East Timor

East Timor moves forward and struggles with bloody past

Cox News Service - October 7, 2001

Julie Chao, Dili -- After Salvador Ferrera cast his ballot two years ago for independence for East Timor, he fled into the hills. When he came back a few weeks later, his hometown of Suai had been burned to the ground by militia groups. "All of Suai was totally destroyed," he said. "Three priests were killed. Until today, we don't know where their bones are."

Still bitter and angry at the militia members who beat and intimidated him and set fire to hundreds of homes, Ferrera said he's not ready to go back home. "I came to Dili because I don't want to see the people who used to threaten me," he said, sitting next to the roadside tent that serves as home for him and his wife and young son. "They're coming back through reconciliation and I don't want to see their faces."

The talk of East Timor these days is of reconciliation. Former militia members are being welcomed back. The United Nations has established a commission for truth and reconciliation. East Timorese political leaders are calling for rapprochement and even amnesty.

But some East Timorese wonder if their new nation is ready. Much of East Timor still lies in ruins and the main perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice. People here wonder if true reconciliation can come with emotions running so deep and psychological scars still raw from 24 years of brutal occupation by Indonesia.

East Timor is a traumatized land with hundreds of thousands of people like Ferrera. The UN estimates 40,000 to 50,000 crimes were committed in September 1999 after 78.5 percent of voters chose independence from Indonesia.

Within hours after the election results were announced, pro- Jakarta militia groups went on a violent rampage, burning, looting and intimidating. More than one-third of the population was uprooted, churches were attacked, women were raped, three- quarters of buildings and houses were burned and about 1,000 people were killed.

Those who weren't quick enough to flee to the hills were systematically herded by the militia to Indonesian-controlled West Timor. Two years later, an estimated 80,000 still have not returned home, including many militia members.

"This moment is way too soon to speak about reconciliation," said Father Jovito Araujo of the Dili Catholic diocese. "People lost their lives, their loved ones, their livelihood, their houses. It was total destruction. They need to get a life that's sustainable again -- a house, a job, maybe a living that's better than before. Maybe in 10 years people will be ready. It's easy rhetoric but very difficult to make real."

Although the militias were armed and organized by the Indonesian military, their members were largely ordinary East Timorese people, known by their neighbors.

The Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation was set up by the UN partly to facilitate their peaceful reintegration. It will also investigate human rights abuses starting from 1974, when Portugal withdrew from its former colony, leading to the bloody invasion by Indonesia the following year.

The commission will refer more serious crimes for prosecution while less serious crimes will be resolved using traditional Timorese village mediation. Traditional methods involve all parties meeting to decide upon a solution, such as an exchange of livestock, or the perpetrator performing some community service. It is then sealed with a ceremony in which the offender is welcomed back into the community.

It is a novel approach for the international body, but comes loaded with its own pitfalls. An Amnesty International report on East Timor's new justice system warns that women and children are especially vulnerable to being coerced to accept a resolution they might not like.

Constantino Pinto started learning mediation from his father when he was in the sixth grade. He's helped resolve countless land and marital disputes in his village and a few murders as well. He says the traditional Timorese justice system works well for communities if they want it, but he is skeptical reconciliation can be imposed by an outside body.

"If it's some program that's funded from outside, and it has to produce results, then it's set up for failure," he said. "Why spend all this money on these commissions when the mechanism is already there and people would do that anyway if that's what they wanted?"

Many people say they are ready to welcome militia members back home, but they also want to see justice served. Elsa Alves DaCosta and her family were surrounded by men armed with guns and homemade explosives and forced to board a ship to West Timor two years ago. Most of the men were people she knew. "I have a wound in my heart and I'm angry," said DaCosta, 16. "If there's no justice, it could cause fistfights because the anger will still be there. But if there is justice, then it will heal."

Zito Fernandes, 25, lived in the hills above Dili for three weeks during the militia-led carnage. "They're Timorese -- they have just as much right to live on this land as I do," he said. "But if there's proof they committed crimes, they should be held accountable under the law. If they're not processed, it gives an example that anyone can do anything at any time."

East Timor's nascent court system began trials in July for the violence of 1999. So far, more than 40 people have been indicted and 10 people convicted. "At the trials, the defendants all admit what they did, but they ask, 'when are you going to arrest the big guys?'" said Christian Ranheim, whose Judicial System Monitoring Program observes all the trials.

The "big guys," which include a few Indonesian generals, are in Indonesia. Some have already been indicted, but international observers are doubtful Indonesia will extradite them for trial in East Timor

Political leaders, including Nobel Peace Prize winner Jose Ramos Horta, now East Timor's foreign minister, have called for an international tribunal if Indonesian courts do not bring the accused to justice, saying the credibility of the UN Security Council is at stake if genocide goes unpunished.

But an international tribunal may not be the best answer either. Ranheim estimates it could cost $100 million a year, money arguably better spent on development. Although the UN has found widespread and systematic human rights violations in the 1999 post-election period, there has been little international will to hold a tribunal. Western powers, including the United States, are believed to have given at least tacit approval for Indonesia's annexation of East Timor.

As East Timor prepares to form its own government, it ranks as one of the region's poorest countries. Gil Guterres, a journalist who started East Timor's first newspaper in the indigenous language Tetun, said the priority should be on economic development, not reconciliation. "That will minimize the emotions," he said. "Otherwise, if there's no medicine, if there's no money for kids to go to school, the anger and hatred will increase. When the government provides basic needs, people will think, well, it's the past. They'll consider those losses as what they had to pay for their freedom."

Johny denies responsibility over mayhem in East Timor

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Fabiola Desy Unidjaya, Jakarta -- Former deputy Army chief of staff Gen. Johny Lumintang denied on Friday any responsibility over systematic human rights violations in East Timor in 1999 after it voted for independence from Indonesia. Johny made the statement in response to a conclusion by the US Federal Court that he was guilty of the mayhem and was therefore ordered to pay US$66 million in damages to the victims.

"As a deputy Army chief of staff at the time, I was not directly involved in any decisions on East Timor," said Johny, who is currently the secretary-general of the Ministry of Defense. "I haven't heard about the court decision and am not thinking about any legal suit," Johny said on the sidelines of a ceremony for the celebration of the 56th anniversary of the Indonesian Military (TNI).

Federal Court Judge Alan Kay, in a ruling made public on Thursday, concluded that Lumintang was guilty of crimes against humanity in East Timor in August 1999. Kay's conclusion was made after a civil suit was filed by a group of six East Timorese against Johny last year.

The court's decision was hailed by the East Timor Action Network (ETAN), saying that the ruling sent a strong message that TNI and the Indonesian police were responsible for the gross human rights violations. "The judgment sent a strong messages that the Indonesian military, police and political leaders responsible for the 1999 devastation of East Timor should be held accountable," John Miller from (ETAN) said. He further said that the Indonesian government lacked the will to prosecute high-ranking military officials in these cases.

When asked whether Johny was going to appeal, he said that he would leave it to the Indonesian government as the decision taken during the 1999 mayhem was a state decision, not a personal one.

Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda said the US court decision was only "symbolic" and should be ignored, because there was no way in which the Washington court could enforce its decision against Indonesian citizens. "Just ignore it," the foreign minister said, adding, "There is no such thing as an extra-territorial application of a domestic law on other countries. It [the ruling] has been decided but I don't think there is any way to enforce it unless Johny has millions of dollars in cash in a US bank account."

The international community continues to wait for Indonesian government action to put high-ranking military officers on trial for the mayhem in East Timor. An Ad-Hoc human rights tribunal is due to start its first trial on a East Timor case in December. Currently the Supreme Court is in the process of selecting the judges for the tribunal. Indonesian Military (TNI) Spokesman Air Vice Marshall Graito Usodo told The Jakarta Post that the ruling did not apply to Johny or TNI because the trial had taken place overseas and had used foreign law. "We respect its decision but it does not have any significance here because a foreign court tried an Indonesian citizen for something that he had allegedly done in his own country ... so its decision has no legal implications for Pak Johny," he said.

Aid for East Timorese refugees to stop

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2001

Kupang -- The government has said that, as of December this year, there will be no more humanitarian aid for around 290,000 East Timorese who opted to stay in Indonesia and are now living in West Timor, East Nusa Tenggara province. This means that, starting next year, the refugees will be expected to rely on their own resources to survive.

East Nusa Tenggara Provincial spokesman JB. Kosapilawan said on Wednesday that the government would now start to concentrate on repatriation and resettlement programs. He said that the refugees had received humanitarian aid for two years and that they could be lacking the spirit to survive as they had been too dependent on the government.

The government's decision came as a blow to the refugees, who reacted negatively. "By stopping the aid, the government intends to kill us refugees gradually. We have nothing that will allow us to live independently. We don't have any plots of land to till," said Cornelis Ribeiru, coordinator of refugees in Tuapukan.

Soon after the East Timor referendum sponsored by the United Nations in 1999, at least 500,000 East Timorese flooded West Timor. Most of them were poor and brought nothing with them.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) entered West Timor and started to give humanitarian aid to the refugees. The aid was halted last year following the promulgation of a United Nations resolution stating that West Timor was not safe.

Resolution No. 1319, which also ordered the pullout of UNHCR workers and a halt to humanitarian aid, was issued after the killing of three UNHCR workers in September 1999.

Since then, the Indonesian government has provided the refugees with humanitarian aid of Rp 1,500 and 400 grams of rice per person per day. "The government, through the state budget and provincial budget, has spent around Rp 2 trillion on various programs related to the refugees. The amount includes donations from various parties," Kosapilawan said. "Therefore we are now concentrating on the resettlement programs for those who want to stay and repatriation programs for those who want to go to East Timor."

The repatriation programs have apparently worked well. According to records compiled by UNHCR Dili, at least 130,000 people had returned to their hometowns by September 2001. Meanwhile the resettlement programs, which will be carried out by the transmigration provincial office, were also promising.

Yoseph Setiohady, the head of the transmigration office, said that West and East Nusa Tenggara, Maluku and South Kalimantan had expressed their willingness to accept the refugees. The government is also providing 5,000 houses for resettled refugees in the Kupang, Belu, East Sumba, Timor Tengah Utara and Timor Tengah Selatan regencies. "Some 2,300 of the houses are ready for use."

In a separate interview, the head of the resettlement and infrastructure provincial office, Piet Djami Rebo, said that more houses would be built in Flores. The project would be funded by grants of Rp 40 billion from the European Union. Kupang, Nusa Tenggara Timur: The government has said that, as of December this year, there will be no more humanitarian aid for around 290,000 East Timorese who opted to stay in Indonesia and are now living in West Timor, East Nusa Tenggara province.

Refugees to be forced back in coming months

South China Morning Post - October 5, 2001

The Indonesian Government has shown new signs of its determination to rid itself of East Timorese refugees, and thousands of them are now likely to be forced back across the border within the next three months.

The United Nations and the nascent government of East Timor have long wanted the estimated 50,000 to 80,000 refugees still in camps in West Timor to return.

Comments this week by Piet Tallo, Governor of Indonesia's East Nusa Tenggara province, which includes West Timor, suggest a pincer movement is now under way to get the refugees to return home.

Mr Tallo said on Wednesday that from January 1, daily food allowances and humanitarian assistance to the refugees will be stopped. He said all the refugee camps will be closed and only a few refugees will be allowed to settle in Indonesia.

This decision follows an Indonesian-run refugee registration process in June. Ninety-eight per cent of the refugees said then that they wanted to stay in Indonesia.

The impact of the process on the Jakarta Government was electric, UN sources said. "Jakarta threw its hands up in horror and said, 'Well, we don't want them'," said a source in Dili, East Timor.

The result frightened Jakarta into realising it was time to resolve a problem created by the Indonesian military-backed militias who rampaged through East Timor after its independence ballot on August 30, 1999, and forced about 250,000 East Timorese into West Timor.

But as the new administration prepares for its transition to full independence, the general feeling is that it is now time for the refugees, who have put enormous strain on Indonesia's resources, to return home. "The security of East Timor is no longer in question," a UN refugee administrator said.

Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has confirmed it will not be returning to West Timor. International agencies pulled out of West Timor after the murders of three UNHCR staff by a militia-led mob in West Timor in September last year. The UNHCR will now only help the refugees return to East Timor.

Although Indonesian government spokesmen have said plans are under way to resettle refugees in other parts of Indonesia, those close to the process claim Jakarta wants all refugees returned to East Timor. "It has taken two years, but the central Government in Jakarta is now very supportive of UN efforts to get the refugees back to East Timor," a UN source said.

The UN, and East Timor's president-in-waiting, Xanana Gusmao, have been actively seeking reconciliation with a handful of militia bosses -- who still rule the refugees' lives. Several thousand refugees crossed back into East Timor last month after assurances were issued that the militia leaders would be safe there.

East Timor plans to set up a truth and reconciliation commission to heal the deep social rifts left by 25 years of political unrest and to promote national unity. The 40-member commission will be launched early next year and last for at least two years, project co-ordinator Pat Walsh said yesterday.

Militia member sentenced for 1999 murder

Lusa - October 3, 2001

A former pro-Indonesian militia member has received a 16-year sentence from the Special Panel for Serious Crimes in Dili.

Augusto Asameta Tavares was a member of the Halilintar (thunder) militia group, operating in the Maliana district southwest of Dili, and was convicted of murdering a pro-independence supporter in the village of Memo on August 27, during the wave of violence that swept over the half-island at the time of the August 30,1999 independence referendum.

Tavares was sentenced Friday and is the eleventh person convicted by the Special Panel for Serious Crimes.

US judge slaps 66 million in damages on Indonesian general

Agence France-Presse - October 4, 2001

Washington -- A US judge has piled 66 million dollars in damages on a top Indonesian general, concluding after a civil lawsuit lodged in a US court that he was guilty of crimes against humanity in East Timor.

The decision against General Johny Lumintang was reached last month by Federal Court Judge Alan Kay but made public only Thursday. It marked a major victory for campaigners who have sought to use US courts to punish those accused of human rights abuses abroad.

Kay, who presided over a three-day civil trial in absentia of Lumintang in Washington in March, found that the general had committed a wide range of abuses in East Timor, after it voted for independence from Indonesia in 1999. Following the vote, the territory was engulfed in militia violence, which victims say was fanned by generals of the Indonesian armed forces.

The case against Lumintang was brought by a group of East Timorese scarred by the violence, who were injured or lost family members. "Lumintang has responsibility for the actions against plaintiffs and a larger pattern of gross human rights violations," Kay said in his written judgement. "He along with other high-ranking members of the Indonesian military -- planned, ordered, and instigated acts carried out by subordinates to terrorize and displace the East Timorese population ... and to destroy East Timor's infrastructure following the vote for independence."

Lumintang was vice chief of staff of the Indonesian army at the time of the independence referendum in which tens of thousands were forced from their homes and the capital, Dili, was burned to the ground.

Six plaintiffs or their estates were granted 10 million dollars each in punitive damages. Compensatory damages ranged from 750,000 to 1.75 million dollars each. The unnamed plaintiffs claimed that top Indonesian officers planned and supervised the militia violence, which claimed an unknown number of lives.

The trial, at which Lumintang was not represented, featured moving testimony from three victims of militia violence. One lost a brother, one woman told of how her son was killed and another young man told the court how Indonesian soldiers shot him, causing his leg to be amputated.

The case was brought under US legislation which allows American jurisdiction over acts of torture committed outside the country. A lawsuit can only proceed, however, if defendants are served with legal papers while in the United States.

Lumintang was personally served notice of the civil suit on March 30, 2000, while visiting Washington. After he failed to answer the charges, including crimes against humanity, summary execution and torture, a judge declared Lumintang in default and he was tried in absentia.

The court victory looks set to be purely symbolic however, unless financial assets of Lumintang can be discovered and frozen in the United States. The US court has no jurisdiction in Indonesia.

Human rights campaigners immediately hailed the judgment as a major victory. "This judgment sends a strong message that the Indonesian military, police, and political leaders responsible for 1999's devastation of East Timor must be held accountable," said John Miller of the East Timor Action Group. "Indonesia clearly lacks the will and East Timor the resources and access to defendants, to prosecute ranking officials responsible for these crimes against humanity."

UN seeks 10 over Timor massacre

Melbourne Age - October 1, 2001

Jill Jolliffe, Dili -- United Nations officials are challenging Indonesia's stand on East Timor war crimes. They are demanding the handover of 10 men accused of a September 1999 massacre in which 65 unarmed civilians were killed. Classified as crimes against humanity, the killings occurred in East Timor's western Oecusse enclave on September 8-10, 1999. They are outside the ambit of a law approved by Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri in August.

Despite a UN Security Council resolution giving Indonesia responsibility to try military officers involved in all crimes in East Timor between January 1 and September 20, 1999, the new Indonesian law restricts prosecutions to six specific cases and time periods, excluding the Oecusse massacre.

Prosecutor Mohamed Othman said the killings involved three Oecusse villages and were "the biggest massacre". Investigations had led to the discovery of mass graves when there was a pattern. "The villages were all pro-independence, and young adult males between 16 and 21 were targeted," he said.

An indictment against 11 alleged killers was filed in Dili court on Thursday. Arrest warrants should be issued early this week and sent to the Indonesian prosecutor.

Those accused include Simao Lopes and Laurentino Soares, leaders of the Sakunar militia group, and two Indonesian soldiers, Sergeant Andre Ulan and Anton Sabraka, the Oecusse military commander. Only one person, Florenco Tacaqui, is in custody, in Dili's Becora prison.

Most of those killed had been forcibly abducted to West Timor then marched to an area just inside the Oecusse border, where they were shot or hacked to death. Only 10 survived from the three villages. Their eyewitness testimony, and the fact that investigators exhumed all the bodies and conducted autopsies, makes the prosecution case particularly strong.

The indictment says Sakunar activities were initiated by former provincial government, military and police officials, including ex-governor Abilio Osorio Soares, militia leader Eurico Guterres and the Oecusse military and police commanders, Kamiso Mira and Wilmar Marpaung.

He said the options for Indonesia were to either transfer the 10 men to East Timor under the terms of an April, 2000, legal agreement between Jakarta and the UN, or put them on trial in Indonesia. If the Indonesian Government fails to prosecute perpetrators of crimes in East Timor, the Security Council can authorise establishment of an international war crimes tribunal to hear the cases.

Jakarta wants return of war dead remains

Lusa - October 1, 2001

Indonesian and East Timorese authorities have begun discussions on the removal of remains of Indonesian soldiers from various cemeteries across East Timor, according to an Indonesian government source cited by Monday`s Jakarta Post newspaper.

The same newspaper adds that the military commander of Indonesian West Timor, General Willem da Costa, told the official Indonesian news agency Antara Monday that since being assigned to his post, he "has been thinking about relocating the remains of the heroes".

"Since the integration of East Timor with Indonesia in 1975, over 5,000 Indonesian soldiers have died during the struggle against Communism in East Timor", added da Costa.

The Jakarta Post also quotes the general as saying that Indonesian war graves have been neglected since East Timor's breakaway from Indonesia in 1999.

East Timor Defence Force

Jane's Intelligence Review - October 1, 2001

• Total size: 3,000 soldiers -- 1,500 regulars and 1,500 reservists.
• Structure: four battalions of light infantry (two active, two reserves).
• Equipment: 1,200 M-16 A2 rifles, 75 M-203, 50 Colt-45 pistols, 75 Minima LSW light support weapons, 75 machine guns.
• Naval component: Two Albatross-class patrol boats donated by Portugal and equipped with 12.7mm fixed machine-guns. About 150 men are being trained for coast guard patrols.

Equipment

The USA has agreed to sell 1,200 M-16A2 assault rifles, 75 M-203 assault rifles with combination grenade launchers, and 50 .45 calibre Colt hand guns. The weaponry has not been supplied directly, but via the UN: it is illegal under US law to supply armaments to a "non-state". Belgium is supplying 75 Minimi LMGs. Older Australian- supplied versions of the M-16 are currently being used in training and will be returned after arrival of the US shipment; meantime, further supplies of reconditioned M-16s arrived in East Timor from Australia in the last week of July.

Uniforms have been gifted by the Portuguese. Webbing, radios and GPS equipment will be supplied by Australia. Fifty vehicles, including trucks, are coming from Italy. There are still some items on the commanders' wish list: specifically, light mortars, APCs, Landrover-type vehicles, ambulances and staff cars.

In June, an Australian-built training complex and barracks was opened at Metanaro, 40km outside Dili. The Metanaro facility incorporates barracks, lecture facilities, conference rooms, and an armoury housed within metal shipping containers. It reputedly involves an investment of US$2.5 million and is a gift from the Australian government.

Training

The two major donor nations, Australia and Portugal, are sharing the training of the first batch of 625 recruits drawn entirely from the former Falintil guerrilla forces now officially disbanded. Additional battalions will be non-Falintil and recruited nationwide. The first ETDF graduates -- 247 in number -- passed out at the end of June. UNTAET expects the force to be built up to battalion strength of around 600 by March 2002. At full strength, the ETDF will comprise 3,000 men and women under arms with a regular force of two battalions totalling 1,500.

Training is being carried out by an international team. Portuguese soldiers have been carrying out basic training. New Zealand is handling weapons training and a small team of South Koreans are instructing in self defence and fitness.

The new officers of ETDF are grateful to their patrons. "Australia and Portugal have shown themselves to be our friends. We are grateful for their support and [so] are willing to accept their ideas for the moment," says Colonel Lere, commander of the first provisional battalion. However, there are complaints about being taught by the armies of at least four different countries: not just the differences in equipment, but also training can be confusing for the hundreds of recruits who have signed up with remarkable enthusiasm -- without service contracts or any agreed payment.

East Timor prepares for post-independence security threats

Jane's Intelligence Review - October 1, 2001

Tom Fawthrop and Paul Harris -- Formally recognising the continued security threats to East Timor, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan said on 26 July: "There is concern that some militia elements have adopted a strategy of lying low until independence in the belief that the international military peacekeeping force will be removed from East Timor. There will be a need for a UN force to continue ..." The UN force, accordingly, will continue its mission and "be deployed at current strength on the border [with West Timor] and in the isolated Oecussi enclave."

The East Timor Defence Force (ETDF), currently being trained by officers from Australia, New Zealand, Portugal and South Korea, will not assume full responsibility for the defence of its borders for at least one or two years after independence.

Creating a defence force in East Timor has been part and parcel of building up new institutions -- a civil service, a judiciary, a police force, and a democratic government -- after the Indonesian colonial-style administration collapsed with the liberation of the territory.

The UN Transitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) at first wanted to disarm the approximately 1,700 Falintil guerrillas who had opposed Indonesian rule since the 1975 invasion. However, having come to respect their discipline and commitment, the UN has selected 650 Falintil members as the backbone of the ETDF. The force will be commanded by a former Falintil commander, the now Brigadier General Matan Ruak.

Roque Rodrigues, the most senior East Timorese in the Office of Defence Forward Development within UNTAET, said: "We thought a gendarmerie would be enough, but the events of September [1999] forced us to reconsider. It was clear Indonesian intelligence was behind the militias and that there was TNI [Indonesian military] involvement. Indonesia is in transition towards democracy. Having in mind the volatility of the situation, we need to have a defence force: small, effective and subordinate to democratically elected political power ... Falantil are our heroes. It is unacceptable to disarm them ... Falantil offered to become the core of the future ETDF."

Last year, the UN commissioned London University's King's College to provide a strategic analysis of the territory's post- independence defence needs. The main thrust of the final report advocated a cost-effective sustainable land force of two active and two reserve battalions consisting of 3,000 personnel in total. Australia and other nations contributing to UN peacekeeping forces in Timor endorsed this light infantry model, a concept based on stringent budgetary constraints taking into account East Timor's current national budget of US$65 million and limited commitments from donor nations.

According to the retired US general seconded by the US State Department to handle military planning, East Timor's "military strategy will be defensive, capable of defeating small-scale incursions and delaying a larger force until external assistance arrives ... The ETDF will exist to defend East Timor, its people and territory." There will also be a commitment to contribute to regional security. The potential intruders are not identified but, in the last week of July, a sergeant in the Indonesian military was shot dead by a UN peacekeeper as he crossed over into East Timor. Although in civilian clothes, he was armed. Commenting on the shooting, West Timor military chief, Major General William da Costa, observed: "Officially, a clear border has yet to be set up. The existing border is based on a map made by Portugal."

Security threats

Good relations with Indonesia are seen as indispensable to an independent East Timor being left in peace to develop its new society, but there remain many controversial issues arising from the war and liberation still to be resolved. Fretilin, the party that has emerged the decisive winner of East Timor's election for a constituent assembly, has called for Indonesian reparations of $700 million for the devastation inflicted by the TNI's orchestration of militia violence in September 1999. There is also a growing clamour among East Timorese community leaders and NGO leaders for Indonesian generals named by the KPP-HAM Indonesian Human Rights Commission as implicated in the plot against East Timor, to be indicted by an international tribunal.

Since UN peacekeeping forces moved into East Timor, the main security threat has come from two borders: the frontier between Indonesian-controlled West Timor and the border with the enclave of Oecussi that is surrounded by West Timor and only permits direct access to the rest of East Timor by sea. Nici Dahrendorf, who authored the King's College report and is UNTAET's national security advisor, confirmed that Indonesian military units based in West Timor continue to support the pro-Jakarta militias. In spite of promises from Jakarta to disband all militias, they continue to run refugee camps and stage occasional cross-border raids in an attempt to destabilise East Timor.

Jose Ramos-Horta, who leads the East Timorese foreign affairs department under UNTAET, told JIR: "I firmly believe that [Indonesian] President Megawati will deal more firmly with the militias than her predecessor, she is in a stronger position." But, if the militias were to attack: "Our defence forces can handle the threat, we have a long history of resistance and inflicted huge casualties on the Indonesian army."

Defending Oecussi may present the greatest problems. If East Timor is to retain control of the enclave, surrounded on three sides by West Timor, either the UN has to achieve a major breakthrough in negotiations over the land border, or improve the only direct access by sea. The only credible defence of Oecussi depends on an effective naval capability, and East Timorese leaders involved in defence matters are dismayed that their desire for a modest naval force, based essentially on coastguard patrols, has hardly figured at all in the defence plans envisaged by the UN's military advisors.

Southeast Asia is a maritime region of strategically important sea lanes. East Timorese waters are particularly rich in marine life, and receiving increasing attention from Japanese, Taiwanese and Indonesian trawlers. General Matan Ruak firmly asserts that: "Every day there are more than 100 incursions from illegal fishing boats in our waters. We need a naval component to protect our fishermen and our natural resources. With or without UN help, we will have one." The head of the DFTL naval detachment, Captain Alfredo Reinado, commented that: "The UN knows all about these illegal fishing boats, but does nothing about it. I am not happy they are limiting our capacity. We know we need something better [than only two patrol boats]."

Roque Rodriguez says that: "Portugal is the only country to support our need for a naval component, the other countries keep telling us that it is too expensive. This is very unhelpful advice."

The UN guidelines for the DFTL are budget-driven and all plans are judged by the yardstick of sustainability by this tiny new nation. The total defence cost for 2001-2 has been budgeted at $2,851,433 to be paid for by donor countries. The cost to East Timorese sovereignty, the cost of not possessing the naval capability to protect its Exclusive Economic Zone, has yet to be calculated.

In addition to protecting its own interests, Jose Ramos-Horta pointed out: "As an island state we also have an obligation to the region to intercept human trafficking, drug trafficking and piracy. If the seas are completely open and uncontrolled, then we actually become a haven for piracy. So I find it surprising that some countries, our neighbours, objected to us having a modest patrol fleet."

The neighbours referred to include Australia, New Zealand, and ASEAN members Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. All of them play some supportive role in training land forces, but Portugal is the sole nation to take an interest in the defence of East Timorese coastal waters.

Internal security

For the moment, internal security is in the hands of UNCIVPOL Police Commissioner Jose Luis da Costa, who heads up a force of 1,400 international police in East Timor. He became commissioner in May 2000 after four international missions in the Balkans.

According to Commissioner Da Costa: "Things can escalate out of hand here very quickly," and he points to the example of a major disturbance on 12 March in the village of Viqueqe. A fight between two schoolboys escalated into a full-scale battle between two martial arts groups which, in turn, led to the deaths of two people, the burning of 50 houses and serious injury to dozens of people. UNCIVPOL officers on the ground were unable to contain the violence, which involved up to 800 people, and ran on out of hand until the arrival of a 120-strong Rapid Response Unit (RRU) from the Jordanian Police.

Most disturbingly, Da Costa has established participation in this violence by political groups, like Republica Democratica Loroe Sae, which seeks reintegration with Indonesia and has support from across the border in West Timor and is, in turn, allied with martial arts groups. Men with military backpack radios and walkie-talkies were seen to be directing the violence. The capacity of UNCIVPOL to deal with such incidents is severely limited. There are just two RRUs in country which have both technical and psychological training. However, more than two incidents occurring simultaneously would effectively lead to system breakdown without intervention of UN soldiers. There were several similar incidents, although on a smaller scale, in March and May.

The other incident which has most alarmed Da Costa was the "possible attempt" on the life of independence leader Xanana Gusmao in Dili on 7 March. Da Costa says both incidents "are related and were manipulated". He says it is "easy to manipulate crowds here ... there is a habit of taking revenge and a strong sense of solidarity," which leads to events quickly spiralling out of control: "A simple dispute can be manipulated and become a major security issue," he says.

Independent security

The UN is already starting to downsize its major East Timor peacekeeping operation. By the end of the year, the five battalions in the eastern sector will be scaled down to two as part of the countdown to independence next April. New York still has to take a final decision in consultation with East Timorese leaders on the size of UN forces needed after independence to deter militia infiltration from the West Timor border, but two to three battalions, including Australian and Portuguese units, are likely to remain for one or two years until all the 1,500 East Timorese regulars are trained and ready to take over.

Among the Australian and Portuguese officers engaged in the training programme, there is an unusual degree of consensus about the calibre and good discipline of Falintil fighters. Australia's top officer at the Metinaro Academy, Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Hull, was particularly effusive in his praise of Brigadier General Ruak: "I have worked in 14 foreign countries. General Matan Ruak was originally a poor student, but he has become a man of great vision and perception, who wants to keep his army out of business and out of politics."

Tom Fawthrop is a journalist specialising in Southeast Asian affairs. He is based in Phnom Penh. Paul Harris is a correspondent who covers global conflict and insurgency.

Labour struggle

5,000 workers picket palace over alleged graft at aircraft plant

Agence France-Presse - October 4, 2001

Jakarta -- Some 5,000 workers at Indonesia's state aircraft manufacturer picketed the presidential palace yesterday to demand higher pay and urge the government to stamp out what they called rampant corruption in the company. They said in a statement that the rally was to show support for President Megawati Sukarnoputri "so that she will have no hesitation in cleaning out state companies from the grip of corruption, collusion and nepotism".

They said graft and poor management was rife at the Bandung-based PT Dirgantara Indonesia, previously the Nusantara Aircraft Industry. The company was the brainchild of president Suharto's protege B.J. Habibie, who succeeded him in 1998.

The workers, who also sought wage increases, said corruption and irregularities had caused the company to suffer losses totalling hundreds of millions of dollars. "I have been working for 16 years and my salary has never been raised," a demonstrator named Kusnadi said.

Domestic helpers: Maids to order?

Jakarta Post - September 30, 2001

[Slavery was abolished years ago, but the plight of some housemaids today shows that inhumane attitudes never die. The recent self-immolation by a housemaid who endured ill-treatment from her employers in Jakarta has brought attention once again to the problem of domestic helpers denied their basic rights. The Jakarta Post reporters Ida Indawati Khouw and Maria Endah Hulupi take a look at the lives of domestic helpers.]

Jakarta -- When broken down to an hourly rate, housemaid "Iyun" earns from Rupiah 300 to Rupiah 500 per hour. The 30 year old works for a merchandise supplier at a housing complex in Bekasi, east of Jakarta.

Her workday starts at 4am and sometimes last until 2am the following morning. She does not only have to do household chores in the seven-bedroom, two-story home, but also must help with the family's business.

"The really long working hours usually occur when I must help my boss prepare the merchandise -- like cosmetics and clothes -- including wrapping them and putting on the price tags before they go to market," Iyun said hesitantly in a telephone interview. She was too afraid to leave the house in case her employer found out. "The earliest I get to bed is 10pm."

The widow from Sukabumi, West Java, has never thought that the additional work she does should be reflected in her monthly Rupiah 250,000 wage.

At the end of her day, she retires to a 12-square-meter room which she shares with her daughter, 11, who also works in the house, though Iyun has "never had the courage" to ask that her daughter be paid for her work. "I usually sleep on the floor because there's only one mattress and that is used by my daughter," she said. "Thank God that I never have had a serious illness."

Iyun's story is true of many domestic helpers in the capital and around Indonesia. Although they may not have to endure the terrible abuse of Jumiati, who lies in a hospital bed with self- inflicted burns after she could no longer take the blows of her employers in Kelapa Gading, North Jakarta, they often have no legal protection, no clearly defined working hours, low wages and poor nutrition and health care.

A 1999 survey by the Yogyakarta-based Tjoet Nyak Dien Association, which focuses on women's rights advocacy, of 150 housemaids in Jakarta, Yogyakarta and Surabaya showed that on average housemaids worked for seven to nine hours per day, but some worked for 10 hours or more per day. Their average income in Surabaya was Rupiah 175,150, Jakarta Rupiah 115,600 and in Yogyakarta Rupiah 86,400. Only 42 percent of those surveyed were elementary school graduates. A full 60 percent of housemaids reported experiencing verbal abuse and 15 percent of them physical abuse.

An expert on social psychology at the University of Indonesia, Dradjat S. Soemantri, said the situation was rooted in the tradition that working as a housemaid was considered a matter of devotion, like servants of the past, and that the housemaids were considered "family members".

"The condition has now changed in that the era demands more professionalism, thus housemaids now are really searching for jobs, not to devote themselves. The abuse occurs because employers still want to preserve the old tradition, and also because life in big cities conditions people to be suspicious and prejudiced," Dradjat said.

Single working woman Elizabeth said she wanted to provide jobs for the "unskilled" even though she could take care of the work around her home herself. "I have a kind middle-aged servant, whom I treat like my own relative. She helps me with cooking and other nonstrenuous chores," Elizabeth said. "I help finance one of her children's education in her hometown of Cilacap and encourage her to save some money from her Rupiah 200,000 monthly salary."

Ignoring rights

Non-governmental organization activists consider the argument that domestic helpers are "family" to be merely a patronizing excuse to deny the workers their basic rights, such as proper wages, working hours and holidays.

"Indonesia still perpetuates feudalism under the structure of capitalism, in which the poor belong to the lower class of society. In this situation, the relationship between housemaids and employers is not a professional one but tends to become something like slavery," said Hening Tyas Sutji from Gema Perempuan, an organization that campaigns for housemaids' rights.

Hening said there was no appreciation for the profession because household chores were considered menial and unskilled labor. "Their fate relies more on the kindness of the employers. Moreover, as the relationship is regarded as an emotional one regulations are consequently considered unnecessary," she said.

Gema Perempuan, along with other NGOs focusing on women's issues, is now trying to draft a new bylaw on housemaids to regulate their working hours and standard wages, protect their right to organize and ensure their other basic rights as human beings.

The 1993 bylaw on housemaids currently in effect is considered to be focused on the responsibilities of housemaid placement agencies, and does not cover the rights of housemaids in the workplace. "We realize that the struggle will take a very long time," Hening said.

Youth/student struggle

'Dangdut' music dismays student protesters

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Asip A. Hasani, Yogyakarta -- Soldiers in Yogyakarta came up with an novel way of responding to a student demonstration on Friday by blasting out popular local dangdut music and dancing in front of scores of students protesting outside the Yogyakarta Regional Military (Korem) headquarters.

Unlike the expected military response, the musical response apparently caused some disappointment among the students and they soon dispersed peacefully.

Friday marked the 56th anniversary of the Indonesian Military. The story began when the students, who were demanding the abolition of the military role in politics, found the main gate of the headquarters locked. They started making their speeches in very vigorous style, with their shouts getting louder and louder. Suddenly, the sound of dangdut music was heard, and started getting louder and louder also.

Seconds later scores of soldiers started to dance in front of the students. The show lasted only about fifteen minutes until the protesters left. "This is harassment of students and democracy!" one of the protesters, Zainu Rosyid, said. "This also shows how arrogant they (the soldiers) are."

The demonstration was organized by a faction of the Association of Muslim Students (HMI) from Sunan Kalijaga State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN). There was no explanation forthcoming from the military as to why they welcomed the student protesters they did.

The students were also demanding that the Indonesian Military (TNI) improve the effectiveness of military tribunals in punishing errant military personnel implicated in crimes. "Everybody knows that there are many members of the army and police who provide protection for illegal businesses," Satria, another student, said. "They must be punished."

In their statement, the protesters urged that the trials of military personnel who were involved in human rights violations be continued. The official commemoration ceremony for the TNI anniversary in Yogyakarta was held at the city's Alun-Alun Utara (northern square).

Aceh/West Papua

Security forces hunt down rebels in Ilaga

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

Jakarta -- Indonesian security forces regained complete control of the Ilaga airfield on Thursday after it had been occupied by rebels of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) for about a week, reports confirmed.

Timika Military District chief Lt. Col. Djamaludin was quoted by Antara on Thursday as saying that there were no casualties, either deaths or injuries, in the operation conducted to take over the air strip in the remote regency of Puncak Jaya of Irian Jaya province.

Troops were pursuing rebels who fled to the surrounding jungle after causing chaos in the town of Ilaga and attacking an abandoned police post on Friday, the officer said.

Some 400 to 500 tribesmen and separatist rebels occupied the airstrip in the outskirts of Ilaga following a foiled ambush on a group of police officers there on Friday, which left one of therebels dead. The rebels also burned down several buildings, including a police post, before taking control of the airfield.

Ilaga is a small town in the central highlands of Irian Jaya about 3,940 meters above sea level. "We used Army helicopters to reach the site, which has been possible because of the clear weather," the officer said. Irian Jaya is notorious for its sudden weather changes, with flights often canceled due to dark skies.

The news agency reported that at least eight officers in the Trikora Military Command were discharged from their positions following the rebel ambush. Antara quoted sources as saying that among the officers dismissed from their posts were Trikora Intelligence Assistant Col. Tonny Armien, Trikora Military Inspector Col. Nur Suraji, Trikora Territorial Assistant Col. H. Simanjuntak andTrikora chief of Zeni (Kazidam) Col. Endang Sutrisno.

The news agency said that in a closed briefing, Trikora Military Commander Maj. Gen. Mahidin Simbolon reportedly expressed his anger over the officials' failure to deal with separatists matters.

The Free Papua Movement has been fighting for an independent state of West Papua since Dutch colonial rule in territory, before it became Irian Jaya, Indonesia's eastern-most province, in the 1960s.

GAM denies having trained Deli rebels

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

The Free Aceh Separatist Movement (GAM) denied on Wednesday that it was training rebels of the so-named Free Deli Separatist Movement (GDM), aimed at fighting for the separation of the Deli sultanate in the northern part of North Sumatra from Indonesia.

"GAM has never trained Deli rebels. The true story is that a number of Deli descendants joined GAM two years ago to learn about guerrilla techniques and how to fight for independence," Tengku Amri bin Abdul Wahad, field commander of GAM's military wing (AGAM), told The Jakarta Post by cellular phone in his hiding place in Aceh Besar regency.

Amri made the denial in responding to the statement of Ishak Daud, commander of GAM's North Aceh regional command, in Perlak on Tuesday that the separatist movement was training 500 GDM rebels in East Aceh. Ishak made the statement in line with the release of state-owned TV station TVRI's two crew members who had been abducted by GAM since early in Aug. 2001. TV station SCTV, which showed the military training, also quoted a Deli prince who confirmed the existence of the Deli separatist movement, which was officially established in 1998.

Meanwhile, in Medan, North Sumatra governor Tengku Rizal Nurdin, ruled out the media reports, saying he did not believe that Melayu descendants had established a separatist movement to fight for the Deli sultanate's independence. "I'm not sure the people who claimed themselves to be descendants of the Deli sultan want the sultanate to be separated from the unitary state and have established a separatist movement for that purpose," Sakyan Asmara, spokesman for the North Sumatra provincial government, quoted the governor as saying in Medan on Wednesday.

Asmara said that according Nurdin, also a Melayu descendant, the Deli separatist movement was merely a rumor that had been intentionally spread by certain parties to discredit the Deli sultanate's big family. He said the governor would ask all descendants of the Deli sultan in the provincial capital to lodge an official report on the issue for the local police to follow up. He said the governor had also called on the mass media not to exaggerate the separatist movement issue because it could produce a negative connotation regarding Malay descendants' image in the province.

Red Cross worker killed in Aceh

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

An employee with the Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) in the regency of Bireun, Aceh, Jafar Syehdo, 57, was found dead -- with gunshot wounds to his head and body -- on a road in the village of Glumpang Payong, Jeumpa district in Bireun on Wednesday night, a Red Cross official confirmed on Thursday.

The secretary of the Indonesian Red Cross office in Bireun, Ali Ahmad, said that the dead body of a vegetable trader identified as Sayid Mursid, 36, was also found some 100 meters away from Jafar's body. Sayid was known to be a friend of Jafar's. "Both the dead bodies were transported to the Dr. Fauziah Hospital in Bireun," Ali said.

Sources at PMI Bireun said that Jafar was last seen on the way home in Bireun at 9pm on Wednesday not long before the office was informed that two dead bodies of the men were found in Glumpang Payong. His PMI colleagues did not realize at that time that one of the dead men was Jafar.

The killing of the Red Cross employee came as a blow to all humanitarian workers in Bireun. "If a Red Cross worker can be murdered, what could happen to common people," lamented one of Jafar's colleagues.

Meanwhile, a member of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) Mawardi, 21, was shot dead in a raid on a house by Army troops in Alue Bili village in Baktya district, North Aceh, on Wednesday. Military spokesman in Aceh Lt. Col. Firdaus claimed that Mawardi and some other GAM members stopped a bus on the Aceh-Medan highway, but were frightened away when they saw an army patrol.

"They [suspected GAM members] dispersed upon seeing the military patrol. Mawardi entered a nearby resident's house, and began shooting at the military when ordered to surrender. He was shot in the incident and an FN Beretta pistol was seized from him," said Firdaus.

Meanwhile, recently many activists and aid workers, especially human rights activists, have found it increasingly risky to work in the troubled province and many fear for their lives. "Many discussions on human rights have been held outside Aceh," said Maimul Fidar, coordinator of the Coalition of Non-Governmental Organizations in Aceh.

He urged the government troops and GAM to find a way to stop the violence and promote talks to end the war, citing the recent telephone discussion between a GAM spokesman in East Aceh, Ishak Daud with the Lhokseumawe military officers. "We are happy with such open discussions. Hopefully, more telephone communication can be made for the sake of peace."

Irian Jaya rebels hold airfield after attacking town

Agence France-Presse - October 1, 2001

Jakarta -- Hundreds of separatist rebels are still holding an airfield after attacking the town of Ilaga in the rugged central highlands of Irian Jaya and torching several buildings, Indonesia's military and police said Monday.

"Based on the report I have received, the ... members are controlling the airfield. But we will continue efforts to recapture the airfield from them," said Major-General Mahidin Simbolon, military command chief in Indonesia's easternmost province.

Simbolon, quoted by the state Antara news agency, said the armed wing of the self-styled Free Papua Movement was concentrating its strength in a village near the airfield at Ilaga.

Antara said the group, numbering about 400 to 500, including local supporters, had seized four firearms from military and police officers. Lieutenant Colonel Djamaluddin, head of the Timika military command, said three helicopters carrying troops had been sent to the area to try to retake the airfield.

The military and police spokesmen in Irian Jaya could not be reached to confirm whether the airfield was still in the rebels' hands as of late Monday.

Provincial police spokesman Senior Commissioner A.R. Zulkifli earlier told AFP the clashes began when rebels ambushed soldiers returning to their post from Friday prayers at a mosque in Ilaga. Hand-to-hand fighting broke out and one of the attackers was shot dead. Two soldiers were seriously wounded during the clashes.

After dusk on Saturday, he said, a rebel-led group of some 400 tribesmen armed with guns and traditional weapons attacked the Ilaga police post. It was empty as the policemen had already left for the local military post.

The crowd torched the post and later also set fire to several buildings, including shops, a market, a bank, the post office and several houses of officials.

The rioters then attacked an army post but were driven off by gunfire. The Free Papua Movement has been fighting for an independent state of West Papua in Irian Jaya since the 1960s.

Land issues/peasant struggle

Drought-stricken villagers selling cows to buy water

Straits Times - October 6, 2001

Jakarta -- The prolonged drought in Central Java, which has lasted for five months already, has caused residents in several provinces to resort to selling their livestock to purchase water. Many have also had to walk for hours in search of water.

The Meteorology and Geophysics Agency said yesterday that the transition period (from the dry to rainy season) would last until December with rains falling sporadically in different areas. Agency spokesman Waab Tamrin said that the peak of the rainy season would be in January and February next year.

Thousands of families in Cilacap, Boyolali and Purbalingga have gone without clean water this year. In Boyolali, as many as 48 villages in three districts have been suffering from prolonged drought. Many villagers have had to sell cows to afford water for their other cows.

"A cow costs 4 million rupiah (S$760). With that much money we were able to buy water for five other cows. Each cow needs 50 litres of water per day," a villager was quoted by Antara as saying. "Those who have money find few problems in obtaining clean water. They just order clean water from PDAM [Purbalingga Water Company]. But for people like me, having money for the daily meal is good enough," Mr Yusman, 45, a local, said.

Government/politics

Gus Dur ready to run for president again

Straits Times - October 6, 2001

Jakarta -- Ousted Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid has said that he is ready to run for the post again if there are no other candidates from his party. "I am actually lazy because being president at the moment is not comfortable. I feel more comfortable writing books and spending time with my grandchild," Mr Abdurrahman, who is also chairman of the advisory board of the National Awakening Party (PKB), told a group of PKB members in East Java on Thursday.

"But I have told Alwi Shihab that I will be ready to run for president again if there are no PKB candidates ready to compete for the post," the Antara news agency quoted him as saying. Mr Alwi is currently caretaker of the PKB.

Mr Abdurrahman also urged the PKB to strive to win the next general election and the presidential election at the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

About his ouster, he said: "I was dismissed during the special session of the MPR, which was in violation of the 1945 Constitution. But the truth had become less important as the MPR members insisted on bringing me down."

He said he had "given in" to the MPR members to prevent bloodshed. He dismissed reports that his downfall was purely because of the worsening economic conditions. "America's interest is to maintain its business in the Asia-Pacific region, but I disagreed with it. That's why I was unseated," he said.

Legislators start to question government's performance

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Jakarta -- House of Representatives (DPR) legislators questioned on Friday the performance of President Megawati Soekarnoputri's government in the economic and political fields after nearly three months in office.

Legislator Effendi Choirie of the National Awakening Party faction (F-PKB) noted the country's exports had decreased in value and inflation had increased. "Meanwhile, foreign investment is still only a promise and local security is unstable. The condition is worsened by the increasing prices of basic commodities, while the rupiah's exchange rate is decreasing," Effendi said as quoted by Antara. He said the deteriorating security condition was not due to public attitude but was a result of the government's foreign policy which had failed to address people's aspirations.

Effendi, who is the PKB House faction deputy chief, said the government should therefore evaluate its foreign and other policies and if necessary reshuffle the Cabinet. He also claimed that Megawati's recent US and Japanese visits had failed to produce concrete results.

Meanwhile, Golkar Party legislator Priyo Budi Santoso questioned the government's 2002 budget and financial statement. "I was surprised to see the figures in the 2002 budget and financial statement as it had failed to favor the country's education development programs ... The figure was insignificant. The President must have told the public the truth that the country's economic condition is difficult," he was quoted by the news agency as saying.

Priyo said many legislators had initially pinned their hopes on the new government when it had miraculously succeeded in increasing the rupiah's value to 8,100 to the US dollar compared to Rp 10,000 to the dollar previously. "But I was surprised to see that the rate once broke the level of Rupiah 10,000 per dollar during the government's first 100 days," he said. He, therefore, asked the government's economics team to remain aware of the economic condition.

Government issues four-point statement on terrorism

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

Jakarta -- The government issued on Thursday afternoon a four- point political statement against terrorism following the terrorist attacks on two US landmarks on September 11.

The statement, which was formulated during a five-hour Cabinet meeting chaired by President Megawati Soekarnoputri earlier in the day, was read by Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at a media conference.

"First, Indonesia is committed and ready to cooperate with the international community in fighting terrorism.

"Second, Indonesia supports and asks the United Nations to take the initiative in taking collective action against terrorism, including international action against the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington," Susilo said as quoted by Antara.

"Third, Indonesia expects that all actions against the September 11 terrorist attacks should be taken proportionally and effectively and should not exceed the limit of appropriateness.

"Fourth, Indonesia calls on all parties to avoid open war," he explained.

Besides making a statement against terrorism, the government also issued a statement against anti-US protests and searches for US citizens. "There will be sanctions against those threatening foreigners, burning foreign flags or symbols of other countries," he said.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Official told to stay put over fuel crisis

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Yongker Rumthe, Manado -- North Sulawesi Governor A.J. Sondakh has ordered M.Zaini, head of the Pertamina branch office here, and Rosman Idris, Bitung port administrator, not to leave the region, amid mounting anger over their alleged roles in a prolonged fuel shortage that has particularly affected supplies of kerosene.

The travel ban on the two officials was made on Friday morning following demands by students that the two officials be held responsible for the province's protracted fuel crisis.

Thousands of students from various universities descended on the gubernatorial office and the provincial legislative council building on Thursday, demanding that the governor take prompt and proper action against the two officials over the crisis.

They urged the North Sulawesi administration to take strict and prompt measures against the two officials, who they alleged were responsible for the disappearance of fuel. A similar request also applies to other officials involved with kerosene supply and distribution in the region.

"I have told the two officials not to leave the province before the fuel crisis is overcome," the governor said, adding that he had called on the Bitung port administrator to return soon from Jakarta.

The students said the performance of the state-owned oil company Pertamina was very poor. The students said that Pertamina officials in North Sulawesi had conspired with local oil traders, causing the scarcity of fuel that has forced locals to line up for kerosene.

The students also accused the Bitung port administrator of masterminding fuel smuggling through the port. Therefore, they urged the North Sulawesi legislative council to hold a hearing with the two officials as well as other heads of institutions who were allegedly responsible for the fuel crisis in North Sulawesi.

Victor Mailangkay, a North Sulawesi legislator who received the students, promised that the council would give executives and Pertamina two weeks to settle the fuel crisis, especially the kerosene scarcity, in North Sulawesi. "If the problem is not properly dealt with within the coming two weeks, we will propose to the central government that the head of Pertamina's Manado branch office be dismissed," Victor revealed.

The speaker of the North Sulawesi legislative council, Syachrial Damapolii, meanwhile said that the council would hold a hearing with Pertamina and its agents in the region, Bitung port administration, the owners of fuel distribution centers and representatives of students on Friday to discuss the matter.

Earlier Pertamina had blamed illegal fuel buyers from the Philippines for the scarcity and soaring prices of kerosene and gasoline in the province. The current crisis has been going on for some time in Sangihe Talaud, North Sulawesi's northernmost regency, which lies close to the Philippines.

A housewife living in Banjer, Pal Dua in downtown Manado said on Friday that she had to stand in line for hours to get kerosene for her daily needs. In Manado and Bitung kerosene is sold at between Rupiah 1,000 and Rupiah 1,300 per liter, or more than Rupiah 500 higher than it was before.

Human rights/law

Analysts, experts say bid to overturn acquittal is cosmetic

Agence France-Presse - October 5, 2001

Jakarta -- A plan by Indonesia's attorney general to appeal against the Supreme Court's controversial acquittal of Tommy Suharto came under fire Friday. An analyst described the move as a cosmetic exercise rather than a genuine attempt to seek justice in the case of the former dictator's fugitive son. Experts said such an appeal is legally impossible.

On Monday three supreme court judges, overturning an earlier verdict by other supreme court judges, ruled that Tommy was not guilty of corruption over an 11-million-dollar land swap between his supermarket chain and the State Logistics Agency (Bulog).

It quashed his 18-month jail sentence but Tommy remains in hiding. Police have accused him of ordering the assassination of one of the judges who originally sentenced him and of involvement in a series of bombings in recent years.

Critics said Monday's ruling eroded what little faith is left in the justice system. The attorney general's office said it would demand that the supreme court reviews its acquittal.

But legal experts quoted by Friday's Jakarta Post said this is impossible. "There is no legal basis for the attorney general's office to file a review against an edict issued in response to a review request submitted by a convict," said Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara.

Abdul Hakim said controversy over cases against ex-president Suharto and his family members, who have been accused of massive corruption during his 32-year rule, would continue as long as the government and legal authorities were not committed to resolving them. He questioned why state prosecutors investigated the supermarket case in the first place. "There are so many other cases which could be used to bring Tommy to court," Abdul Hakim said. "I do not blame the justices for clearing Tommy of corruption charges because that particular case was very weak," he said.

Critics of Monday's ruling said Tommy had earlier implicitly admitted his guilt in the corruption case by unsuccessfully seeking a presidential pardon. Law professor Achmad Ali said the supreme court could not legally reopen a case after a presidential pardon had been sought. Another review filed by the attorney general's office would also have no legal basis, he said, but "it is at least consistent to challenge some weird things with more weird things."

Nizam Idris, analyst with IDEAglobal.com, said the government did not indicate it was considering an appeal until it came under heavy public criticism. "They decided to lodge an appeal only after it became quite obvious that investors were not very happy about what happened, but the damage had already been done," he told AFX-Asia, an AFP-owned financial newswire.

Vickers Ballas analyst Wiwan Wiradjaja said investors are sceptical about any appeal succeeding. "The market is already very disappointed with the news that Tommy was acquitted, so I think the attorney general is just trying to please those voices that have been saying there's no legal certainty in Indonesia," he said.

Former millionaire playboy Tommy, 39, was the only Suharto family member to be convicted of corruption. His father is charged with embezzling some 571 million dollars of state funds but court officials say he is medically unfit to face trial.

The conflicted search for Tommy Suharto

New York Times - October 6, 2001

Seth Mydans, Jakarta -- For the past year, the Jakarta police have been bustling about town, raiding apartments, smashing their way into cellars, tapping telephone lines, consulting psychics, putting up wanted posters, scattering leaflets, setting up roadblocks. If they actually found him, they would really have a problem on their hands. Tommy is Tommy Suharto, or Hutomo Mandala Putra, 39, the youngest and most flamboyant son of former President Suharto and, right now, Indonesia's most wanted man.

He is the only member of the Suharto clan to have been convicted -- or even tried -- for the corruption that afflicted Indonesia during his father's three decades in power, which ended in 1998. In September of last year, the Indonesian Supreme Court sentenced him to 18 months in prison for an $11 million land fraud involving a supermarket chain he owned. But he disappeared before he could be put in jail.

Vast wealth and political influence have played a role in Tommy Suharto's success in avoiding capture, according to many Indonesian political analysts. Living quietly at home since being driven from power, the elder Mr. Suharto, now 80 years old, can still apparently buy a lot of support. Clearly, his son is well protected. For those who may be on the other team, there have been apparent warnings in the form of bombings and killings.

Two months ago, the Supreme Court justice who presided over Tommy Suharto's conviction was assassinated in an ostentatious daylight shooting. "Police officers are afraid that if they help catch Tommy, they could be killed," said Hendardi, chairman of the Indonesian Human Rights Association.

This week the Supreme Court suddenly overruled itself and threw out the conviction, catching most of the public by surprise. Mohammed Taufiz, the deputy chief of the court, was understandably defensive about the ruling. "It was based only on the law and had nothing to do with politics," Mr. Taufiz insisted. "Tommy was not part of his company's day-to-day operations and therefore cannot be held responsible for its wrongdoing."

Not many people here seemed convinced by this reasoning. Indeed, it is generally assumed that money and intimidation formed the real basis for the Supreme Court's ruling. "I've heard reports that Tommy's attorneys were going around and telling the Supreme Court justices, 'Name a price, just name a price.'" said H.S. Dillon, a member of an independent anti-corruption commission.

Two themes have dominated the analysis of the verdict here: the corruption of the justice system and the continuing power of the Suharto family. "This spells disaster for the rule of law in Indonesia," said Amien Rais, the speaker of the National Assembly.

If the country's highest court in its highest profile ruling is so easily swayed, Indonesians may wonder where to turn for justice. Regarding former President Suharto, "this shows how strongly the Suharto family has been trying to push its agenda to get the whole family off the hook and thereby safeguard their wealth," asserted George Aditjondro, an Indonesian expert on the Suharto family's wealth who lives in Australia. In the months after Mr. Suharto was forced to resign, angry crowds gathered outside his downtown home and bayed for his trial and the return of his stolen wealth. Their general theme was "Hang Suharto!"

But Mr. Suharto, even in his dotage, has always been a shrewd operator. He rode out the storm. Three years ago, under public pressure, the government brought a case against him for milking a group of charitable foundations for nearly $500 million. But each time the case took a new pre-trial step, a bomb went off somewhere or a bullet was fired through a window of the attorney general's office. Each time Mr. Suharto was called into court, he was too sick to attend.

Finally last year, Mr. Suharto's lawyers persuaded a court to rule that he was mentally unfit and the case was dropped for good. "Physically, he looks O.K.," said one of his lawyers, Mohammed Assegaf. "He can walk. He can talk. He remembers us. But he cannot think properly. He has brain damage."

So where is his son Tommy Suharto? Just about everybody is sure he is right here in Jakarta and the city is filled with rumors of sightings. Just about everybody is certain that those who need to know where he is do know, even if they don't want to say so. He is wanted now in connection with the bomb explosions and the murder of the Supreme Court justice, and the game is on again. The police, for their part, promised to keep on searching.

Indonesian children to get legal protection

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

After a seven-month delay, the House of Representatives finally has begun deliberating on a Child Protection bill.

All party factions in the House gave full support on Wednesday in proceeding with the long-awaited bill which was drafted in March by a group of legislators, which includes Handjojo Putro, Tumbu Saraswati, Sayuti Rahawarin, Zain Badjeber, and Firman Jaya Daeli, among others. The bill comprises 13 chapters and 67 articles and requires the establishment of regional-based commissions for children's legal protection.

Suwignyo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) said that the future law should also make it very clear that the biggest role in raising children lies with the family. "I think child-rearing should remain primarily in the hands of the family rather than in any commission," Suwignyo said.

Nurdahri Ibrahim of the United Development Party (PPP) said the state should give adequate legal protection to children or the country may experience a "lost generation syndrome."

At present child protection is dealt with in Law No.4/1979 on Children's Health, Law No.33/1999 on Human Rights, as well as several international conventions that Indonesia has ratified.

The bill also received praise from Seto Mulyadi, a child welfare activist. "Child protection will be a victory for children and for the nation," Seto told The Jakarta Post. He added that a law on child protection had been demanded 15 years ago. "Two years ago the State Ministry for Human Rights Affairs had promised the same thing," he added.

Seto aired grave concerns about numerous cases of mistreatment of children, such as child abuse, exploitation, and sexual molestation. "If there is no protection, the nation will suffer a 'lost generation,'" he added.

Lots of bureaucracy, little justice in court

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

An article in the official criminal code stipulates that court trials should be a cheap, quick and simple way to see that justice is done. But whether or not the court actually recognizes this particular section of the legal code is a different matter.

Ms. Joyce, a plaintiff in a civil case at the Central Jakarta District Court, commented that the legal process had been "complicated and disappointing". "I did not expect that it [the legal process] would be so complicated," Joyce told The Jakarta Post while waiting for the court to hear her case on Wednesday.

More than three months ago, she sued her former business partner for misusing her money, which had been appropriated to expand their business. At first Joyce thought she could handle all the complexities of the legal process on her own and rejected the badgering of several court clerks who were offering to help her. However, she soon began to understand the tediousness of the legal process and eventually had to succumb to the clerks' offer of assistance.

"When I was registering my case, a clerk requested some money to prioritize my lawsuit on the waiting list," she said, adding that clerks played a disproportionately important role during the legal process in court. They have become inappropriately powerful in choosing which lawsuits are prioritized on the waiting list, according to Joyce.

A clerk at the South Jakarta District Court explained that the procedure for filing a lawsuit started with registering it with the civilian case department of the court. One then is required to pay an administrative fee of Rp 320,000 (US$33.7) for a lawsuit if there is only one entity accused, and for two it is Rp 410,000.

The department will then send a list of registered lawsuits to the court chief to be distributed to the panel of judges, who will hear each of the cases. "After registering the lawsuit you have to wait as much as one month until the court summons you," Ratih, the clerk, told the Post.

Joyce also criticized the court for not adhering to the trial schedule on time and she was under the impression that bribing the clerks was the only way to accelerate the legal process. "The legal process is tiring and I want to finish my case soon," she said.

According to Joyce, the administrative fee to register a lawsuit for her civil case was relatively cheap, but after the "additional fees" paid to several parties in the court she soon realized how expensive it was. In order to register the lawsuit, Joyce paid the standard administrative fee of Rp 320,000, however, she has now spent "millions of rupiah" in "additional fees", even though the money she is demanding from her former business partner is only Rp 100 million.

Not long ago, Joyce continued, a clerk, claiming to have a close relationship with the judge trying her case, approached her and said that he could help her win her case if she was willing to give him a certain amount of money. "I am still considering his offer, but I am not sure whether this clerk can really help me," she remarked, saying that she did not want to be deceived.

Joyce said that sometimes now she has regrets about taking this case against her partner to court at all, since she has had to spend much of her time and a relatively large amount of money merely for the case to be heard. "The money I've given to the clerks for merely processing my case against the accused is already too much. I almost withdrew my case, but my pride has not allowed me to do so," she said.

Separately, a judge at the Central Jakarta District Court said that the court attempts to conduct all trials in an efficient and speedy manner, but it could not fulfill everybody's expectations because there were too many lawsuits and the number of qualified judges is limited.

One senior judge did not deny the fact that clerks do change case priorities on the waiting list, however, stating that, "Plaintiffs should not give them any money," without elaborating He refused comment when the Post asked him whether there were judges who received illegal payments from plaintiffs or respondents to influence the outcome of a case.

However, he acknowledged that it was possible that anyone could claim, falsely or otherwise, to have a close relationship with judges, and in turn promise to help either or both parties win a case. "Anyone can claim this or that, but I have nothing to do with that," he asserted.

Critics say Suharto acquittal makes mockery of justice

Agence France-Presse - October 2, 2001

Jakarta -- Vice President Hamzah Haz on Tuesday urged Indonesians to respect a supreme court decision quashing a graft conviction and jail sentence on Tommy Suharto, fugitive son of the former dictator. But critics said Monday's ruling showed that law enforcement had become meaningless. About 150 students held a protest rally near the home of former president Suharto.

"We must respect that institution's decision," Haz told reporters. Three judges on Monday overturned a previous ruling by the same court last year, which had sentenced Tommy to 18 months in jail for his alleged role in a land fraud deal involving his company and the State Logistics Agency.

Justice M. Taufik said new evidence had emerged to show Tommy was not part of his company's day-to-day operations at the time. Tommy failed to surrender last year to serve the 18-month sentence. The hunt for him was stepped up in August after police accused him of ordering the murder of one of the judges who had sentenced him and of involvement in Jakarta bomb blasts.

A Suharto family lawyer urged the former millionaire playboy to give himself up and clear his name. "It is better if Tommy reappears and uses the positive momentum from the supreme court's decision to clarify himself over the other charges," Mohammad Assegaf told AFP.

One of Tommy's own lawyers, Nudirman Munir, also said his client should surrender because it would help him to "clarify all the charges laid by the police ... he will also be able to prove himself before the public whether he is guilty or not." Nudirman has praised the court's "fair" decision

But Teten Masduki of the Indonesian Corruption Watch, quoted by the Jakarta Post, said Tommy had initiated the deal in question. "The decision by a panel of Supreme Court justices is very controversial and could tarnish Indonesia's legal system," he said. "This case indicates the death of our legal system. It appears that no hope can be expected by the public from the Supreme Court ... to restore law enforcement, especially to eradicate corruption."

Noted lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution said the court's decision to review the case while Tommy is on the run showed that "law enforcement in Indonesia has become meaningless."

Tommy, 39, the boss of the Humpuss business group, received numerous favours from his father, including a contract to build a national car which involved nothing more than sticking a badge on an imported model. He had been the only member of the Suharto family to be found guilty of corruption.

The former president was charged with embezzling some 571 million dollars of state funds but court officials say he is unfit to face trial following a stroke.

Police have been accused of bungling the search for Tommy. Despite a series of high-profile raids, the posting of a large reward and the dropping of "wanted" posters" from helicopters, he remains at large. National police spokesman Brigadier General Saleh Saaf said the hunt would go on and Tommy "remains our main suspect" in the judge's death and the bombings.

"The Supreme Court's new decision only affects his land scam case and it has nothing to do with the other two cases," Saaf told AFP.

Tommy's acquittal by court sparks outrage

Straits Times - October 4, 2001

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- The Supreme Court's decision to overturn a graft ruling against Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra Suharto has caused outrage among the public and cast doubts on President Megawati Sukarnoputri's ability to rid Indonesia of endemic corruption.

Legal observers here slammed the Supreme Court's decision, which late on Monday decided to overrule a previous court decision which found the son of former President Suharto guilty of defrauding the state in an US$11-million land deal swap.

"This case indicates the death of our legal system. It appears that no hope can be expected by the public from the Supreme Court ... to restore law enforcement, especially to eradicate corruption," said Mr Teten Masduki, head of the Indonesian Corruption Watch.

Commentators agreed that the ruling was a setback for Ms Megawati's attempts to wipe out widespread corruption, particularly as a recent clean-up of Supreme Court judges was supposed to be the first step in tackling Indonesia's notoriously corrupt judiciary.

Until this ruling, Tommy was the only member of the Suharto clan prosecuted for any crime but has been on the run since November last year.

The local press has been highly critical of the ruling, with one of the most popular papers Rakyat Merdeka suggesting that the judges had been bought off.

The paper's headline read "I will shoot Tommy's justice", quoting an Indonesian citizen interviewed by the paper. In a local TV survey of 1,500 respondents, 85 per cent said they disagreed with the Supreme Court ruling.

"The latest ruling has destroyed what little credibility was left on what is supposed to be the last bastion of justice in this country," said The Jakarta Post in an editorial.

Tommy was sentenced to an 18-month jail term in Nov 2000 over a land scam in 1995 involving his supermarket chain and the State Logistics Agency (Bulog). The Supreme Court on Monday overruled the previous ruling, arguing that new evidence had showed Tommy was a commissioner of the company and not a director. This meant he could not be held responsible for the land swop deal.

However, as legal experts pointed out, Tommy had already admitted his guilt by appealing for a pardon from former President Abdurrahman Wahid. This means that his case should not have been reopened. The decision appears to have damaged Indonesia's ailing stock market and the rupiah, with stocks falling for the 10th consecutive day partly in response to threats against American citizens in Indonesia. "People operating here for a while know that they can't depend on the Indonesian court system for justice," said one western business adviser.

Police win friends with shoot-to-kill policy

South China Morning Post - October 4, 2001

Vaudine England -- The latest campaign by police in the capital to wipe out crime -- dubbed Operation Great Elimination -- has been hailed a resounding success, with 23 mostly petty criminals shot dead in the past month.

Residents, far from being shocked at the gunning down of possibly innocent people without trial, are applauding the effort.

Jakarta city police spokesman Anton Bachrul Alam said the killings had been forced on police because the criminals had resisted arrest. He said the operation was aimed at cracking down on crimes committed on public transport. "We want to wipe out all criminals," he said. "That is why we call it Operation Great Elimination."

Human rights experts and analysts said the killings were likely to enhance the police's reputation among the public. "Some parts of the population may be happy with the police taking action, even if it involves killings like this," said Asmara Nababan, of the National Human Rights Commission. "It's really just the way the police do their job, without any accountability. Such campaigns have happened many times and there has never been any independent follow-up to clarify such incidents or accidents. We have no actual accountability mechanism to verify that their actions are in accordance with the law."

Vigilantism and neighbourhood lynchings have been on the increase since the breakdown in law and order that accompanied the political and economic crises of 1997-98. Cases abound in which local communities have taken the law into their own hands and beaten or burned suspected thieves to death.

Often, the lynching parties say they do not want to hand suspects over to the police as they fear they would bribe the arresting officers and be let free. In this context, the claim that police are now taking direct action against criminals could be regarded as a positive improvement, several analysts agree.

"This is not something I would advocate of course. But I can understand why it happens and why local populations are not going to be too upset about it," said Robert Lowry, author of a report on the need for police reform for the think-tank International Crisis Group.

He recalled a recent incident in which a community had caught a motorcycle thief and forced a passing policeman to shoot the suspect on the spot. "No Jakarta residents are going to be very upset about this latest operation because there is no functioning legal system," Mr Lowry said. He noted a rise in blue-collar crime, over-crowded jails and long-standing underfunding of the police force.

About 200,000 police officers are expected to fight crime, communal violence and separatist movements across a country of more than 200 million people. Official salaries are less than HK$10 a day.

One expert in police training said attempts to improve the credibility of the police required police to garner the support of the community. Paradoxically, the killing of 23 suspects might help garner local support, forcing the conclusion, the expert said, that populations get the police forces they deserve.

"What is clear is the message that poor criminals without political connections can be shot on sight, whereas the rich and well-connected, like Tommy Suharto, don't even get caught," another police reform expert said.

Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, youngest son of former president Suharto, had his conviction and 18-month sentence for corruption overturned this week in what observers say was a blatant perversion of justice. Police have failed to find the former playboy since November, although Suharto family friends maintain he lives comfortably in Jakarta.

Court overturns graft conviction for Suharto's fugitive son

Wall Street Journal - October 2, 2001

Timothy Mapes and Puspa Madani, Jakarta -- Indonesia's Supreme Court overturned a graft conviction against Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the fugitive son of former President Suharto, in a surprise decision that underlined the problems this nation faces in grappling with years of rampant corruption.

Mr. Hutomo vanished last November after the same court sentenced him to 18 months in jail for cheating a state agency out of $10 million in a 1995 land swindle. Since then, police have publicly accused Mr. Hutomo of masterminding the brutal daylight assassination of the judge who originally convicted him and organizing a string of deadly bombings, turning the 39-year old former businessman and race-car driver into Indonesia's most- wanted criminal. Mr. Hutomo's lawyers deny their client's involvement in the assassination and the bombings.

On Monday, the Supreme Court's review panel overturned last year's decision, ruling that Mr. Hutomo couldn't be held personally responsible for the activities of the company -- PT Goro Batara Sakti -- that engaged in the land deal because in his position as "president commissioner" he wouldn't have been involved in its day-to-day activities.

"Based on today's decision, Hutomo Mandala Putra must be freed from all the accusations related to the land-exchange case," M. Taufik, the head of the Supreme Court's judicial review panel, said in a telephone interview. "His name must be rehabilitated."

Lawyers for Mr. Hutomo praised the decision, but added that it isn't clear whether Mr. Hutomo will emerge from hiding. "I hope Tommy will appear right away to clear his name, especially the public accusation that he's involved with murder," said Nurdin Munir, one of Mr. Hutomo's lawyers. A spokesman for the Attorney General's Office, which prosecuted the land swindle charges, said it hasn't yet decided how to respond to the Supreme Court decision.

The ruling was another major blow for the Indonesian government's faltering efforts to punish the people behind the massive corruption that prevailed during the 32-year rule of Mr. Suharto -- a campaign that many analysts believe is critical to the success of economic reforms here. Although it is widely believed that the former first family used its influence to amass billions of dollars through corrupt business practices, Mr. Hutomo was the only member of the former autocrat's family to be convicted. Mr. Suharto, 80, was charged last year in a separate graft case but has so far evaded prosecution by claiming that he is too ill to face trial.

The 11-month manhunt for Mr. Hutomo has also discouraged Indonesian reformists, who are convinced the often farcical nature of the chase shows how Mr. Suharto and his allies continue to wield huge influence more than three years after the former general resigned amid a popular uprising.

The police have repeatedly appeared hapless in pursuing Mr. Hutomo, convincing many people that he must be receiving assistance from Mr. Suharto's allies in the security forces. In one incident, an effort to drill into a "secret bunker" under the Suharto family compound in central Jakarta was announced well in advance through the local media and yielded little more than some old tools and kitchenware. A few months later, Mr. Hutomo was briefly apprehended in East Java, only to slip out the window of the police station when his guard left the room to make a phone call to Jakarta.

News & issues

Migrants a 'big headache' for Batam

Straits Times - October 6, 2001

Robert Go, Batam -- After migrating from Medan in July, it took Mr Gunawan Nasution more than two months before finding a job in Batam. He now works as a groundskeeper at one of the island's posh hotels, earning around 600,000 rupiah (S$115) each month.

Like Mr Gunawan, around 250,000 people from other parts of Indonesia -- Java, Sumatra and even far away Flores -- have come to Batam since 1998 in search of a better life. Most came because of the severity of the economic conditions in their hometowns. "It was very difficult to find jobs in Medan. But opportunities still exist here," Mr Gunawan said.

But the reality is that few are lucky enough to get jobs these days; most end up unemployed and living in one of the rumah liars or illegal shantytowns. Mr Ismeth Abdullah, chairman of the Batam Industrial Development Authority (Bida), understands very well why people flock here. "It's a very tough life in their hometowns, and they see Batam as successful and rich," he said. However, he said that while Batam may not be suffering as much as other Indonesian parts from the economic crisis, it is not left unscathed by it and the current global recession.

The economic picture is still positive when compared to the rest of Indonesia, but the island has its share of problems. Just last year, the 94 companies that operate within Batamindo, the island's largest industrial estate, slashed 10,000 jobs altogether. While projects slated to be finished during the next year would create a maximum total of around 20,000 jobs, that number is too few to address unemployment.

This is the No 1 problem that Mr Ismeth and his partners in government have to solve as a result of the overflow of migrants. Officials seemed unsure of exactly how many unemployed people there are here, but several suggested that around 10 to 15 per cent of the population, or nearly 75,000 people could belong to that category. "It's a severe problem, a major migraine," said Mr Mustofa Widjaja, director of housing, manpower and social development at Bida.

In addition to the unemployment issue, new arrivals have also disrupted Batam's careful city-planning programme by erecting more than 50,000 illegal houses throughout the island. The authorities try to resettle the squatters periodically, but each effort is always met with resistance and protests from the people.

Crime is yet another problem, according to police statistics, with the number of illegal drug abuse, smuggling, vandalism and theft cases on the rise since the influx of people started. In July, Malaysian maritime officials said many illegals trying to get to Batam were using Singapore as a transit point.

Screening begins To combat the migrant problem, government officials have started a new screening programme this month designed to control who gets entry into Batam. They are also thinking of putting in place a "passport programme" for people who live here.

The key strategy involves setting up checkpoints at various entry points to the island where incoming people are asked to prove that they already have housing and employment options.

Those without "good reason" to be in Batam will be turned back, and according to the authorities, more than 100 people have been rejected for entry during each of the first three days of the programme's operation.

The government may also issue electronic cards to each valid resident soon so that those who already live in Batam can easily bypass the screening process. "It's a drastic measure, but we are bursting at the seams and cannot afford to have people who ultimately end up burdening the rest of the island," said Mr Ismeth Abdullah, head of the local industrial development authority.

National tragedy commemorated

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2001

Jakarta -- In a sign of the changing times, the country commemorated on Monday what used to be called Pancasila Sanctity Day but has been renamed Commemoration of the National Tragedy due to the Betrayal of Pancasila".

The long title was officially introduced in the ceremony on October 1 last year, which was led by then Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri. Megawati, now leading the commemoration as President, attended the brief ceremony -- which is usually very ceremonial and full of ritual -- at the Lubang Buaya (crocodile hole) Monument in East Jakarta.

The ceremony which started at 8am was over 17 minutes later. As she chose to do last year, Megawati skipped what used to be an annual tradition of visiting three prominent spots in the compound, namely the monument of seven national heroes, the diorama room which was the 1965 torture site of the victims and a dry well in which the bodies of the slain victims were dumped.

It was earlier reported that then President Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati and government officials agreed to change the name of the commemoration day as they wanted to change the perception that Pancasila, the national ideology, was sacred.

Minister of National Education Malik Fadjar said on the sidelines of Monday's ceremony that "it is important for the people to learn the essence of the truth and the revision of history" which was manipulated during the rule of the past regime.

The event of aborted coup blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on Sept. 30, 1965 is a historical watershed in Indonesian history which helped usher in the New Order era and was the beginning of the political demise for then president Sukarno, Megawati's father.

During Soeharto's authoritarian New Order regime, October 1, 1965, or a day after the abortive coup, was named "Pancasila Sanctity Day", marking the victory of Pancasila over communism.

The official version of events has it that the PKI kidnapped and murdered top Army generals to topple Sukarno and pave the party's way to power. The generals killed in the incident were Army chief of staff Lt. Gen. Ahmad Yani, Maj. Gen. R. Soeprapto, Maj. Gen. S. Harjono Mas Tirtodarmo, Maj. Gen. S. Parman, Brig. Gen. D.I. Pandjaitan and Brig. Gen. Soetojo S. Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, who at the time was minister of defense, was also targeted but managed to escape. However, his five-year-old daughter Ade Irma Nasution and his loyal adjutant, Capt. Pierre Andreas Tendean, were mistakenly shot by his assailants. History books officially recount that it was during this chaotic time that a young Maj. Gen. Soeharto, who was then commander the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad), came on the scene to crush the communist uprising.

During Monday's ceremony, People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker Amien Rais read the Pancasila text while Minister of National Education Malik Fadjar read the preamble of the 1945 Constitution. Among those attending the prominent event were Cabinet ministers, military and police top brass, families of the seven heroes murdered in the abortive coup, veterans and student choirs.

Protesters condemn communism

Jakarta Post - October 1, 2001

Hundreds of protesters staged an anti-communism rally at the National Monument (Monas) Park in Central Jakarta on Sunday in commemoration of the bloody 1965 abortive coup, which is blamed on the now defunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

The rally, led by former East Timorese militia leader Eurico Guterres, demanded that communism be wiped out of Indonesia. "I joined the rally because, as a child of Indonesia, I obey rules as stated in the law ... and I call upon the government to make it clear that the September 30 coup attempt was carried out by the communists," Guterres said.

Former president Soeharto, who was an unpopular general, managed to foil an attempted coup against founding president Sukarno. A year later he replaced Sukarno amid the chaos that had enveloped the capital and other parts of the country. The coup attempt was officially blamed on the PKI. The accusation triggered a wave of vengeance against the communists, in which more than half a million people are believed to have died.

After staging protests and speeches at Monas Park, the protesters, who consisted of activists from the Red-and-White Defenders Front, the Hizbollah Front, the 1966 Youth Exponent, the Anti-communist Alliance and the Tarbiyah Youth, moved on to the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle. They dispersed peacefully at about 12.30pm.

Meanwhile, in Yogyakarta hundreds of activists attended an anti- communism mass prayer on Sunday at Diponegoro Monument, warning of the possible revival of communism in the country. Newly- elected Mayor of Yogyakarta Herry Zudianto was among those participating in the prayer. The ritual was attended by activists from various organizations, including the Indonesian Anti- Communist Front (FAKI), Indonesian Anti-Communist Movement (BAKI) and Anti-Communist Force Movement (Gepako).

A leader of the United Development Party (PPP), Mudrick Setiawan Muhammad Sangidu, who is also chairman of Surakarta's Anti- Communist Front, was among the speakers at the event. Mudrick said that the recent establishment of numerous anti-communist fronts was in fact a reaction to what former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid had done to try to revive communism in the country.

"History never lies. It has told us that Gus Dur once tried to revive communism in the country. No one can deny that," Mudrick said, adding that one of the indications was Gus Dur's idea to revoke TAP MPRS XXVI/1966 on communism. Yet, Mudrick also said that just showing hatred toward communism was not enough. "What is more important is to prevent a revival of communism and to forgive those who have forsworn," he said.

In Jakarta, an official confirmed that President Megawati Soekarnoputri was scheduled to preside over a ceremony on Monday, commemorating the tragedy at Lubang Buaya Monument in East Jakarta. "The President is also scheduled to inspect a museum and monuments at the same location," head of Lubang Buaya Monument Col. Ruchyanto told The Jakarta Post at his office on Sunday.

As the ceremony will be attended by VIPs such as ministers and foreign diplomats, preparations were being made at the monument to spruce it up a bit by cleaning the site and decorating the path leading to the monument with flowers. "Although it has been 35 years, there is still uncertainty as to who was responsible for the tragedy," said Hermawan Sulistyo from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). He said interpretation of the aborted coup was dominated by two opinions -- the government's version, which claims that PKI was to blame for masterminding the incident and another that claims that PKI was no more than a scapegoat.

Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono meanwhile welcomed the idea, saying that any plan to put history on the right track could not be blamed. "Please don't rush to change history. But, please don't close the door on other opinions," the minister said.

Informal sector/urban poor

Ex-leprosy patients brave heat to beg for a living

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- Disgusting. That might be the comment that most people would make when seeing them begging on the street or at other public places here.

About 15 recovered lepers with dry skin, large open sores and blood seeping from their knuckles, wrists or amputated legs sit orderly in five rows at the intersection of Jl. Veteran and Jl. TMP Taruna, Tangerang. Braving the heat of the sun, they stretch out their hands to passing motorists, asking for money.

"This intersection is a safe site for us to beg, otherwise, we would not be able to survive," said 37-year old Kalim, who contracted leprosy when he was seven years old. "I tried begging at road intersections in Jakarta on three separate occasions, but each time I was caught by city public order officers who then sent me to Kedoya Quarantine in West Jakarta," said Kalim, referring to the shelter belonging to the city's social agency.

Kalim, from Karawang, West Java, lives with some 450 other recovered lepers at Lorong Lima in a complex provided by Sitanala Hospital, located behind the hospital in Neglasari subdistrict, Tangerang. Kalim said recovered lepers used to receive monthly food supplies from the hospital. But, since the hospital opened its doors to patients suffering from other diseases a few years ago, each of the recovered lepers only receives 10 kilograms of rice a month, Kalim said, adding that he heard the supply would be halted next December.

"Who is willing to employ a disabled and disgusting man like me?" said Kalim, who is married to a healthy woman and is a father of a 16-month-old baby.

Nurhasanah, 19, who lost her left leg, said she contracted leprosy when she was 10 years old. All her family members, who live in Bogor, had not visited her during the past six years. "This is my fate and I have to face it alone. I feel sad when I remember being rejected by my family when I once returned home. I have decided to never return to them. I enjoy living as a beggar in Tangerang," said the woman who had married a recovered leper.

Diman Sudarno, 46, who caught the disease in the early 1980s said that he had to beg for money to buy medicine and to feed his two healthy children and his 35-year-old wife called Umi. He rents a small makeshift house for Rupiah 65,000 per month in the leprosy complex.

All recovered lepers who become beggars deny the allegation that they are organized by certain people or a certain group to beg. They said that on average they were able to bring home Rupiah 6,000 after spending eight hours begging at the intersection. "We have to spend Rp 4,000 to rent a becak (pedicab) for transportation. If the rain pours down we have no choice, but to return home because there is no shelter," 52-year old Maah, a mother of six children, who had spent five years at Sintanala Hospital said. "Rain is the only thing we are afraid of as lepers cannot stand cold weather," she added.

She said all her children live in Pademangan subdistrict, North Jakarta. Although her children do not reject her, Maah realized that her presence would only bring embarrassment to her children.

Meanwhile, Samsul Ma'arif, head of Tangerang Community Empowerment Office, which is responsible for the handling of beggars, alleged that the beggars were used by certain groups to make money. "They are purposely dropped by a certain group of people to beg for money on Jl. Veteran-Jl. TMP Taruna traffic lights," Samsul told the Post.

He said the Tangerang municipal administration had no money allocated for beggars even though Mayor M. Thamrin had given a positive response to the budget proposal made by the office in August. "The only thing we can do now is to curb the increase in the number of beggars," he said. But he failed to elaborate on the measures to do so.

Ancol homes destroyed in public order operation

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2001

Muninggar Sri Saraswati and Ahmad Junaidi, Jakarta -- Some 50 fishing families lost their homes after the North Jakarta public order office on Thursday demolished their houses, which were allegedly built without any legal permit.

Not only did the officers destroy all buildings in the fishing village in East Ancol, but also their working equipment, Misbahudian Gasma from the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute said on Friday. "Because of the destruction, they don't have any appropriate place to live ...," Misbahudian told The Jakarta Post.

The city administration demolished the buildings to make way for the development of a recreation area with jetski facilities. The government provided them with an alternative site in Marunda, but the residents, who had been living in Ancol for decades, refused to move. They claimed that they had developed the village without the mayoralty's help.

Currently, the fishermen and their families live in temporary tents in the area. The raid started at 6am on Thursday when public order officers, supported by the police, attempted to tear the village down. There was a minor clash between the officers and residents, who attempted to stop the demolition, according to Misbahudian.

The officers suspended their activities at 10am but at 1.30pm they continued, using a bulldozer, although activists from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), Urban Poor Consortium and INFID were trying to negotiate with the officers. All houses and buildings in the village were demolished about three hours later.

Misbahudian claimed that the residents suffered losses of over Rupiah 770 million, while children were unable to attend school and the fishermen were prevented from going about their work.

According to Misbahudian, the North Jakarta Mayoralty had been attempting to get rid of the village since 1965. The last time the authorities tore down the houses, in 1985, a baby was killed, he said.

Meanwhile, city councillor Binsar Tambunan of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle supported the action conducted by the city public order office. "They [the fishermen] are not Jakarta residents. They illegally occupy the land," Binsar, who is a member of the council's commission A for administrative and legal affairs, said.

He called for the evicted people, for the sake of development, to move to the land in the Marunda area, which had been provided by the administration. However, he also urged the public order office to prepare shelters on the Marunda plot and help the people to move to the new site. "It would also be better for the administration to give them compensation by covering transportation fees to the new site," he said.

Police crackdown on porn VCDs gets mixed responses

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2001

The newly appointed Yogyakarta police chief Brig. Gen. Yohanes Wahyu has hailed the recent police crackdown on pornographic VCDs in the city as a success, despite a skeptical public response to the operation.

Wahyu told a press conference at Yogyakarta police headquarters on Wednesday that police had arrested 52 owners of video compact disc (VCD) rental houses for "providing" their customers with pornographic VCDs and confiscated 4,178 pornographic VCDs during the operation. "The suspects are now being questioned," he said, adding that police charged the suspects with violating the law on motion pictures No. 8 and Article 282 of the criminal code. These charges carry a maximum penalty of five years jail and a Rp 5 million fine.

Wahyu said that the raid, codenamed "Pasopati Operation", was conducted in response to Governor Hamengkubuwono X's order to police to deal with the pornographic VCDs circulating in Yogyakarta. The Governor said the police should be able to free Yogyakarta from pornography; otherwise, parents would always be uneasy about the children.

The number of VCD rentals has grown rapidly in Yogyakarta, dubbed the "City of Students" in reference to the thousands of students from across the country who study there. Police records indicate there are at least 165 VCD rental facilities, mostly located in Yogyakarta mayoralty and Sleman regency, where the bulk of universities and schools are to be found. However, a reliable source told The Jakarta Post that there were more than 300 VCD rental businesses in the city.

An owner of a VCD rental business on Jl. Kaliurang expressed his skepticism over the police's move, saying that they should arrest the suppliers rather than arresting VCD rental owners. "If the police are really serious, they could easily catch the suppliers. They regularly come to my rental business and others to offer new collections of pornographic products," the owner, who asked for anonymity, said.

"I don't think that the police operation is serious because all the VCD rental owners pay police or military members to [illicitly] back their business. Even rentals which never provide pornographic stuff still have to pay them for protection as most of the VCDs are pirated products, he said.

"The "backers" always leak information about police plans to raid VCD rental businesses. In this way we can hide our pornographic collections. Having the "backers" also guarantees that we won't be jailed for renting pornographic VCDs," he said.

He said that "backers" usually helped VCD rental owners to avoid police custody whenever they were apprehended during an operation. "Of course we still have to bribe the police officers once we are caught," he said, "Each rental owner usually gives the police between Rp 4 million and Rp 14 million whenever he or she is nabbed."

Another rental owner said that most of those involved in the business in Yogyakarta had pornographic collections. "Police are aware of this." "Rental businesses which do not provide their customers with pornographic pieces get between approximately Rp 300,000 and 500,000 per day, while those providing pornographic VCDs can earn at least Rp 700,000 a day," said the businessman, who also requested anonymity.

Sociologist Susetiawan from Gadjah Mada University also expressed his doubt over the police's maneuver. "Everybody knows that most police officers are corrupt." "Many are aware that such an operation is just like a reminder to VCD rentals owners of their obligation to pay regular service money to the police," he said.

Susetiawan also suggested that the definition of pornography be reviewed. Without pornographic VCDs or video tapes, people could freely watch "various pictures and movies" on the Internet. "So what?"

In the future the government should give regular sex education to teenagers in order to provide them with a better and proper understanding of sex, he said. "When they are mature enough in understanding sex, then we don't need to be worried about what the government calls pornography," he said.

Raids continue despite criticism

Jakarta Post - October 1, 2001

Jakarta -- Governor Sutiyoso pledged on Friday to continue operations aimed at maintaining order in the city despite the fact that they have not yet proved to be successful. Sutiyoso argued that the city administration would continue the operations because there had been a "significant improvement" in public order.

Persuasive and humane approaches would be adopted in policing the violations, the governor said in his speech at a ceremony inaugurating new city administration officials. Seventy-three city officials were inaugurated on Friday, with 30 officials remaining in the same posts they had held previously.

"As we continue to control any type of violation, the city administration officials must practice a humane and persuasive approach," Sutiyoso said in his address. The city public order officials have often been criticized for using violence in conducting raids against becak (pedicab) drivers, street vendors and others considered to be disturbing public order. Wardah Hafidz from the Urban Poor Consortium said the public order officials are anything but persuasive and humane in their operations. "It's very common to have at least one becak driver with a broken bone after a raid. They [the public order officials] don't seem to know any other way than resorting to violence," Wardah told The Jakarta Post. The consortium's calls for negotiations and dialogue with the city administration have fallen on deaf ears, Wardah added, with no response received from the city administration yet.

In August, a violent riot followed a becak raid, during which one civilian guard was killed. Becak drivers and street vendors often protest against the public order officials' brutality in raids, saying that they are often beaten and abused.

As stipulated in City Bylaw 11/1988 on public order, becak and sidewalk vendors are prohibited from operating in the city.

Becak drivers and street vendors complain that they would not be able to provide for their families if the city administration banned them without providing any kind of alternative for earning a living. "Can they offer any kind of solution? if we're not allowed in that place, then where can we sell our merchandise?," said Manumpang Batubara, a video compact disc (VCD) vendor on Jl. Pinangsia in Central Jakarta last week at the City Council office, where he and his friends were protesting a recent raid.

Religion/islam

Muslim group keeps recruiting jihad volunteers despite ban

Agence France-Presse - October 5, 2001

Jakarta -- An Indonesian militant Muslim group said Friday it would defy a government ban on sending volunteers to fight against any attack by the United States on Afghanistan. The Islamic Youth Movement (GPI) said registration remains open for those who wish to wage jihad, or holy war, in Afghanistan.

Several Muslim youths were seen filling in application forms at GPI headquarters in central Jakarta and taking physical fitness tests. Two volunteers practised fighting in the traditional Indonesian martial art of pencak silat. A GPI member threw a chair at a would-be jihad warrior, who punched it with a karate- style move. Organisers threw firecrackers around the room as recruits filled in forms in an attempt to test their mettle.

"So far we have registered 700 volunteers," a GPI leader, Adang Hidayat, told AFP."Our activity will keep going while monitoring developments in the US plans to attack Afghanistan," Hidayat said.

Agus Hartono, one of the volunteers, said GPI had asked for five million rupiah (500 dollars) to finance his journey to Afghanistan. "I am ready to go but I don't have cash to get a passport. America is ready, so am I," Hartono said. Asked about the government's announcement that it would prevent Indonesains from fighting in another country's war, he said: "That can be settled."

Indonesia on Thursday announced tighter curbs on anti-US protests and vowed to turn back Afghanistan-bound "jihad" warriors, after near-daily demonstrations which have unnerved foreigners and pushed down the rupiah and the stock market.

Senior security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the government would prevent Indonesians from travelling to Afghanistan to fight against any US attack on that country in retaliation for the September 11 terror strikes on New York and Washington.

He said that under Indonesian law, any Indonesian who fought a war in another's country would lose his citizenship. "The government made the decision, which will be implemented on the ground, to protect the safety of Indonesian citizens wherever they are and their physical involvement in war in another country will not be justified," Yudhoyono said. He said intelligence services would watch for any Indonesians travelling to conflict- ridden countries but so far none had been detected.

The GPI has threatened to drive out Americans and citizens of countries that support any US military operation in Afghanistan -- where Osama bin Laden, Washington's chief suspect in the terror attacks, is believed to be hiding.

The US State Department has told all Americans to consider leaving Indonesia and authorised non-essential diplomatic staff to go if they wish. Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, relies heavily on foreign aid and investment to revive its debt-burdened economy. Although no foreigner has been reported injured and only one unsuccessful "sweep" has been mounted, the threats and protests have unnerved some expatriates.

Mega's pledge to support US may strain ties with Islamic parties

Wall Street Journal - October 4, 2001

Timothy Mapes, Jakarta -- Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri's pledge to support the US war against terrorism is straining her fragile alliance with Islamic political parties and strengthening the hand of Vice President Hamzah Haz, a conservative Muslim, to challenge her authority.

In recent days, militant Islamic groups have organized several sizable anti-American rallies in Jakarta and threatened to attack US interests here if Washington strikes against suspected terrorist Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.

But some Indonesian observers believe the anti-US protests are serving a domestic political purpose as well. By portraying Ms. Megawati's support for the US as "anti-Islam," Muslim leaders who are critical of Ms. Megawati for her secular and pro-Western views are rallying support for their cause.

Mr. Hamzah could be the biggest beneficiary of the fallout. "This is mainly positioning by the Islamic leadership looking ahead to 2004," when Indonesia holds its next presidential election, says Umar Juoro, an economist who specializes in Islamic issues. "Hamzah Haz is in a good position to take advantage of a situation like this."

Low-profile career

The leader of the largest Muslim party in Parliament, Mr. Hamzah has deep roots in Indonesia's conservative Islamic tradition. Mr. Hamzah, who is 61 years old, prays almost four hours a day, leaving a patch of skin on his forehead discolored from his religious prostrations, according to his aides. Like some orthodox Indonesian Muslims, Mr.Hamzah has two wives, who have borne him 12 children. He worked briefly as a journalist and a teacher before devoting himself full-time to Islamic politics in the 1960s. After serving in Parliament for 30 years, he was elected vice president in July by the People's Consultative Assembly, two days after the lawmakers elected Ms. Megawati president.

For most of his career, Mr. Hamzah kept a low profile, rising in the ranks of the United Development Party -- one of only two tightly controlled opposition parties allowed under autocratic former President Suharto -- while the political activities of many other Islamic leaders were forcibly suppressed. But since Mr. Suharto gave up power in 1998, Mr. Hamzah has repositioned his party as one of the most effective proponents of conservative Islamic interests in mainstream Indonesian politics. Many Indonesians now say Mr. Hamzah could be a serious contender for the presidency in 2004 if he can ride the groundswell of a Muslim revival here.

Mr. Hamzah's party played a critical role in thwarting Ms. Megawati's initial bid for the presidency in 1999. Party elders then argued that a woman -- even a Muslim woman, such as Ms. Megawati -- shouldn't run the world's largest Muslim country. But a common interest in ousting Ms. Megawati's predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, brought the conservative Muslims into an uneasy alliance with Ms. Megawati just two months ago. Ms. Megawati's party controls about 30% of the seats in Parliament and badly needs the support of the religion-oriented parties to govern.

Criticism of Megawati

Now, ambivalence among many Indonesians over Ms. Megawati's support for President Bush's antiterrorism campaign threatens to undermine this arrangement and propel Mr. Hamzah into the role of the champion of Islamic interests. Last week, for example, the Indonesian Ulemas Council -- the country's highest Islamic authority -- implicitly criticized Ms. Megawati by urging her not to provide any form of support for US retaliation against Afghanistan.

"Megawati must communicate and pay attention to the people's aspirations. She must firmly reject and condemn the US government's policy to attack Afghanistan," says Din Syamsuddin, the council's secretary general. "Hamzah Haz's statements have been more accommodative in responding to the people's call because his roots are in Islamic political parties."

Indeed, while Ms. Megawati was preparing to fly to the US last month to pledge support for Mr. Bush's war on terrorism, Mr. Hamzah said he hoped that the attacks on New York and Washington would "cleanse the sins" of the US.

Mr. Hamzah has kept a relatively low profile after that remark attracted the ire of US Ambassador Robert Gelbard. But Mr. Hamzah has continued to burnish his Islamic credentials by preparing for his first overseas trip next month -- to Libya -- and stressing that the US must not portray all Muslims as terrorists.

Support from Mr. Hamzah's party and a loose alliance of smaller Islamic parties was crucial for Ms. Megawati's rise to the presidency in July. But key Muslim leaders have reassured their followers that they will withdraw their support for Ms. Megawati's government if she fails to uphold Islamic values. While Indonesian observers don't expect the Muslim parties to undermine Ms. Megawati immediately, some perceive the recent anti-American demonstrations in Jakarta as an initial attempt to weaken her and set the stage for a more direct political battle later on. "It isn't going to happen overnight, but things will build up," Mr. Juoro predicts. "She will gradually face serious problems from these groups."

Mr. Hamzah didn't respond to an interview request for this article. But a close aide says that Mr. Hamzah enjoys a reputation as a calm and accommodating politician; he dismisses suggestions that the vice president is angling for political gain from Muslim unease with US policies. "I don't think Hamzah Haz would ever think to use this opportunity to gain power and topple Mega," says Achmad Karmani, a political colleague who has known Mr. Hamzah for more than 35 years. "He likes creating equilibrium and balance. He would avoid moves that can only shake national stability and could affect efforts to pursue economic recovery."

[Rin Hindryati contributed to this article.]

Arms/armed forces

The daughter's generals

In These Times - October 15, 2001

Frida Berrigan -- Things seemed to be looking up for Indonesia in July, when President Abdurrahman Wahid, widely viewed as corrupt and incompetent, finally was voted out of office -- and Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri assumed leadership. Megawati, the daughter of Indonesia's founding father, Sukarno, is seen by many as a clean break from the legacy of General Suharto, who ruled the vast archipelago with an iron fist for more than 30 years.

But to write a new chapter of Indonesian history, Megawati must first subordinate the powerful military to civilian control and resolve the conflicts in Aceh and Irian Jaya, where separatist movements have battled with Indonesian forces for decades. Claiming to assist this worthy task, the Pentagon, White House and a consortium of corporations want to renew weapons sales and military training.

Washington applauded Megawati's choice of a stable of advisers with close ties to international lending institutions and US corporations. Finance Minister Boediono is the former director of the World Bank's Indonesia office and worked for Bank of America in Jakarta. Laksamana Sukardi, the new minister of state-owned enterprises, is a former Citibank executive. These choices demonstrate Megawati's commitment to creating a favorable climate for investment.

Throughout Indonesia, US corporations doing business there benefit from a cowed and cheap work force, nonexistent labor and environmental protections and generous tax breaks. But as she flings open the door to businesses, Megawati slams the door on negotiated solutions to the bloody conflicts in Aceh and Irian Jaya.

While Defense Minister Matori Abdul Djalil is a civilian, other military advisers include Lt. Gen. Agum Gumelar, whose ties to the notorious Kopassus counter-insurgency units are well known, and Lt. Gen. Hari Sabarno, who adamantly opposes autonomy in Aceh and Irian Jaya.

These two provinces are the sites of massive operations by oil giant ExxonMobil and mining company Freeport-McMoRan, respectively. ExxonMobil pays the Indonesian military millions of dollars to protect its oil fields and operations in Aceh, an arrangement that led to a recent lawsuit by Acehnese villagers, who charge that soldiers on the company's payroll were responsible for rape, torture and murder.

Historically, the United States has consistently armed Indonesia's military with everything from F-16 fighter planes to M-16 combat rifles. Since Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in 1975, in which 200,000 people were killed, the United States has transferred more than 1 billion dollar in weaponry to Jakarta.

Congress stanched the flow of weapons following the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre in East Timor, where soldiers wielding M-16s mowed down 270 unarmed people. Congress strengthened the ban in response to military and paramilitary violence after East Timor's vote for independence in 1999. Central to this legislation are criteria for the resumption of military ties, including the return of East Timorese refugees and prosecution of soldiers involved in human rights violations.

Two years after the violence, a newly independent East Timor is still struggling to recover, and Indonesia has failed to meet the congressional criteria. Violence in Aceh and Irian Jaya continues to escalate. Despite these grim realities, officials in Washington are bending over backward to re-engage with the military. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld recently said he is "anxious to re-establish the military-to-military relationship with Indonesia."

While Bush himself is not well briefed on the region -- his one remark on the conflict in East Timor during his campaign was an awkward reference to the "East Timorians" -- his backers in the oil, gas and other industries are urging that the ban be lifted. The US-ASEAN Business Council, a private body made up of the heads of corporations with interests in Southeast Asia -- including ExxonMobil, Freeport-McMoRan, Boeing and Coca-Cola -- released a report in February urging the new administration to "life the embargo on military equipment and training while re- establishing direct military-to-military contacts."

The Council on Foreign Relations also argues in a July report that the ban on military sales and training is "heavy-handed" and "short-sighted." Their report concludes that "the United States must cease hectoring Jakarta and re-engage Indonesia's army." Nearly one-third of the report's 27-member panel is made up of corporate representatives, including ExxonMobil and baked-goods giant Sara Lee, both of which have extensive investments in Indonesia.

Given the report's pro-weapons-sales position, it is not surprising that Dov Zakheim, a former Reagan official who just signed on as the comptroller in Bush's Pentagon, drafted the report. Between working for Reagan and Bush II, Zakheim was a lobbyist for weapons manufacturers like McDonnell Douglas (now part of Boeing), promoting arms sales to Saudi Arabia, Israel and elsewhere.

Despite the push coming from the Pentagon, White House and big business, many in Congress oppose re-establishing military ties. Most prominent among them is Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa). He visited a church in East Timor just days before the 1999 vote, where hundreds sought refuge from the military violence. Everyone he met was later killed. In memory of that horror and because no one has been prosecuted for that crime, he pledges opposition to the resumption of military aid: "I'll do everything I can to stop it."

[Frida Berrigan is a research associate with the Arms Trade Resource Center.]

Megawati urges TNI to focus on national unity instead of politics

South China Morning Post - October 6, 2001

Associated Press in Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri yesterday urged Indonesia's powerful military to stop meddling in politics and instead concentrate on defending the sprawling union from threats of national disintegration.

"The [armed forces] should leave politics and concentrate on the defence of the country," Ms Megawati said. "Internal security is the responsibility of the police."

Ms Megawati's statement, delivered at a ceremony to mark the 56th anniversary of the founding of the armed forces, indicates she may gradually try to reduce the political influence generals have enjoyed since 1966, when the army ousted her father, Sukarno, as president and set up a military dictatorship.

Almost half of the country's 200,000-strong army forms part of the force's "territorial function", which represents a parallel administration that rivals the civilian Government. The armed services also hold 38 seats in the 500-member national Parliament and control a vast business empire that effectively renders them independent of governmental budgetary controls.

Ms Megawati herself is said to have relied heavily on the support of the military brass in her campaign to replace former president Abdurrahman Wahid, who was removed from office by the legislature in July.

The military has been heavily engaged in anti-separatist operations in the rebellious provinces of Aceh and Irian Jaya. Human rights groups have accused it of committing numerous abuses there and in other regions where religious or inter-communal conflicts have flared since the fall of president Suharto's dictatorship in 1998.

"It is not that easy to keep the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia intact because there are numerous internal and external factors which may try to break up this country," Ms Megawati said. "You have to avoid all violations of human rights," she told about 7,000 soldiers, Marines, sailors and airmen, who staged a march-past during the ceremony held at Jakarta's Halim air base. "I call on all commanders to understand international law. Every military operation has to guarantee the rights of civilians and other non-combatants."

In response to a rampage by Indonesian troops in East Timor in 1999, when hundreds of people were killed and much of the territory devastated, the United States -- Indonesia's traditional arms supplier -- froze military ties and weapons sales. Although Washington has moved to restore some military contacts, it has insisted that Indonesia clean up its human rights record before equipment sales are resumed.

International relations

Indonesia stays neutral in US war on terrorism

Reuters - October 5, 2001

Jakarta -- Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim nation, would stay neutral in any US-led attack against Afghanistan's Taliban, its defence minister said on Friday.

While Indonesia has condemned last month's hijack air assaults on Washington and New York, it has been reluctant to throw its full weight behind an international coalition supporting US President George W. Bush's war on terrorism. "Our government's stance is not to take sides if there is conflict between Afghanistan and the US," Defence Minister Matori Abdul Djalil told reporters.

Some Muslim nations and community leaders have voiced fears Washington's self-declared war on terrorism could turn into a war against Islam and its one billion followers around the globe. Djalil warned Indonesians not to join a holy war against America, because it was too risky. "We will not approve it because it will endanger their lives there."

Radical Islamic groups in Indonesia have vowed to fight a holy war against America if Washington launches strikes against the Taliban, and hundreds have registered to take part. "We will not accept people ... volunteering," Djalil said.

Chief Security Minister Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono was quoted on Friday as saying Indonesia would support a war which was effective in fighting terrorism but did not threaten world peace. "Any such action should not lead to another humanitarian tragedy," Yudhoyono was quoted in the Jakarta Post as saying.

He also warned Indonesians against joining a war on the United States. "The act of physically taking part in a foreign war is not acceptable," he said. "Indonesians can only take part in foreign military operations as part of a United Nations peacekeeping force."

Frightened expatriates have begun leaving Indonesia following threats from radical groups to round up Americans if Washington exacts revenge. The influential Indonesian Council of Ulemas, the umbrella group of Muslim clerics, has condemned both attacks on the United States and any retaliation against a Muslim country. Around 90 percent of Indonesia's 210 million people follow Islam.

Eyewitness: Anti-US anger in Indonesia

British Broadcasting Corporation - October 3, 2001

Richard Galpin, Jakarta -- In Indonesia, a nation of almost 200 million Muslims, the radical fringe is getting increasingly angry with the US and its allies. Anti-US demonstrations have been getting steadily bigger as the US prepares for possible military action over the 11 September attacks on Washington and New York.

In the latest one about 2,000 people gathered in the centre of Jakarta, right next to the British embassy. One of the most radical groups, the Islamic Youth Movement, has warned it will call a jihad or holy war if Afghanistan is attacked, unless it has seen clear evidence of Osama Bin Laden's involvement in terrorism. It claims more than 500 people have already signed up.

"If one Afghan is hurt or killed we'll boycott American goods," said the group's self-styled commander, Handrian Syah. "If two, we'll search for Americans living in Indonesia. If three, we'll take the life of the American ambassador here. If more, we'll destroy the American embassy."

Direct challenge

President Megawati Sukarnoputri has appealed for calm and condemned the threats of violence. Over the past three years, since the downfall of the authoritarian ruler Suharto, several extremist organisations have come to the fore -- in particular Laskar Jihad, whose leaders say they have connections with Afghanistan. It dared to set up a training camp close to the capital to prepare thousands of men to fight against the Christian community in the Moluccan islands. In recent days it has had another recruitment drive as the crisis between the US and Afghanistan has escalated.

Whilst not wanting to go into specifics, one of its leaders, Ayip Syaffudin, made it clear they were preparing for action. "We'll see how big the American military operations against Afghanistan are -- the bigger their action, the bigger our reaction," he said. "We can tell from President Bush's speech that the Americans' real policy is to launch a crusade -- that means by attacking Afghanistan they'll be digging their own grave."

Moderate views

The vast majority of Indonesia's Muslims are renowned for an extremely moderate approach to their religion. Most reject the threats made by the extremists and are concerned about the impact this will have on the country's image as a bastion of liberal Islam. This is also a concern for President Megawati, who recently visited Washington, where she pledged support for America's war on terrorism. But few want the government to give unconditional support to the United States.

The views of one man, Rio, about last month's suicide attacks in New York and Washington are widely held. "It's tragic what happened in America, thousands of people killed," he said. "But in my opinion we can say that America is an arrogant country -- maybe it's a punishment from God so they won't be so arrogant anymore."

The country's largest and most moderate Muslim organisation is Nahdlatul Ulama. It has more than 30 million members. Uleel Absor Abdullah, a senior official, said anger at the United States was widespread. "Deep in their mind, in their heart, there is understanding that America did already a lot of bad things towards Muslim countries," he said. "The Palestinian question is among the most important things here. So they already know that America is playing bad or good role everywhere in the world and this tragedy is kind of a result of that role that America plays."

And he is worried American military action in Afghanistan will simply play into the hands of the Islamic extremists. "I'm feeling bad if America retaliates against Afghanistan because this action will reinforce the conservative feeling among a certain group here," he said. "So it is like an escalating cycle, not only in Indonesia, but I think everywhere."

Given the current hostile atmosphere, some American expatriates have already begun leaving Indonesia. Large foreign companies such as Nike and Adidas have also pulled out some non-essential staff. They know the security forces cannot be relied on for protection. So far the police have done very little to reassure the foreign community that they will be able to control the extremists if Afghanistan does come under attack.

Economy & investment

Rattled Indonesian rupiah slides past 10,000

Reuters - October 2, 2001

Jennifer Chen, Singapore -- The Indonesian rupiah fell past 10,000 to the dollar for the first time since July 31 on Tuesday, trampled in a corporate rush to buy dollars.

The rupiah was pushed as low as 10,120, a drop of 2.4 percent from Monday's late 9,865, in part on market concerns that festering anti-American sentiment within the country's minority extremist Muslim population could scare away foreign investment.

The speed of the fall drew the attention of Bank Indonesia which stepped in to try and rescue the flailing currency, though the central bank only managed to steady it at 10,110/160. Volumes in the market were thin, which exaggerated the rupiah's move. One foreign bank dealer estimated total turnover in the market at less than $200 million, adding that volume had been steadily declining in the past few sessions.

Dealers said local and foreign corporates have been snapping up the dollar as they warily watch recent rallies in Indonesia by fringe Muslim extremist groups. These groups, which are a tiny minority in the predominately Muslim country, have been threatening to take action against foreigners if the United States retaliates against Afghanistan's Taliban for the September 11 attacks.

While the rallies have been small and the government has pledged to ensure the security of foreigners living in the country, dealers said there were worries they could give foreign investors another excuse to avoid Indonesia, just two months after a peaceful transition of power. "If the investors who are already here are worried about their security, then why would new investors want to come to this country?" said a European bank dealer.

Honeymoon over

The rupiah's recent falls also flagged the end of the honeymoon period for President Megawati Sukarnoputri's two-month old government. After Megawati came to power in late July, the currency rose by as much as 25 percent. Analysts said the September 11 attacks hastened the end of that honeymoon as the government tries to balance support for the United States with religious sensitivities at home.

Though the rallies have been held by a definite minority, Megawati can ill-afford any threat that could rent apart her coalition government and prise her grip on power. "This is a real test for the government ... we know Megawati is leading a coalition government and part of it is supported by Muslim parties," Syetarn Hansakul, regional economist at West LB in Singapore, told Reuters Television.

While Indonesia has been under pressure to fully back the US-led effort against terrorism, Megawati has been careful not to appear to be giving too much support -- despite US President George W. Bush's promise of aid.