. The embassy has reopened its services after being closed to the public for two weeks as a result of a security threat.

Howard orchestrates bid to heal Timor rift

Craig Skehan, Bandar Seri Begawan -- Australian Prime Minister John Howard has used talks with Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid in a concerted bid to ease tensions over East Timor through active opposition to independence demands in West Papua.

Mr Howard's bid, which has been carefully coordinated with Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, entails strong public statements reinforcing an alliance with Jakarta on the issue. After the East Timor violence, bloodshed in West Papua could quickly harden Australian public opinion, further complicating diplomatic relations with Jakarta.

In 1969, Indonesia hand picked 1025 West Papuans to vote in a ballot aimed at technically meeting a United Nations requirement for self-determination. Even the UN's own chief poll supervisor said there had been no popular vote.

At a media conference in Brunei this week, Mr Downer warned that West Papuan secession leading to fragmentation of Indonesia could result in a "bloodbath". And on Wednesday night, Mr Howard said that at a bilateral meeting with Mr Wahid, the Indonesian leader had personally thanked him for Australia's stand.

Mr Howard agreed to lobby for Indonesia to be allowed observer status of the South Pacific Forum. "He [President Wahid] saw that as the act of a country that took Indonesia's interests into account," Mr Howard said.

He was asked if his stand on West Papua could constitute a repeat of the way past Australian governments largely turned a blind eye to human rights violations in East Timor and ignored pleas for an act of self-determination.

The Prime Minister said that he didn't have time to repudiate some of the assertions on which the question was based. "But I don't believe that you can draw an automatic parallel if historical circumstances are different," Mr Howard said.

He said that this included the fact that while West Papua, like the rest of modern Indonesia, was part of the former colonial Dutch East Indies, East Timor was under Portuguese rule.

Australia's stance on the future of the 1.5 million people of West Papua appears to be at the centre of a peace offering to Indonesians still hurt by outside intervention in East Timor.

Indonesia can't hide glee over Bush

Tom Wright, Jakarta -- Indonesian Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab's premature response to an apparent Bush victory in the US presidential election last week showed how much Jakarta wants to see a Republican in the White House.

Alwi jumped the gun to tell reporters he was happy with George W. Bush's victory -- prematurely called by US networks -- because the Republican candidate wasn't an "interventionist." Now, as the US waits for a recount of votes to determine its next president, Jakarta is hoping that a Bush government -- which may include Asian experts such as former Indonesian ambassador Paul Wolfowitz -- won't apply the same kind of diplomatic pressure to influence domestic policy as its Democrat predecessor.

US-Indonesia relations are in the doldrums, amid a growing wave of Muslim-led nationalism, but also due to what critics say is an increasingly hard-line stance toward Indonesia from the Clinton administration.

Washington's frustration with President Abdurrahman Wahid's one- year-old democratic government broke into the open in September after the failure of Indonesia's army to stop the killing of three UN workers by pro-Jakarta militia in West Timor.

Defense Secretary William Cohen, visiting Jakarta soon afterward, threatened to withdraw economic aid if the country didn't move quickly to end its security problems, which also affect US mining and energy interests.

In contrast, Bush's foreign policy advisers, which may include Wolfowitz as possible future defense minister, are against using issues such as foreign aid to influence Indonesian domestic politics, analysts say.

"I don't think the Bush camp would try to use budgetary aid as a lever," says David Fernandez, JP Morgan's regional economist, and former lecturer at John Hopkins University, where Wolfowitz also teaches.

Foreign policy should not be aimed at "lecturing, and posturing, and demanding, but demonstrating that your friends will be protected and taken care of, and your enemies will be punished," Wolfowitz wrote recently.

Wahid the only option?

Still, both the Gore and Bush administrations would continue supporting Wahid -- the country's first democratically elected president for over 40 years -- due to fear of what could replace him, analysts say.

Despite anger over the UN murders, and the slow pace of economic reform, the US didn't withdraw aid, doling out its share of $4.8 billion for next year's budget at an Indonesian donors' meeting in Tokyo last month.

"US foreign policy [to Indonesia] will remain unchanged" whichever candidate wins the election, acting US embassy head, Steve Mull, told reporters last week in Jakarta.

But Al Gore's foreign policy advisers, which would probably be led by US ambassador to the UN Richard Holbrooke, would be more inclined than Bush's team to keep up the pressure on Indonesia, analysts say.

The Clinton administration, through US envoy Robert Gelbard, has stepped up public criticism of Indonesia, especially the military, and the state-run electricity company's failure to honor power purchasing contracts with American businesses.

Indonesian lawmakers have called for Gelbard's removal, claiming that he has tried to influence military and political appointments -- charges which the embassy denies. Relations hit rock bottom this month when the US embassy closed to the public, citing a "credible" security threat.

The US State department then put a travel warning on Indonesia, after Muslim groups angered by Washington's support for Israel in the Middle East conflict threatened to expel American tourists from hotels in a central Javanese town.

Republicans face same problems

Wolfowitz, a big supporter of Wahid, would probably bring a lighter touch to dealing with Indonesia, a country where public criticism can often be counter productive, analysts say.

Bush's economic team, which would probably be led by Larry Lindsey, a former Federal Reserve board governor, is also likely to speed up reform of the International Monetary Fund, a move which could further reduce tensions with Indonesia.

Indonesian politicians have criticized the fund for trying to force the country to sell assets at fire sale prices as part of a $5 billion bailout of the economy.

Lindsey, a possible treasury secretary under Bush, is more likely to want a refocusing of the IMF's role on emergency lending at times of balance of payments crisis, not domestic reforms, analysts say.

Still, a Bush government would face the same problems as its predecessor in safeguarding US business interests at a time of rising Muslim antagonism toward the West.

It would also face the same difficulties in trying to ensure Indonesian state-owned companies, such as the electricity concern, keep to contracts signed with US companies under the 32-year unbroken rule of now-discredited dictator Suharto.
 

Economy & investment

Indonesian bank governors resign

Jakarta -- In the latest blow to Indonesia's shaky economic recovery, five central bank executives have resigned in a dispute over who should shoulder responsibility for a bungled bailout of the nation's insolvent financial sector.

The Bank Indonesia officials quit late Friday night, hours after financial markets closed. They claimed they lacked the support of the government, the parliament and the public.

Newspapers on Saturday reported that their resignations, tendered to the parliament, came amid expectations that President Abdurrahman Wahid was about to force a reshuffle of the bank's board by threatening to withdraw state financial support for the institution. One of those who resigned, however, said the deputy governors quit voluntarily. "Our resignations are part of our moral responsibility," Anwar Nasution said. Wahid is expected to nominate new candidates for the vacant positions during the weekend.

Bank Indonesia has been under attack over how it lent almost $16 billion in emergency funds to ailing banks from 1997-99. The funds were poured into dozens of insolvent commercial banks to keep them afloat, but most of the banks were eventually closed down. Many were operated by interests linked to former dictator Suharto's corruption-riddled regime. A government auditor last year found that much of the money was misused and cannot be repaid.

The controversy has shaken confidence in Indonesia's attempts to end its worst economic crisis in a generation. The value of Indonesia's currency, the rupiah, is sliding, foreign investment is low and the debt-ridden economy is propped up by international loans and aid.

Rice-tariff increase will hurt the poor, says bank

Jakarta -- The World Bank yesterday expressed opposition to a reported Indonesian plan to raise rice import tariffs, saying such a move would contradict the government's stated "pro-poor" policy.

"From the poverty point of view, we are concerned about recent press reports suggesting import controls or higher tariffs may be reimposed on rice," said the bank's Indonesia director, Mr Mark Baird. Mr Baird told a seminar in Jakarta that the decline in rice prices currently enjoyed by the poor had been supported by access to cheaper rice in the world market.

On the government's plan to increase the floor price of unhusked rice, he said: "We also remain unconvinced that a higher floor price ... is justified given current budget constraint." Mr Baird said the poor in Indonesia spent about 25 per cent of their income on rice and, therefore, "lower prices are definitely in line with the pro-poor policy".

Several ministers have been quoted as saying recently that higher tariffs on imported rice, soya beans, eggs and chicken would help Indonesian farmers.

Lack of control by governments feared

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Foreign companies in Indonesia are concerned that neither local nor central governments can control the anger of aggrieved local people, making their investments very risky.

A director of Rio Tinto Mining corporation, Mr Noke Kiroyan, predicts that industries such as mining will have a rocky time ahead as local governments try to work out how to deal with the previously-oppressed villagers.

"The villagers want a bigger share of the pie and we will see this continuing until it's resolved. In former times, the authorities would have acted decisively, using force -- in most cases excessive force.

"Now with the separation of the police and the military, you have the military standing back and leaving it to the police. But the police don't have much experience in dealing with these situations.

"The government and the villages should look into it -- sometimes the villagers think they've been cheated but in fact it's just that land prices have increased -- so by today's rates they were underpaid," he said.

The danger is that it will be all too easy for local legislators to allow local people to vent their anger against foreign companies rather than to admit the government, which negotiated the contracts on behalf of the people, is at fault.

For instance, Riau's Parliament urged Caltex to give jobs to the protesters. But the contracts negotiated by the government did not mandate employment for locally-based employees or the company's contribution to community development.

Mining officials and local governments admit the rise in militancy in the provinces is a problem. However, only one or two districts have proposed any concrete plans to avert these conflicts.

East Kalimantan Governor Suwarna Abdul Fatah is one person who has tried to salvage the volatile situation. He said he would impose a levy on all timber logged in his province. The money would be directed towards community development.

Industry observers say the growing disputes, coupled with uncertainties over whether the regional government or the central government will award mining contracts, has led mining companies to halt exploration. "Multinational companies will defer investments in Indonesia until some of the uncertainties have been sorted out," Mr Bob Parsons from Pricewaterhouse Coopers told participants at a recent seminar on decentralisation.

Indonesia's tax burden

Robert Go, Jakarta -- As the government steps up efforts to enforce tax regulations and collect taxes, some citizens grumble privately that more of their hard-earned rupiah might go to the state's coffers in the future.

"Of course I pay tax. But yes, I under-report my income," said Mr Abang, who spoke to The Straits Times on condition his full name was not used. According to the Jakarta businessman, nobody he knows pays his or her full tax obligations and many do not pay at all. Government officials, he said, not only are easy to bribe, but in most instances would initiate the process by hinting that a little "fragrant grease" would knock zeroes off the bottom- lines.

Ms Ayu, who also spoke confidentially, suggested that Indonesians' hesitation at paying the full tax bill might stem from the widespread perception that the government sees only a portion of the money as the difference ends up in officials' pockets.

"It's silly to pay the full amount, especially if the government probably gets only a portion of it and public services remain minimal," she said. The two individuals said their real earnings were over 200 million rupiah (S$40,000), which put them in the top tax bracket. They are thus taxed at a rate of 35 per cent of their income. But the government has only collected 10 per cent to 15 per cent from them, and others in similar positions, over the last 10 years.

Self-employed Indonesians, like Mrs Ina who lives in the East Java capital of Surabaya, file their tax forms independently and with little supervision. Mrs Ina doesn't worry much about audits "as long as the amount of taxes paid matches the visible wealth -- cars, houses, and other property. It is unrealistic to expect people to want to pay taxes. That's why it's called the tax burden," she said.

Of course, there are those who regard paying taxes as a serious responsibility. A foreign executive who is based in Jakarta reported that both he and his firm steer clear of hanky panky when it comes time to cough up some cash to the government.

But such a form of civic responsibility is rare in Indonesia. Part of the problem is that the government has so far been lax in enforcing tax regulations and cleaning up corruption within the tax collection service.

Tax identification numbers are not automatically assigned to Indonesians, and as a result, only about half of 1 per cent of the 200-million population is registered as taxpayers.

People against tax

Complaints:

• Corrupt officials pocket a portion of tax paid.
• Trash collection, street lighting and road maintenance are not consistent and do not justify tax obligations.
• Bureaucrats and red tape make filing process a waste of time.

• Under-reporting income to lessen tax burden.
• During tax collection time, hide the Mercedes-Benz and bring out the Toyota.