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Indonesia News Digest No 25 - June 23-29, 2003

Aceh

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 Aceh

GAM district, police chiefs arrested

Jakarta Post - June 28, 2003

A'an Suryana, Lhokseumawe -- Soldiers captured on Friday two alleged Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatists who acted as the rebels' district chief and police chief for the GAM district Tangse in the village of Pulo Kawah in Pidie regency.

A joint unit of the 315th Infantry Battalion and the local Pidie military command arrested the two and an alleged GAM tax collector, said the Pidie military commander Lt. Col. Supartodi.

The three were nabbed as they were holding a meeting at the "district chief's" house, Supartodi said, adding that the arrest was made possible through a tip off by the locals. He said that Marwan, 45, was a GAM district chief, Rusdi, 40, the police chief and Muin, 50, the district's tax collector.

Friday's arrest marks the first report of a captured GAM district chief during the six weeks of military operation crush the movement.

In GAM strongholds found in regencies like Pidie and Bireuen, the rebels have established an organization that mimics the government's existing structure at the local levels. In some districts where support for independence is strong, government officials often fail to function properly and GAM virtually run these areas. However, what is referred to as GAM police are often civilians acting as spies for the rebels reporting about troops movements.

In an attempt to end the conflict within short period, the Indonesian Military (TNI) intensified on Friday their search for GAM members across the province.

In East Aceh's Idi Rayeuk district, TNI troops led by Lt. Col. Echsan Sutardji tightened their encirclement of about 200 alleged GAM members in Jamo Campli area, located a few kilometers from Blang Rambong village. GAM commander Hasballah is believed to be leading the rebel group.

Echsan told reporters at his command post in Blang Rambong that they tried to cut GAM's logistical support. "We are intensifying patrols, so that they cannot ask for food from surrounding villagers," said Echsan, who comes from the Wonoadi Infantry Battalion in Southeast Sulawesi.

During Thursday's raid for GAM members in Blang Rambong's surrounding areas, soldiers found several documents in one of the homes. They also found several photographs, depicting pictures of GAM military training in the area early this year. Soldiers found notebooks containing tax collection reports from several companies in the area. These include a plantation company PT Bumi Flora, which paid between Rp 19 million (about US$1,850) to Rp 36 million per week.

During the search, soldiers also found an ID card belonging to Alamsyah Puteh. TNI has accused GAM of collecting ID cards from locals in an attempt to better melt into the local population. GAM members normally do not own ID cards, and TNI said that it would consider anyone without an ID card as a possible GAM rebel.

Elsewhere in the Alu Dua area in North Aceh, soldiers led by Lt. Col. Rimbo Karyono found GAM properties in a house belonging to Rahmawati, whose husband, Ismail Ghani, is suspected of being a GAM member.

In the Juli Satoe subdistrict in Bireun regency, marines and the police's mobile brigade troops (Brimob) raided the house of two alleged GAM tax collectors, Tengku Nurdin and Ridwan.

Separately, GAM members allegedly burned down a community health center in the village of Pulo in Meuredu district in Pidie regency on Thursday night. Five GAM members are also accused of burning down a bus in Pidie, injuring four passengers.

Aceh rebels attempting to get red-and-white

Antara - June 28, 2003

Lhokseumawe -- Aceh Separatist Movement (GSA) members may have infiltrated Acehnese society over the past few weeks to obtain newly issued "red-and-white" citizen's cards, a military officer said.

A few infiltration cases were discovered by servicemen. Over the past two days, five GSA rebels were caught while attempting to get citizen's cards, military spokesman Lt Col Ahmad Yani said here Friday.

"They come to the people with a hope that they can get citizen's cards," he told a press briefing here.

To hell and back

Newsweek - June 25, 2003

The spectre of past human rights abuses in East Timor and West Papua haunts the people of Aceh, where the Indonesian armed forces have begun attacking and murdering civilians as part of its crackdown on pro-independence fighters. John Martinkus, who risked his life in entering the rebellious province, details a disturbing but all-too-familiar picture of military atrocities.

A convoy of 25 military trucks headed in to Aceh with the drivers draping their bullet-proof vests at head height from the side windows as protection against snipers. The minibus I was travelling in followed them across the border without being stopped. Lines of vehicles stretched back on the outgoing side of the highway, and soldiers prevented anyone leaving the vehicles before they had been searched. Some ordered people out of the vehicles to check their identity cards, while others emptied the contents of the minibuses and cars onto the road.

In this kind of situation, it only takes one shout from an overzealous soldier to find yourself being interrogated. Sure enough, there he was, a Javanese sergeant standing by the side of the road peering in to the passing vehicles. Luckily, the convoy accelerated and the minibus followed, and I just glimpsed the shock on his face at seeing what he thought might have been a foreigner go by. I was trying to get in to Aceh on the only route left open, the main highway, which runs 500km through the province's major towns to the capital Banda Aceh. It is along this highway that the heaviest fighting is taking place, as the Indonesian operation to wipe out the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) enters its sixth week.

A few days before, I had been queueing for a flight to Banda Aceh when I was approached by two plainclothes policemen. They produced ID and demanded to see my papers. I was travelling on a journalist visa but my issued press card said: "Not for Aceh." The police told me I would be jailed for five years if I boarded the aircraft.

Now past the border, I kept thinking of the Tasmanian-based academic Lesley McCulloch, who had been jailed for five months last year for being in a rebel area of Aceh on a tourist visa. I attended her trial in Banda Aceh in December, when they were trying to charge her with espionage, and the lies and distortions presented by the prosecution were terrifying. But with the province of 4.5 million -people under martial law, sealed off from the rest of the country by roadblocks, and with a 19km coastal exclusion zone and monitored airports, the chances of working undetected were slim.

Ever since their operation to wipe out an estimated 5000 heavily armed GAM fighters began on May 19, the Indonesian government and military has done all it can to keep foreign journalists out.

Initially, reporters were welcomed by the military, which set up a media centre in the resource-rich town of Lhok-seumahwe that also serves as the operation's command base. Foreign and local reporters were treated to daily briefings, complete with maps and details of the deployment of 50,000 soldiers and police to the province at the northern tip of Sumatra.

However, once foreign media began to report mounting civilian deaths, the relationship quickly soured and, just like in East Timor, the military wanted them out. Foreign reporters were threatened and their cars shot at. Not surprisingly, most chose to leave. The last two, Malaysians, were thrown out.

One journalist, William Nessen, an American freelancer, has been with GAM during the whole operation but generally has been unable to file. He is now trying to leave. Journalists not based in Indonesia are either not granted visas or are forbidden to visit Aceh, while resident journalists are told they need special permission -- rarely granted -- to go to Aceh.

The rows of shops and houses in the town of Langsa, 30km inside Aceh, look like rundown parts of old Singapore. Indonesian flags hang from every building, while banners draped across the main streets exhort citizens to be vigilant against GAM and declare goodwill to the populace. Most shops are closed and, as it gets dark, few people venture onto the street. In the market, a man who sells me food is shaking like a leaf and glances behind me. A truck full of soldiers has stopped. I quickly walk the other way, out of the light.

Acehnese men in a coffee shop tell how the road further north is blocked and there has been a lot of fighting. They talk openly about how the Indonesians here are scared of GAM and that this operation will not destroy the rebels. "We have been living like this, with the military here, for years. This is no different from DOM," said one, referring to the 1989 to 1998 period when Aceh was declared a military operation area and closed to foreigners by then president Suharto. An estimated 10,000 Acehnese died then and mass graves were exhumed shortly after Suharto fell. The men laugh about the military and remove the Indonesian flag from the front of the building but none will give their names.

Arrests and interrogations in Langsa have become commonplace. GAM attacked the Brimob (paramilitary police) office on the operation's first day and five people were arrested. Two human rights workers were arrested and beaten and an unspecified number of people have been detained at the roadblocks on both sides of the town as they try to flee the province.

Langsa is near where serious fighting is taking place. It is fortunate to still have power. All the towns to the north were without power for at least two weeks, following the toppling of four pylons by unidentified groups. The military blames GAM and GAM blames the military. However, the fact is that the military has generators and GAM does not, and the blackout has seriously affected the rebels' ability to communicate with the outside world and each other.

Nevertheless, information is coming out in bits and pieces. GAM is trying to report the fighting with the Indonesian military (TNI) as it happens. On June 16, GAM reported it was being attacked by British-made Hawk fighter aircraft and US-supplied OV-10 Bronco ground-attack aircraft. The details are specific.

Ten bombs at 2:36pm in Jambo Aye and Baktiy districts dropped by two Hawks and two Broncos. It is this area, 90km east of Lhokseumahwe, where the TNI claims the GAM leadership is based.

It wasn't the first GAM report of Indonesians bombing villages.

In addition, GAM has detailed daily incidents of civilian killings that have not been reported in the Indonesian press, which is banned from carrying its statements. Since the conflict began, GAM has been issuing field reports, listing the daily firefights between GAM and TNI: generally, there are three a day in which either TNI troops are ambushed or GAM-held villages are attacked.

The picture that emerges is of a civilian population treated as brutally as if they were combatants, with beatings and disappearances common. Until June 13, GAM had listed and named 68 civilians executed by the military and more than 32 beaten and arrested. In one incident, a 37-year-old woman was reportedly held by the military for two days and gang raped. The area covered in the reports has shrunk dramatically to cover only northern Aceh, demonstrating how GAM's communications have broken down.

On June 10, GAM reported that 40 villagers had been taken away by army trucks from the village of Gampong M4 in northern Aceh. The report stated that on June 8 four were found dead in nearby villages with their heads removed, that on June 10 six more headless corpses from the same group were found and that the other 30 were still missing. On the same day, GAM reported a further two men arrested and decapitated, with their bodies found in the same area.

As demonstrated previously in East Timor and West Papua, the dumping of its victims' mutilated bodies in public places is a common army tactic for instilling fear in populations in rebel areas. It is usually done to force them to flee to a government- controlled area and end their support for the guerillas. Thus the TNI's studiously updated GAM bodycount, which at the time of writing was 204.

The same Indonesian officers who served in East Timor are in charge of the Aceh operation and, despite statements by the commander, Brigadier-General Bambang Dumarno, regarding respect for human rights, they do not apply to anyone associated with GAM, even if they just live in the area of operations. It was the foreign-educated Dumarno who was infuriated with the reports by the foreign press in the early stages of the operation.

GAM admitted to attacking a Brimob post near the village of Alue le Mirah in northern Aceh on June 11. A road was blocked by the military, leaving the civilians with the choice of going over to the Indonesian side, to be rounded up and taken to the TNI-run refugee camp in Bireuen, or to flee to the countryside and face air attacks. It is a replication of the "strategic hamlets" tactics the US employed in the Vietnam War, then copied by the Indonesians in East Timor in 1978 and 1979, when they encircled Falintil guerillas in the mountains and drove the population to the coast using the same Hawk and Bronco aircraft. The day after, GAM reported six of its people and 10 civilians killed, then on June 13 reported that Hawk jets had flown two sorties over the area of Gandapura in northern Aceh, strafing and bombing civilians.

On June 15, residents of Juli sub-district faced air attacks after 17,000 of them fled to the Cot Gapu football field in Bireuen. Images of the refugees in tents on the open field have been widely screened in Indonesia. But they are portrayed as victims fleeing violence from GAM. The fact the camp was set up before the people became refugees and the roads were blocked, preventing their return, escapes most Indonesian reports. Also ignored is the fact that villages are, according to GAM, looted and sometimes burnt by the military.

GAM says 8000 more residents of the area are still in the hills and face air attacks that GAM says have already killed 250 people. Earlier, GAM spokesman Sofyan Daud claimed at least 400 civilians had been killed throughout Aceh since the operation began, excluding those who died in the air attacks of the past week.

The air attacks have been well covered in the Indonesian media but without mention of civilian casualties. The military claims it has so far killed 204 GAM members and lost 28 police and military, with 63 police and TNI wounded. On June 18, the Indonesian Red Cross announced it had removed 194 "bodies in civilian clothes" from the areas where there has been fighting.

Indonesia's military chief, General Endriartono Sutarto, told reporters in Jakarta last week that "the jet-fighter deployment was merely aimed to show the community that TNI is more powerful than GAM rebels", adding he had no objection to their use as long as they didn't attack civilians. The air force also admitted in The Jakarta Post it had begun using F-16s, the most sophisticated weapon it possesses.

On June 18, The Bulletin received a final message from the GAM spokesman in northern Aceh. "The escalation of violence here is getting worse by the hour," he wrote from the area where air attacks were continuing. "Many civilians killed by TNI in the last three days. TNI force civil society to become refugees." It was in the same area of northern Aceh that Indonesia's National Com-mission of Human Rights, Komnas Ham, claimed to have information about a mass grave containing "dozens" of victims of the latest offensive. It also detailed summary executions of civilians. The commission is facing threats and criticism from Indonesia's military and government regarding the revelations.

Northern Aceh always has been a GAM stronghold. It was where exiled leader Hasan Cik di Tiro secretly returned from overseas in 1976 to declare independence and reignite a sentiment that had existed since Acehnese fought a 30-year war against Dutch occupation at the turn of the previous century. Last December, when The Bulletin visited GAM camps in the area, the rebels were well armed and seemed to have the support of nearby villagers.

Many of those villagers recounted past TNI abuses, including rape, extortion, arrest and execution, and said they felt safe with GAM.

On the Indonesian government's figures, some 358 of 390 villages in northern Aceh have had no functioning government. Even with the highest concentration of troops of any region in Aceh, the government can not claim control. It is no coincidence that the oil- and gas-rich regions adjacent to the Exxon Mobil gas fields in Lhokseumahwe and Bireuen contained nearly 40% of all TNI and police forces in Aceh's 16 regencies. Exxon Mobil is the second- highest foreign source of tax revenue for the Indonesian government. They are the areas under intense attack by the TNI and where the reports of civilian deaths are mostly coming from.

These are also the areas that it is impossible to enter without authorisation.

All previous ways of getting information out of Aceh are being shut down. The situation for NGO workers, who would normally investigate abuses, is precarious. On June 9, six people from the Centre for Human Rights and the Indonesian Red Cross were arrested in the capital for alleged links with GAM. Another six were arrested in Langsa.

"My office was raided by the police on May 27," says Feisal Hadi, co-ordinator of the Aceh NGO coalition for human rights. "They suspect GAM members are hiding here so they came three times in one day and took away three staff and the office boy and interrogated them for 12 hours. I cannot send my people out; it is too dangerous for them." He says that of the six regional offices in his organisation, most are out of contact due to the power cuts. "I haven't heard from them for almost two weeks." All he can do is help those who provide details of relatives' arrests or disappearances and try to make inquiries with the authorities.

"So far in Banda Aceh we have received information of 29 civilians killed, seven arrested and 24 missing," he says.

Abdi Dalem, director of the Indonesian legal aid service LBH in Banda Aceh, says: "Before we used to work in the whole of Aceh but [under martial law] we cannot travel outside of the capital.

It is not safe. I am a lawyer who used to defend GAM clients. Now they are arresting everybody with connections to GAM." There are 108 GAM detainees in Banda Aceh, including the five members of the GAM negotiating team who were trying to extend the cease-fire when the operation began. Only 12 foreign NGO workers remain in Banda Aceh, defying Indonesian government calls to leave the province. None has travelled outside of the capital since the operation began. The brokers of the failed peace accord, the Swiss-based Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, have all left.

The military has strict regulations for Indonesian journalists covering the war. They are not permitted to publish GAM statements. Some 54 reporters who are "embedded" with TNI troops are ordered to report "patriotically". Some networks have enthusiastically embraced the war; national broadcaster SCTV sacked one of its producers last week after he conducted an interview with a prominent Acehnese poet who promoted peace. The interview was not broadcast.

In Langsa, I sat in a cockroach-filled upstairs room watching the street through broken louvres. At 10pm, the power went and the heat became oppressive. An insistent knocking at the door at 11pm revealed the police had found me. They told me they would be back in the morning after I pretended not to understand them. I left before they came.

A few kilometres out of town military vehicles clogged the road.

The soldiers were putting on body armour and pulling down the metal shutters welded over the windows of their trucks. Civilians waited patiently in a long line of buses and trucks as each vehicle was searched and identities checked. Locals told me they would be going through four other checks like this before Lhokseumahwe, then the road to Banda Aceh was more or less permanently closed to traffic.

Without the right papers, I didn't think I'd make it to Medan, and with the soldiers so jumpy I thought I might have an "accident" like the one that killed a German tourist with six shots to his head and chest two weeks before. Conveniently for the military, his death provided a pretence to ban foreigners from the province.

There were no more roadblocks until the border, where all passengers had to get out. My passport was checked and handed back. The soldier said: "As long as you are not American. We are looking for an American. If you are American, I kill you." A bad joke, he was referring to William Nessen.

Relieved, I wound down the window to get some air. Travelling back into northern Sumatra, I saw groups of armed men in civilian clothes checking houses. Military and police trucks were everywhere and troops were searching through the scrub and in the trees for the next 2km. The operation against GAM doesn't stop at the border. According to Indonesian reports, at least eight GAM members have been caught in the north Sumatran capital Medan in the past four weeks. GAM suspects also have been arrested as far away as Jakarta, Riau, and West Java.

In Jakarta, residents have been asked to watch the activities of Acehnese neighbours. The Indonesian state is doing everything it can internationally and domestically to wipe out GAM, seal off the province and cover up the operation's details. If the Indonesian military learnt one thing from East Timor, it is that information is dangerous.

Jakarta offensive in Aceh drags on

Asia Times - June 27, 2003

Kafil Yamin, Jakarta -- Indonesia's armed forces might be winning the propaganda war in Aceh, thanks to "embedded" journalists, but activists warn that peace remains out of sight after more than a month of military operations. Instead, they say, the offensive in Aceh province that began on May 19 has taken a severe toll on civilians and on the rule of law.

"Instead of bringing peace to Aceh, the military operation had claimed a significant number of civilian casualties, and undermined democracy and human rights," Ori Rachman, coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), told a discussion this week organized by the Indonesian Muslim Students Association.

A separatist rebellion by the Free Aceh Movement, known by its Indonesian acronym GAM, has been festering for 27 years. In December, the Geneva-based Henry Dunant Center mediated a ceasefire that called the rebels to disarm and for the troops to withdraw to barracks.

The accord brought the resource-rich province its first period of peace in decades, but the calm evaporated in May after the process collapsed and President Megawati Sukarnoputri declared a state of military emergency in Aceh.

Still, some analysts say, it appears that many among the Indonesian public continue to be open to -- or believe -- the military's version of events.

Many Indonesian journalists have been moving about with the troops, a trend that critics frown upon as undercutting independent reportage but which some analysts also keeps the military on their toes in Aceh.

"The nature of openness to media coverage, because of the presence of embedded journalists in the war arena, has made the TNI [Indonesian military] behave more professionally," military analyst M T Ariffin conceded in an interview. "Civilian casualties have been minimized and TNI is compensating war victims with humanitarian aid. Soldiers are also being disciplined."

An Indonesian military court recently sentenced eight soldiers for harassing and beating civilians in their hunt for GAM rebels, after reports on their behavior had been publicized by local journalists allowed to cover the troops' operations.

But Ariffin also said that the TNI been using the term "armed unidentified persons" to describe GAM to reporters, in order to justify why the rebels had to be crushed.

"The burning of about 500 schools, attacks on public transport and the killing of civilians have all been blamed on these 'armed unidentified persons'. The fact is that the public seems to be believing TNI," he said.

Sidney Jones, a director with the International Crisis Group, said the Indonesian broadcast media, with some very brave exceptions, had "rolled over and played dead".

"What you see on television news is video footage taken by embedded journalists of soldiers storming GAM strongholds, of tearful children standing around burned schools, of soldiers distributing rice to needy villagers, or of wounded soldiers being visited in hospitals by their proud commanders," she said.

Added Jones: "So, while international concern mounts, domestic support is high, and Indonesia is stepping up its campaign to have GAM declared a terrorist organization."

Ori said that so far, some 150 civilians have been killed and more than 60 persons have gone missing during the military operation. According to Kontras, the operation has also forced more than 30,000 civilians to flee their homes for security reasons, and relief agencies fear the number of internally displaced people might exceed 100,000.

Ori added that Kontras obtained its figures from the accounts of victims' family members and by cross-checking the bodies removed by the Indonesian Red Cross.

Government figures, however, differ from Kontras' statistics. Sudi Silalahi, secretary to the coordinating minister for political and security affairs, said last Friday that 62 people had gone missing and there had been only 57 civilian casualties since the start of the armed forces' operations.

This week, too, 90 local and international groups called on the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France and the Netherlands to end all military sales to Indonesia.

"The military offensive in Aceh, which is Indonesia's largest military operation since the invasion of East Timor in 1975, is now proceeding at a level that is causing widespread civilian loss of life and the destruction of Aceh's public infrastructure," said their statement.

It added: "Human-rights groups fear massive violations of human rights and are especially concerned about the safety of human- rights defenders and civil-society activists. Numerous reports of extrajudicial killings and torture are emerging from Aceh, including of students and boys as young as 12."

Ori said the military operation posed a threat to the democracy that Indonesia got back after the fall of Suharto in 1998. "Police sweeps and surveillance operations targeting Acehnese, who are suspected of being GAM members, are now normal throughout the country, disrupting the liberties of civilians," he said.

Writing in the English-language daily Jakarta Post, Tiarma Siboro, one of the first batch of 54 "embedded" journalists with the military, asked: "Embedded journalists, what are they really good for? Can they be expected to be objective when their life is dependent on the very same people they are reporting about?"

But the days of privileged information from the armed forces for these embedded journalists might soon be over.

In new regulations last week, authorities in Aceh banned the press from publishing the names of places where military troops were positioned, military maps or sketches, and the names of aircraft and ships used during offensive operations.

The military required field reporters to record all interviews with troops, and said "journalists can only publish or broadcast excerpts of the interviews after the missions in question have been carried out".

Aceh Military Operation spokesman Lieutenant-Colonel A Yani Basuki has stressed that military authorities had the right to expel journalists violating the regulations.

Ori countered: "The military and government have adopted policies that restrict the rights of journalists and activists from non- governmental organizations from entering and monitoring what is really happening in Aceh."

But Salim Said, another military analyst, remained adamant that the public was not hostile to the military operation. "If there's proof that many civilians have been killed unnecessarily, there will be a strong reaction. But so far efforts by Komnas HAM [the national human rights commission] to reveal human-rights abuses by the military have not convinced the public," he said.

Farmer, civil servants, youths, militia rally against GAM

Jakarta Post - June 27, 2003

A'an Suryana, Takengon -- Tens of thousands of Central Aceh residents thronged Gelanggang Musara Alun soccer field in Bebesen district on Thursday for a rally against the separatist movement in the province.

Farmers, civil servants, youth activists and militia group members were among the people who pledged loyalty to the state before Regent Mustafa M. Tamy and Aceh Besar military commander Lt. Col. Amrin.

Some of the crowd burned Free Aceh Movement (GAM) flags to mark the biggest pro-government rally since martial law was imposed in the province on May 19. During the ceremony, representatives of the residents read out a prepared statement, saying they were committed to maintaining the unitary state of Indonesia.

In his speech, Regent Mustafa asked the people to uphold their promise. "The promise must be kept, as it has been made before God Almighty. You will pay the price for betrayal," said Mustafa.

Some participants admitted they joined the rally upon orders from community leaders. Husni Kahan, a resident of Angkup district, said the head of his neighborhood unit urged him to attend the ceremony. "We were told of the rally on Wednesday. The neighborhood chief said we had to join the rally. Everybody in my kampong had to attend," Husni told The Jakarta Post.

However, Junawarman, an official at the regency administration said that the local residents attended the ceremony as a spontaneous expression of support for the government. "They came here to show their support for the Republic of Indonesia. They do not like GAM as it often incites riots in the regency," said Junawarman.

The presence of People's Resistance (Wanra) civilian militia drew the attention of the audience. Some 20 militia members, representing some 15,000 others across Central Aceh, attended the ceremony in red military fatigues. They wore red and white headbands and carried sharpened bamboo sticks, reminiscent of the country's independence struggle against the Dutch colonial administration between 1945 and 1948.

The Wanra militia group was founded in the regency in 1987, but had been active until it resumed activities a few months ago.

Musbira, a Wanra member, admitted that he was recruited three months ago. "I didn't have any choice. If I did not join the organization, I was afraid I would be accused of sympathizing with GAM," Musbira recalled.

Musbira said that as a member of Wanra, he was not paid. He had not undergone any martial arts training, but admitted that he was trained by the military to use assembled weapons. He said Wanra had also organized other activities over the past month, including soccer and volley ball training.

"Sometimes, we attend a roll-call ordered by the military," he said. Indonesian Military (TNI) Chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto and other top military officers have denied the presence of military-trained militia.

Musbira said each village in Central Aceh, that is known as a GAM-free zone, has at least six members of Wanra. There are around 300 villages in the regency.

Meanwhile, a leader of Wanra in Central Aceh, Johan Gayo, complained about the militia label given to his organization. "We are not a militia group. We are here to help people maintain security," Johan told reporters. He said the Wanra members were not recruited by force, but had joined of their own volition.

Movements of foreign journalists, NGOs restricted in Aceh

Agence France Presse - June 27, 2003

Martial law authorities in Indonesia's Aceh have further tightened restrictions on foreign journalists and overseas non- government organisations (NGOs).

In an order printed in Friday's Koran Tempo newspaper, authorities also forbid both foreign and local NGOs from issuing statements or talking to the press without permission from the martial law administrator, Major General Endang Suwarya.

Government forces are in the second month of an all-out offensive aimed at crushing separatist rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The order bans tourists from Aceh and says all other foreigners must enter and leave through the provincial capital, Banda Aceh. They must obtain permission from the justice ministry before travelling to the province and on arrival must report to the martial law authorities, the order says.

It says foreigners are restricted to cities or major towns. Foreign correspondents who want to leave main towns must be escorted by police or troops.

"To protect safety and security, activity outside major towns and cities will be carried out with armed forces or police troops," the order says.

All foreigners in Aceh are forbidden from contacting or giving any assistance to GAM and its sympathisers. Foreign NGOs are banned from representing Indonesian aid groups and vice versa, the order says.

Earlier this week a senior US official said Washington has urged armed forces commander General Endriartono Sutarto and other officials to allow NGOs and the press to operate freely in Aceh.

"We have made clear that more transparency not less transparency is needed in Aceh," said the official, who requested anonymity.

Soldiers uncover mass graves in Aceh

Associated Press - June 27, 2003

Jakarta -- Twenty bodies were uncovered in two mass graves in Aceh province, police said yesterday, as President Megawati Sukarnoputri warned that a military offensive against rebels in the region may be extended.

National police spokesman Colonel Zainuri Lubis said the authorities were still examining the sites in the central Aceh villages of Guci and Krueng Pase and had been told by villagers that there may be as many as 300 bodies in the graves dating back to 1999.

"Therefore, the local security police are now searching for mass graves of the other 280 victims," he said, adding the 20 bodies were uncovered on Monday.

The announcement followed reports that soldiers in south-west Aceh had recovered two bodies from a grave at an abandoned Islamic boarding school.

The military launched a six-month offensive against separatist rebels in the province on May 19 after a ceasefire pact signed in December collapsed.

Ms Megawati said if the offensive failed to end the war, the campaign may be extended, Antara news agency reported. She reportedly made the comments while on a trip to Vietnam.

Aceh: Military operation only 'alienating the people'

Green Left Weekly - June 25, 2003

James Balowski, Jakarta -- It has now been a month since martial law was declared in Indonesia's northern-most province of Aceh. But the "integrated operation" launched by the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) to smash the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and win the hearts and minds of the Acehnese people has, if anything, only succeeded in alienating them further.

Every day the TNI proudly announces the latest "body count" of GAM guerrilla fighters it claims to have killed. By June 20, the TNI claimed that 212 GAM rebels had been killed, 134 arrested and 184 surrendered. In addition, another 184 people had been arrested for unspecified reasons. The TNI says only 26 soldiers and police have been killed and 62 wounded.

Noticeably absent from these figures is the number of civilian casualties -- although, occasionally, a rough figure of 10 gets mentioned. This is despite the fact that the Red Cross alone says it has recovered almost 200 civilian bodies -- many bearing marks of beatings or torture. Despite the high "body count", it is questionable if the TNI is making military progress. Speaking during a break in a workshop on Aceh and West Papua on June 18 for example, Hasnan Habib, a retired general and political analyst, said that the TNI only uses "quantitative" parameters to measure the operation. "They only say this many GAM [members are] dead, this many arrested, this many surrendered. There is no data on how many weapons seized". Hasnan said that this was necessary "to know to what degree GAM's strength has been incapacitated".

Hasnan went on to say that the US used the same kind of parameters in the Vietnam War. "So, when the TNI says they are in control of a GAM area and have forced GAM into the mountains, that is not a success. That's something which will obviously happen." The TNI now claims that it has control of all of GAM's strongholds and the war has entered what it describes as the "most difficult phase" -- "separating the people from GAM". TNI chief Endriarto Sutarto has admitted this will be problematic, "because, whether or not they have a relationship with neighbours, family relationships, we must separate them [to determine] who is GAM and who is not".

A US freelance journalist, William Nessen, who has spent five weeks with GAM in northern Aceh says the fighting and casualties are much more extensive than reported by the TNI and Jakarta press. Nessen told the June 14 Sydney Morning Herald that GAM retains overwhelming support among villagers.

In a phone interview with the SMH, Nessen said that just in the part of Aceh where he had been, a minimum of 65 soldiers had died in the past month.

An editorial in the June 16 Jakarta Post observed: "Scores of civilians have been killed... Tens of thousands of people have been displaced because of the armed conflict. Many children are unable to go to school because their schools have been burned down; many people have lost their livelihoods and are now dependent on government handouts for their day-to-day survival. Road blocks and ID checks hamper their movement.

"Life has turned for the worse, not the better, for most Acehnese... And as if the government has not caused enough havoc, it has issued a number of other measures that are making life even more difficult.

"There was the requirement that all Acehnese apply for new identity cards, which literally means lining up for hours if not days... And last week, the government announced that thousands of Acehnese who work for the administration must undergo a 'Litsus', a screening process used during the Suharto era to weed out communists. This time, the goal is to rid the [provincial] bureaucracy of any GAM elements.

"It is interesting to note that the government, or the TNI, simply took a page out of Suharto's playbook in bringing back the widely discredited Litsus. The least they could have done was to have given it another name. "One thing that has to be said about the martial law administrators in Aceh is that they are consistent. Their policies, including the Litsus, are consistently alienating the people of Aceh." The government has also begun holding ceremonies for people to pledge their allegiance and loyalty to the Indonesian state. In an article in the June 18 Jakarta Post, Bangkok journalist Y. S. Tong described one such rally in the Acehnese capital of Banda Aceh: "The people came here neither to play nor to jog. They stood before a flagpole which was erected in the center of the field to be on the receiving end of the government's plan to 'win the hearts and minds of the people'. On the other side of the flagpole was a stage and tents which sheltered VIPs sitting comfortably in their chairs out of the sun.

"Huge banners encircled the field, displaying messages such as 'Return to the right path, GAM, people are tired of you' and 'Hey, GAM separatists, don't burn my school'.

"At 8am sharp, the master of ceremonies called for a rehearsal while waiting for the arrival of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu and Aceh governor Abdullah Puteh. The crowd was briefed about the two oaths that they were about to take ... followed by a rendition of the national anthem, which was met with less than a lukewarm response from the people. Their voices were almost inaudible as the speakers blasted the melody away.

"After singing, several people in the back began to sit or squat in small groups, puffing cigarettes and chatting ... This behavior did not go unnoticed by the organizers. One military officer grabbed the microphone and said in a stern voice, 'No one is to sit or squat! Get back in line or get out of here! We do not want any of you to spoil this. And we do not want to hear noise from the crowd', he chastised...

"After about an hour, Ryacudu and Puteh arrived with their entourage in a bus escorted by the military police. The event immediately started with a recital of the Koran. Then it was the two oaths as promised. The crowd was led through the reading of the oaths." In the face of continued reports of human rights atrocities and reports by the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) of the discovery of mass graves in an area where the TNI has been carrying out "search and destroy" sweeps, Jakarta has moved to further restrict access for foreign journalists and human rights observers.

On June 17, President Megawati Sukarnoputri signed a decree requiring foreigners to obtain a permit from the justice ministry before being allowed to travel to Aceh. NGO activists must obtain a permit from the Office of the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare. Journalists, including locals working as correspondents for foreign media, need to obtain a permit from the foreign ministry.

Government to curb foreign NGOs in Aceh

Jakarta Post - June 26, 2003

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights is drafting tough regulations to limit the presence of foreign non-governmental organization (NGO) activists in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, further closing the province to independent scrutiny.

The regulations, which only allow activists to stay in the war- torn province for 14 days and a maximum extension of 30 days depending on the approval of the martial law administration, follow a presidential decree restricting foreigners' activities.

Ministry director general Iman Santoso said foreign activists could only enter the province through the capital of Banda Aceh and must immediately report themselves to the local immigration office as well as to the police.

"The Ministry will issue permits to foreign activists to visit Aceh province by examining their organizations and their terms of stay. During their presence there, we, along with the military authorities, will also monitor their activities to determine whether they violate the conditions stipulated in the permit or not. They also have to inform the Ministry on the amount of funds to be donated to local people," Iman said after chairing a meeting on Aceh issues at the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs on Wednesday.

The government will likely only allow foreign NGOs dealing with humanitarian issues to visit Aceh, while others have reportedly been involved in "sponsoring secessionist movements in Aceh as well as the country's other regions, including Papua." Iman, however, said the government had yet to reregister foreign NGOs concerned with Aceh issues.

Present at the meeting were officials from related ministries, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Police.

Last week, President Megawati Soekarnoputri issued a decree that restricts foreigners from traveling to Aceh during implementation of martial law to "prevent foreigners from becoming victims in the Aceh conflict." The decree also stipulates that the government will supervise the presence of foreign activists and journalists to promote "transparency" during the ongoing military operation.

Foreigners must secure a permit from the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights should they insist on traveling to the restive province. NGO activists must obtain a permit from the Office of the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare while journalists, including locals working as correspondents for foreign media, need to obtain a permit from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The restrictions come after two German tourists were shot, one of them fatally, two weeks after Jakarta imposed martial law in Aceh on May 19. On Tuesday, American freelance journalist William Nessen gave up to Indonesian authorities after embedding himself with the rebel's without obtaining government permission.

Three journalists working for foreign media have been expelled from the province by the military. "The regulation will come into effect soon after the Minister signs the decree," Iman said, referring to Yusril Ihza Mahendra.

Thousands of Aceh refugees treated for illness

Agence France Presse - June 25, 2003

Health officials in Indonesia's conflict-hit Aceh province have treated thousands of refugees for illnesses since they were moved into camps around the province to avoid fighting, an official said Wednesday.

Health posts set up within each of the 16 refugee camps have recorded some 14,000 visits by patients since a military operation aimed at crushing separatist rebels began on May 19, said Teuku Muhammad, deputy head of the provincial health agency.

Muhammad listed respiratory ailments, skin disease, bronchitis and diarrhoea among the conditions suffered by the refugees.

"These are ordinary illnesses and we are already treating them," Muhammad told AFP by phone from Banda Aceh. "There are malnourished children." He said 14,000 is the number of visits, not the number of individual patients treated, and he did not consider the figure to be alarming.

"On a daily basis the number of visits is small," Muhammad said, estimating Aceh's total refugee population at about 32,000.

Authorities prepared the refugee camps after the military said it wanted to separate civilians from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels. Muhammad said the camps are equipped with tents, kitchens, clean water and toilets. There is no shortage of medicine, he said.

The government said last week it would improve water supplies after officials reported that some refugees are suffering health problems due to overcrowding and a lack of clean water. Some of the refugees have been moved into camps against their will in what the military says is an attempt to avoid civilian casualties.

Also Wednesday police said they have arrested a former senior spokesman for GAM. Irwandi Yusuf, alias Isnandar al-Pase, is being detained at a police station in Banda Aceh and faces charges of treason, said provincial police spokesman Sayed Husaini.

The bespectacled Al-Pase, a veterinarian by profession, speaks fluent English and was frequently quoted in news reports as GAM's military spokesman. Yusuf is among the most senior of what the military says are some 535 rebels who were detained or surrendered during the operation.

The military says another 270 GAM members have been killed in the operation launched to neutralize the rebels after attempts to negotiate a solution to the 27-year conflict failed.

Eight of the rebels died in four separate firefights across Aceh Tuesday, Lieutenant Colonel Ahmad Yani Basuki, spokesman for the operation, said Wednesday.

The government no longer talks publicly about a political solution. But a senior US official told reporters that Indonesian authorities see the military approach as "a tactic to create a more favourable set of circumstances on the ground."

Speaking Tuesday, the official who spoke of condition of anonymity said "there's every intention of pursuing a comprehensive political approach to the process." Authorities have strictly controlled operations of foreign humanitarian organizations in Aceh and have imposed some restrictions on journalists.

"We have made clear that more transparency not less transparency is needed in Aceh," the US official said.

Military tells foreign journalists to leave the province

Jakarta Post - June 24, 2003

Berni K. Moestafa, Lhokseumawe -- The Indonesian Military (TNI) has asked foreign and Indonesian journalists working for foreign media to temporarily leave Aceh, following a recent presidential decree that restricts foreign news coverage of the ongoing operation to crush separatists.

Aceh military operation spokesman Lt. Col. Achmad Yani Basuki said on Monday that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had ordered the eviction of all foreign media workers. While the martial law administration in Aceh may control how the media cover the war, Yani said that the "foreign media are regulated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs." Unlike at the start of the war, only a few foreign journalists remain in Aceh in the fifth week of the military operation, which began on May 19.

Among the most recent to leave was Jeong Moon-tae from the South Korean weekly news magazine The Hankyoreh21. He left for the North Sumatra capital Medan on Monday, a day earlier than he had planned although it was not immediately clear whether he had been asked to leave Aceh as well.

Two Indonesians working for foreign media have also stopped working in Aceh. Tarmizy Harva, the Aceh photo correspondent for Reuters, said he was told to leave his home soil on Sunday.

"What confuses me is that it's not clear what administrative requirements I must complete," said Tarmizy adding that he would go to Medan, North Sumatra, and plan to return as soon as possible.

Also unclear is the fate of the local correspondents who participated in the four-day TNI training program to cover the war in Aceh.

Yani said that the details on the implementation of the presidential decree were being drafted. "We will elaborate the policy in the near future," he said.

The decree further restricts exposure of the war to the international community after Indonesia denied access to foreign rights groups and aid organizations into the province.

According to Presidential Decree No. 43/2003, which was issued last week, all foreign journalists covering events in Aceh should obtain permits from the Indonesian foreign ministry.

The ministry's director for media relations, Wahid Supriyadi, said on Monday that the decree authorized his directorate to issue permits to "selected" foreign journalists. "The decree also stipulates that foreign journalists must be responsible for their own safety during their coverage of Aceh," Wahid told The Jakarta Post.

He said, however, that the decree did not stipulate that the foreign journalists already in Aceh must leave the province temporarily. "The previous permit from us mentioned the length of stay for the journalists, so they only have to leave once the permit is out of date," the official said.

Wahid also disclosed that after the issuance of the presidential decree, his directorate would limit the length of stay of each accredited foreign journalist in Aceh to one month. "The procedure is that they have to submit the application, assignment letter from their office and their stay permit in Indonesia to our directorate," he said.

The decree was issued as the TNI was urging American freelance journalist William Nessen, who was covering the war from the side of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), to leave the rebels. Nessen, however, has not appeared, although he said he wanted to leave GAM but feared for his safety if the TNI got hold of him. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu has suggested the American journalist was engaged in espionage.

Tanks move into Aceh

Melbourne Age - June 24, 2003

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- The Indonesian army has sent dozens of British-made Scorpion tanks to Aceh ignoring concerns that it is defying British conditions of sale designed to prevent human rights abuses.

The TNI military spokesman for Aceh, Colonel Ditya Soedarsono, said the army had landed the tanks at the weekend to battle separatist rebels (GAM).

"There's no need for permission. If we purchase something, we can use it for anything. Is it wrong if we use the TNI to save the people, or use a tank to save the people?" he asked.

Deployment of the light-weight tanks may draw further criticism from the British Government which, early this month, sent Foreign Minister Mike O'Brien to Jakarta to warn Indonesian President Megawati Soekarnoputri about the use of British-made Hawk aircraft in the Aceh campaign.

Mr O'Brien reportedly told President Megawati that breaching the agreement that the Hawks not be used in internal conflicts could lead to a full review of military ties.

"We do have agreements to supply parts and also to have further relationships with the armed forces, which might be damaged if we cannot reconcile on this issue," he warned.

Last night a spokesman for the British Foreign Office said the Indonesian Government had assured them repeatedly the undertakings British weapons would not be used "offensively" or in "breach of human rights" remained valid.

The director of London-based Indonesian human rights campaign Tapol, Carmel Budiardjo, has already complained to Mr OBrien about Hawks escorting aircraft dropping paratroopers into Aceh.

"The use of the aircraft in this way is, in our view, a clear breach of assurances given by the Indonesian Government that British equipment will not be used for internal repression or in counter insurgency operations," she wrote.

When selling weapons, the British Government issued export licences to comply with its criteria designed to protect human rights.

The criteria says the arms are not to be used other than for legitimate defence and security needs. Although there have been repeated accusations of human rights abuses by both sides in Aceh, Indonesia's military have denied they are improperly using their weapons in their campaign against GAM.

Army chief General Ryamizard Ryacudu said the tanks could be used any time. "The people bought them for the people to defend the country." The German Government is also considering Indonesia's right to use in Aceh some of the 39 ships it sold to Jakarta.

Included in the contracts of sale were conditions that said the ships could be used to combat piracy, smuggling and for the protection of borders.

American with rebels in Aceh surrenders

Associated Press - June 24, 2003

Nisam -- An American holed up with rebels in Aceh province presented himself on Tuesday to the Indonesian Military which has threatened to prosecute him for allegedly spying.

William Nessen, who says he is a journalist, has been with the rebels since Indonesia launched its latest offensive against the insurgents on May 19. The military has repeatedly demanded he leave the rebels, and have questioned whether he is really a journalist, a rebel supporter or a spy.

Looking thin but healthy, Nessen was met by a US Embassy official and a senior officer from the Indonesian military when he gave himself up in Paya Dua village in the north of the province, said an AP reporter at the scene.

Nessen said nothing while he was put into an armored vehicle and taken away to an undisclosed location. It was not immediately clear whether he would be charged.

Nessen, a 46-year-old New York native, has tried to negotiate safe passage from Aceh over recent weeks. Several US officials have reportedly asked the government to guarantee his safety.

Religious leader tells government to end Aceh war

Jakarta Post - June 24, 2003

Sri Wahyuni, Yogyakarta/Jakarta -- Chairman Ahmad Syafii Maarif of Muhammadiyah, the country's second largest Muslim organization, reiterated on Monday his call for the government to end the war in Aceh and reopen dialog with the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

"It would be better for the government not to make the decision [regarding Aceh] by itself. It has to ask all those involved to sit down together and talk. And [it should] avoid talking about NKRI for the moment, because the word only means oppression for most Acehnese," Syafii suggested, referring to the name, the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, that is mostly used by the military.

Speaking to journalists in Yogyakarta, Syafii expressed his concern over the fact that only a handful of GAM members had been killed or had surrendered since the imposition of the martial law in Aceh last month.

"If the operation can kill some 150 members of GAM a month, it will only be able to kill less than 1,000 of them [in six months of the operation]. In fact, GAM reportedly has some 5,000 members. So, what about the rest?" Syafii asked, reiterating his calls for the government to stop the security operation in Aceh and for GAM leaders not to act just as they pleased.

He suggested that the government seek a peaceful solution to end the bloody conflict in Aceh in order to win the hearts and minds of Acehnese people. He pointed out the improved security condition that followed the signing of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement by the two sides on Dec. 9 last year.

The truce collapsed on May 19 when the government decided to launch a military offensive against the separatists, after the two parties failed to reach an agreement over the implementation of the truce. "It was unfortunate that the government didn't make use of the good condition," Syafii said.

He also expressed his concern over the way police treated Imam Suja', chairman of the Muhammadiyah Aceh chapter, who was briefly detained for questioning several days ago.

"I'm suggesting police not to take a big risk by taking such unnecessary measures. If good people, like Suja', are arrested one by one, they will surely remove themselves even further away from efforts to end the Aceh conflict," he remarked, adding that he expected to meet National Police Chief Gen. Dai Bachtiar over the case. Suja' is known as a peace mediator in the province.

Separately in Jakarta, the National Police headquarters announced that 124 civilians had been killed since the imposition of martial law in Aceh. Sr. Comr. Zainuri Lubis added that some 67 civilians had also been injured and 61 others had gone missing. The data issued by police over civilian casualties in Aceh is higher than that of the military version, which reports less than 100 civilians killed.

The Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) has announced that they had retrieved more than 180 bodies since the imposition of martial law, although they did not say whether the victims were civilians or not.

Police also recorded that 109 GAM members had been killed, four injured and 10 others were missing. It claimed that the joint troops had managed to arrest 93 GAM members, apart from 144 others who had surrendered.

Since the military offensive began, as many as 514 school buildings, 223 houses and 10 offices have been burned down, the police said. It did not disclose who was responsible for the arson.

Aceh martial law authority not unaccountable

Jakarta Post - June 23, 2003

Luhut M.P. Pangaribuan, Jakarta -- The martial law in the province of Aceh was issued in a decree signed by President Megawati Soekarnoputri. The decision was taken based on the reasoning that a comprehensive approach and dialog had failed to change the separatist intentions of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) from unitary state of Indonesia (NKRI).

The government instead saw that the movement had spread, adding to the suffering of the people, thus prompting the government to decide to stop all this as soon as possible through "integrated" efforts.

The President now holds the highest authority of the military emergency structure, assisted by an executive body headed by Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs (Gen.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The above decision was taken based on the President's constitutional authority, which is further specified in Law No. 23/1959 on the state of emergency and Law No. 2/2002 on the National Police. These are the legal references by which to judge whether the authorities of the current military emergency in Aceh are acting in accordance with the law.

Because of its emergency feature, the martial law authority is very strong, but this does not mean it is unlimited or unaccountable. Article 12 of Law No. 23/1959 stipulates that each civil servant must provide all information needed by the authorities, unless reasons justify otherwise. So if a civil servant is still forced to provide the requested information even though he has raised his reasons for not doing so, the authority in charge could be held accountable.

It thus needs to be clarified whether the arrest of several officials in Aceh was related to their refusal to provide reasons for not releasing the requested information to authorities.

Paragraph 1 of Article 57 in Law No. 23 states that officials of the martial law structure who abuse their power can be sentenced to prison for a maximum of five years. Paragraph 2 says the first article does not apply if the said abuse is a crime regulated by another law, which entails a heavier punishment.

In the same law, Article 60 points out that those parties who feel disadvantaged by actions mentioned in the law, which are proved to have been taken without reason, are entitled to compensation. 23/1959. Paragraph 2, Article 34, states that the martial law authority has full or conditional power from the President to regulate those issues under national law, apart from those regulated under the law on state of emergency. Article 33 mentions a number of paragraphs that can be ignored by the authorities, meaning that the authorities must abide with all the other laws.

Authorities are entitled to arrest and detain people for 20 days at the most, but the arrest must be reported to the martial law authority within 12 days. Within 10 days, the detainee must be investigated, the result of which must be reported to the martial law authority. The investigation must result in a dossier (Article 32), and if in 20 days the investigation is not completed and if detention is still required, the said person can be detained up to 50 days by the central authority of martial law. All arrests and detentions must be made with warrants.

This process is not regulated in the 1959 law, so here the Criminal Code procedure applies. So if arrests and detentions is conducted beyond what is regulated in the 1959 law, the Article 1 of Chapter X in the Criminal Code applies, and the military authority can be brought to a civil court.

Aceh, one month after

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 23, 2003

One month has passed since the "integrated operations" under the auspices of a military emergency were launched to settle the Aceh conflict once and for all, and the question has become, are we moving closer to a solution? Judging by the latest events and most recent statements, it is anybody's guess.

Official military statements claim progress. In military terms, it probably means that the military has succeeded in occupying and controlling more territory previously occupied and controlled by the rebels. To substantiate those claims, the military has released more figures of alleged rebels arrested, killed, or who have surrendered. However, it is obviously becoming increasingly difficult to independently substantiate those claims.

The martial law administration late last week issued new regulations on press coverage, banning the press from publishing news items that compromised the position of the military. Even interviews with government soldiers in the field are now subject to strict censorship by the military command.

These new regulations are in addition to previously existing ones that include a ban on any press coverage involving verification or interviews with Free Aceh Movement (GAM) sources. Balanced reporting has therefore been eclipsed by what the government claims to be the highest priority, the national interest.

Measuring progress is even more difficult as the targets or goals of the so-called integrated operations have not been clearly defined and made public from the very beginning. Presidential Decree No. 28, dated May 18, 2003, which authorizes these operations does not explicitly set a clear target or specific goals, except that the martial law status has a renewable term of six months.

TNI Chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto last week said during a press conference that the mission would be accomplished if GAM leaders and members surrendered. Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, however, said that the security operation in Aceh would be considered complete once civilians felt safe to move about freely, rather than when all the rebels had been subdued.

To add to the confusion, the Aceh martial law administration has moved to end the armed conflict by offering farmland to separatist rebels in exchange for unconditional surrender. Head of the provincial agriculture and horticulture office Samadi announced last Friday that the local government would provide each GAM member who surrendered with three hectares of land.

What is really going on in this conflict-ridden province? What actually are the targets and goals of the integrated operations, which comprise a military component, law and order restoration, consolidation of local government and a humanitarian component? Obviously again, it is anybody's guess.

It is still not too late to set clear, publicly disseminated targets and specific goals for these integrated operations. President Megawati, who authorized the operation, should immediately end the confusion about this matter. The House of Representatives, which previously provided carte blanche for the martial law administration, should withdraw this mandate and demand accountability based on clear targets and specific goals.

This newspaper strongly believes that the solution to the Aceh problem should put peace and justice for the people in Aceh as the top priority in setting those targets and goals.

Pursuing peace and justice in Aceh after decades of conflict that has killed more than 10,000 people, traumatized many more, and displaced more than 40,000 people, is of course not an easy job.

Military operations certainly are not an answer. First of all, by definition, the military are trained to occupy and control, not to pursue peace and justice. Secondly, concerning the Aceh problem, the Indonesian military has been part of the problem for decades, and it is hard to believe that a cause can also be the solution.

We clearly need something much more substantial than the above- mentioned Presidential Decree to end the suffering of the Acehnese people. Otherwise, the remaining five months of the martial law administration in Aceh will end up creating more problems than it solves.

TNI deploys British tanks to Aceh

Jakarta Post - June 23, 2003

Lhokseumawe -- Three dozen British-made Scorpion tanks have joined Indonesian troops in Aceh to fight local separatists, risking further dispute with the European country.

The heavily armed tanks arrived on Sunday as part of the reinforcements from the West Java-based First Cavalry Battalion of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad).

Aceh Military Operation Commander Brig. Gen. Bambang Darmono said the tanks would help safeguard Aceh's main roads from ambushes by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The small-sized tanks are designed for combat in city areas, boasting high maneuverability and speed.

Their deployment, however, could stir protest from Britain, which sold them under the agreement that the tanks would not be used to fight local separatists. When asked about the possible breach of contract, Bambang said "If they are already here, it means that the Indonesian Military [TNI] has carefully considered it."

The British government has complained to Indonesia over the deployment of Hawk jets imported from the European country to bombard Aceh rebel positions, saying it violated the pre-purchase deal. Britain also warned that its military cooperation with Indonesia would be undermined due to the use of warplanes in Aceh.

Visiting British Foreign Office Minister Mike O'Brien said early this month that there was a pre-purchase agreement between the two countries stipulating the Hawks could be used only in "particular circumstances".

Despite the warning, the Indonesian Air Force said it would continue using the jets to provide air cover for government troops who are intensifying their offensive on rebel bases.

A Britain-based human rights group, the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CATT) and the Indonesian Human Rights Campaign (Tapol), wrote to O'Brien last month regarding the possible use of Scorpion tanks to support the military operation in Aceh.

"The use of UK-manufactured Scorpion tanks for the purpose of military operations in Aceh again illustrates that the government's failure to revoke the export licenses for the Scorpions in July 1997 has left the Indonesian Military with equipment that can be used for internal repression. This is clearly contrary to the UK's arms export criteria announced at the same time," the human rights campaigners said.

The tanks' arrival will add to the fire power of the Army, which has been fighting the war without their own tanks. So far, only the Navy's Marines have used tanks, allowing them to penetrate GAM-controlled areas.

The Aceh martial law administrator announced that 18 clashes had been recorded on Sunday in which six rebels were killed and two were arrested, while 22 others surrendered to authorities. Military spokesman Col. Ditya Soedarsono also said five bodies were discovered in five separate locations on Sunday.

Ditya said government troops had so far killed 255 separatists, detained another 535, including 222 who had surrendered to the security authorities since the military offensive commenced on May 19. Sixteen rebels, including their local commander, Sahrul, from Ruap village, Central Kluet subdistrict, are the latest GAM members to surrender. They surrendered to the TNI battalion in South Aceh. The death toll among soldiers and police remains unchanged at 25 and three killed, respectively.

While the military has not provided a revised death toll on the number of civilians, updated data from the provincial police on Saturday revealed that 102 noncombatants had been killed, including 16 teachers, six civil servants and 26 village heads. In just over one month, the war has forced over 40,000 people to flee their homes.

Ditya said the military believed the rebels were becoming increasingly cornered and were fast depleting their ammunition.

Separately, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) chairman Hasyim Muzadi called on all GAM members to surrender as soon as possible in order to restore peace to the restive province. The leader of the country's largest Muslim organization also appealed to the government to consider granting amnesty to those who voluntarily surrendered.

"Laying down their arms and acknowledging the territorial integrity of Indonesia is the only way for GAM to avoid the loss of more victims in the province," Hasyim said on Sunday in Cirebon, West Java told Antara. "If they [GAM members] truly want to return to the Indonesian side, we appeal to the President to grant them amnesty."

 West Papua

FBI returns to Indonesia to probe Papua killings

Reuters - June 27, 2003

Jakarta -- FBI agents have returned to Indonesia to investigate the killing last August of two American schoolteachers in restive Papua province, an issue Washington has said could seriously affect bilateral ties.

The United States said last month it had warned Indonesia "at the highest levels" over the ramifications should the world's most populous Muslim nation fail to cooperate over the murders.

A senior US official this week said the issue was of the "highest priority" to Washington, adding some problems that hindered a January FBI visit -- such as the presence of military officials in interviews with witnesses -- had been resolved.

The FBI team, put at five by police, met chief security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Friday. It was unclear how long they would stay and if they would visit Papua.

Erwin Mappaseng, head of the police's criminal investigation division, said they had brought high-tech equipment to help. "The equipment includes technology on DNA matching ... We are still gathering and identifying evidence that can lead to the suspects who are still vague at this point," he said.

One Indonesian was also killed when gunmen sprayed a convoy of mainly American schoolteachers and their families with gunfire near a giant mine operated by US-based Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc. No one has been charged over the killings.

Indonesian police have previously said some weapons used were of the same type as those carried by troops stationed nearby, but that it was too early to point fingers at the military.

The military has denied any wrongdoing in the attack near the copper and gold mine. The teachers killed worked at an international school serving the mine's expatriate staff. FBI agents have made one previous public visit, in January.

"It's imperative that we have closure and credible accountability for those killings," said the senior US official, who declined to be identified.

If any military hand were found it would likely jeopardise Jakarta's bid to restore normal military ties with the United States, slashed after bloodshed gripped East Timor's 1999 vote to break from Indonesian rule.

Soldiers provide the main security for Freeport's mine in Papua, where a low-level rebellion has simmered for decades.

The military has blamed Papuan rebels for the attack. They have denied any involvement. Some Papuan human rights groups say military elements could have staged the ambush to discredit the rebels or get higher payment for their security role. Papuans differ ethnically from most Indonesians, who are Muslim. Papuans are either Christian or animist.

Timor trials debacle raises fear oppression in Papua

West Papua Association - June 26, 2003

The disastrous failure of Indonesia's ad hoc human rights court for East Timor to provide justice for the victims of human rights atrocities in East Timor has heightened fears of increased military oppression in areas such as West Papua.

The international solidarity movement for West Papua, which met in Brussels on 7/8 June, has today written an open letter to members of the international community expressing concern about the likely impact of the proceedings on the unaccountable power of the Indonesian military, TNI. The trials in the ad hoc court are due to end with the likely acquital of the highest-ranking defendant, Major General Adam Damiri, on 1 July.

The solidarity movement expresses the view that the trials "have been a travesty of justice designed to protect senior military officers responsible for gross violations of human rights..." It fears that "the process has undermined efforts to end military impunity and improve respect for the rule of law throughout Indonesia" and that "increased militarisation and violence in areas such as West Papua and Aceh will result from the legal system's failure to challenge the power of the military".

The solidarity groups issue a warning that the TNI is continuing to engage in activities which undermine peace and stability in West Papua, including a widespread operation in the central highlands area around the town of Wamena, which has led to the killing of civilians, the destruction of homes, schools and crops and the forcible displacement of around 1,000 people.

The activities of the militant Muslim Laskar Jihad militia group and the local Satgas Merah Putih militia are a also severe threat to peace in the area, they say. The solidarity groups add that the people of West Papua have a complete lack of faith in the administration of justice because of the failure of the authorities to conduct credible investigations and prosecutions in relation to numerous serious crimes, including the killing of Papuan leader Theys Eluay in November 2001.

In their letter, they call for an end to military operations in West Papua, renewed efforts to resolve the conflict by peaceful means in accordance with the call by local people for West Papua to be made a Land of Peace, the resolution of all outstanding serious crimes cases, and the implementation of the recommendations of a recent report on Indonesia by UN special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers.

US Senate moves against military over Papua incident

Jakarta Post - June 24, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesians might have forgotten the bloody attack at Tembagapura, Papua, 10 months ago. But Americans, or at least the US Senate, have not.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is trying to block US military aid to Indonesia following revelations that Indonesian Army soldiers were most likely responsible for the attack in which two Americans and one Indonesian were killed and eight other Americans were wounded.

A front page report on Monday in The Asian Wall Street Journal (AWSJ) said that the committee had approved an amendment prohibiting the release of US$600,000 in military training funds for Indonesia until President George W. Bush certified that the Indonesian government would bring to justice those responsible for the attack.

The amendment is expected to reach the Senate floor this summer. The Bush administration, according to the report, has opposed the amendment.

A White House spokesman, Sean McCormack, said: "It is important that we do everything possible to improve the human rights record of the Indonesian military through continued interaction with the US military." Nevertheless, the US government still does not know for certain who ordered or carried out the ambush despite an investigation by Federal Bureau of Investigation agents at the scene.

Congress has been given intelligence reports that support the conclusion of a preliminary Indonesian police investigation that found that "there is a strong possibility" the shooting was carried out by Indonesian soldiers.

"The preponderance of evidence indicates to us that members of the Indonesian Army were responsible for the murders in Papua," Matthew P. Daley, deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, told AWSJ in an interview.

"The question of what level and for what motive did these murders take place is of deep interest to the United States." The military, however, has denied involvement in the attacks. Instead, it has blamed the poorly-armed separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM).

The FBI is continuing to investigate the case as its agents were not given free access to sources at the scene when in Indonesia. They were required to interview witnesses in the presence of the Indonesian authorities and were not allowed to bring forensic evidence back to the US for analysis, the report said. Given the incomplete status of the investigation by the FBI, the US State Department is still debating whether to release $400,000 in fiscal-year-2003 military funds to Indonesia.

And yet, Indonesia has received other funds from the US According to the AWSJ report, since the Papua attack on August 31, 2002, the US Defense Department has given US$4 million to the Indonesian military for counter-terrorism training.

A nightmare, and a mystery, in the jungle

Washington Post - June 22, 2003

Ambush of School Outing Left 3 Dead, 8 Wounded And Suspicion of Involvement by Indonesian Army By Dana Priest Washington Post Staff Writer photo: Saundra Hopkins and Ken Balk identify a tree with their daughter Taia while on a walk near their home Thursday evening June 19, 2003. The family were attacked in Indonesia with bullets shattering Balk's femur and others killed.

Rob Kerr -- From the back seat, social studies teacher Steve Emma heard what he thought were rocks striking the Toyota Land Cruiser carrying Emma and his colleagues from the Tembagapura International School on a picnic outing through the rain forest of Papua, Indonesia, on August 31, 2002.

Then the windshield shattered. Rick Spier, behind the steering wheel, jerked and pitched forward. Blood and tissue splattered onto the seat and dashboard. In the passenger seat, principal Edwin "Ted" Burgon, slumped over, moaning and gurgling.

"Get down! Get down!" Emma shouted to the two women behind the front seats. As bullets riddled the vehicle, owned by the teachers' employer, the PT Freeport Indonesia gold and copper mine, Emma peeked out the windshield. He could make out three figures. One held a rifle. He strained to see their faces. But the thick fog and cracked window glass obscured his view. "Who are you?" Emma recalled asking. "Why are you doing this?"

Today, nearly nine months later, the US government still does not know for certain who ordered or carried out the ambush in which two Americans and one Indonesian were murdered and eight other Americans were wounded. Congress has been given intelligence reports that support the conclusion of a preliminary Indonesian police investigation that found that "there is a strong possibility" the shooting was carried out by members of the Indonesian military. The military has denied involvement in the attack. The FBI is continuing to investigate.

"The preponderance of evidence indicates to us that members of the Indonesian army were responsible for the murders in Papua," Matthew P. Daley, deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, said in an interview. "The question of what level and for what motive did these murders take place is of deep interest to the United States." The possibility of military involvement in the attack was raised at a closed hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on May 20, 2003. At the meeting, a CIA analyst reviewed intelligence reports on the murders, and also discussed intelligence indicating that military personnel were seeking to withhold evidence from FBI agents who were coming to Indonesia to investigate the crime, said several knowledgeable officials. The CIA and FBI declined to comment. The discussion prompted the committee to approve an amendment prohibiting the release of $600,000 in military training funds until President Bush certifies that the Indonesian government is taking effective measures to bring to justice those responsible for the shootings.

Sen. Russell D. Feingold (D-Wis.), who sponsored the amendment, confirmed the nature of the committee's deliberations but declined to discuss specifics. The amendment is expected to reach the Senate floor this summer. The Bush administration has opposed the amendment. A White House spokesman, Sean McCormack, said "it is important that we do everything possible to improve the human rights record of the Indonesian military through continued interaction with the US military."

Separately, the State Department is still debating whether to release $400,000 in fiscal year 2003 military funds to Indonesia given the incomplete status of the investigation. In December 2002, the US ambassador to Indonesia, Ralph L. "Skip" Boyce, delivered a message from Bush to Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri. Resolution of the case was important to overall bilateral relations, he told her, according to State Department officials.

But at the same time, Indonesia has received other funds from the United States. Since the attack, the Defense Department has given $4 million to the Indonesian military, known as TNI, or Tentara Nasional Indonesia, for counterterrorism training.

For two decades, the State Department and some in Congress have wrangled with Pentagon officials over the wisdom of providing training for the Indonesian military. US officials have long been wary of TNI's grip on political power, its vast, shadowy economic holdings and its well-documented human rights abuses -- most notably in the provinces of East Timor, Aceh, Papua and the Moluccas islands.

In 1999, President Bill Clinton suspended all military aid to Indonesia after the eruption of violence throughout East Timor by disgruntled troops and army-backed militias following the territory's vote for independence from Indonesia. By the time Bush took office, only very small US military education programs had been restored.

But US policy abruptly shifted after the terrorist attacks attack on September 11, 2001. The United States made it a priority to win the Indonesian military's support in fighting al Qaeda and Jemaah Islamyiah, a militant Islamic group based in Indonesia.

Now, Congress and the administration are investigating whether the Indonesian military, an important instrument of control in the most populous Muslim country in the world, might have been involved in an act of terrorism against Americans.

A frustrating investigation

The investigation has been difficult for the FBI. When agents visited Indonesia in January, they were required to interview witnesses in the presence of Indonesian authorities and not allowed to bring forensic evidence back to the United States for analysis, sources familiar with the investigation said.

Recently, Indonesian authorities told US officials they would allow forensic evidence to be escorted by Indonesian police to the United States for analysis at some later date. The authorities also promised that the FBI could carry out unsupervised interviews with witnesses. The FBI has yet to schedule a new visit.

The preliminary Indonesian police investigation questioned 30 soldiers and 44 civilians. Under "temporary conclusions," the Indonesia police report said, "there is a strong possibility that the Tembagapura case was perpetrated by the members of the Indonesian National Army Force," according to a copy of the report obtained by The Washington Post. The probe was headed by veteran investigator I Made Pastika.

Among the circumstantial evidence described in the police report was the fact that the weapons used in the attack, mostly M-16s, are standard issue to the military. The killers fired more than 130 bullets, according to the document. At a Jakarta news conference shortly after the attack, the chief of the Indonesian army, Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, laid blame on a separatist movement, the Free Papua Movement. The group has repeatedly denied it was involved.

Allen Behm, a former top Australian Defense Ministry official with extensive contacts in Indonesia, said he believes the Free Papua Movement could not have mounted such an assault. "The separatists simply don't have the motivation or the type of ammunition that was used," Behm said.

The ambush occurred about 500 yards from a major military post, along a steep, winding road between Tembagapura, a Freeport company mining enclave, and Timika, a town built by the company. Drivers and passengers are required to use plastic security cards to drive on the road and must stop at three manned checkpoints along the way, each time sharing identification and stating a reason for travel to the Freeport security guards.

Since 1967, New Orleans-based Freeport McMoRan Cooper & Gold has owned and operated the major share of the world's largest gold mine there. The open pit Grasberg mine looks like a ragged bullet wound in the middle of a lush green carpet. Trucks with six-foot-high wheels run 24 hours a day hauling out some of the mine's estimated 53.3 billion pounds of copper and 62.2 million ounces of gold.

To attract employees, of which there are nearly 9,250, the company has its own airline and port and has built a $400 million community in Kuala Kencana, complete with luxury hotel, golf course, schools, health clinics and power plants. The school teachers and principal were contract employees, educating the 74 children of Freeport's American, British and Australian employees.

Freeport's exploitation of Papua's rich resources and 700,000 acres of surrounding land has generated deep resentment among local people, many of whom live in poverty and were relocated as the mine grew. In 1996, a riot by local residents halted mining operations. In response, Freeport began to hire many more soldiers from the Indonesian military to protect the mine.

The company paid $35 million for military barracks and other facilities and equipment. Over the years, the military, police and Freeport's security detail grew from 200 people to 2,000, according to a Freeport report. The company and its partners in the mine paid the military and police $5.8 million in 2001 and $7 million in 2002, according to the company. Most of the money went for food, housing and vehicle maintenance, a Freeport official said.

Providing security for the mine has become a lucrative enterprise for the military in Papua, where it also has other money-making enterprises, such as export of tropical birds and tree resins as well as logging and mining. Overall, only about one-third of the military's budget comes from government funds. The rest comes from a vast network of side businesses.

According to press reports at the time of the attack, the company had discussed reducing the number of soldiers and police who guard the mine and facilities. Freeport said no such discussions took place, and there are no plans to change the security arrangements.

The FBI still is investigating the possibility that the ambush was designed to persuade Freeport to increase its payments to the military, according to sources close to the investigation. "Freeport has been trying to wean the military off the corporate nipple for a long time," said Chris Ballard, who used to work for Freeport and is now a professor at the Australian National University.

Human rights groups have accused Indonesian soldiers and special forces of killing or kidnapping tens of thousands of Papuans in the last three decades. In November 2001, seven soldiers in Kopassus, the Indonesian special forces, were convicted in connection with the killing of a Papuan independence leader, Theys Eluay.

US officials said they believe elements of the military may have wanted to frame the separatist group, Free Papua Movement, in the hope of prompting the State Department to add the group to the department's terrorist list. If the separatists were listed as a terrorist group, it would almost guarantee an increase in US counterterrorism aid to the Indonesian military, the officials said.

Steve Emma, still immobilized by his injuries and suffering debilitating flashbacks, said Bush should apply his with-us-or- against-us formula on terrorism if the Indonesian military was involved. "This was an outrageous act of terrorism," he said of the attack.

Denver resident Patsy Spier, wife of murdered schoolteacher Rick Spier, has walked Capitol Hill for the last six months, campaigning for a cutoff of US military aid to Indonesia pending the outcome of the investigation. Her flowing, strawberry blond hair, bright green eyes and often cheery manner mask the pain of 70 pieces of shrapnel lodged in her torso from the attack.

Spier carries a primer, "Congress At Your Fingertips," in her big purse, to help her figure out how Washington works. She has wrangled meetings with top US officials, including Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz, the US ambassador in Jakarta from 1986 to 1989, who still is a major influence on US policymaking toward Indonesia.

Wolfowitz declined several requests for interviews. But at a meeting with Asian defense ministers in Singapore in May, he defended continued US military assistance to Indonesia. "I think it is important to understand ... that the issue of [military training] at times is too often, I think, made the one point on which we use to indicate our dissatisfaction over issues... I believe exposure of Indonesian officers to US [military personnel] has been a way to promote reform efforts in the military not to set them back."

Spier is not convinced. "I have led a very fortunate, happy life, and so has Rick," Spier said at the end of her first trip to Capitol Hill in January. "It's because of his life that I can't let this horrible act happen to anyone else ... someone's got to learn something from this. Something positive has got to come from this whole thing."

'We never felt safer'

Rick and Patsy Spier had a romantic marriage. They met at The Pits tavern in Wray, Colo., on Patsy's 25th birthday, she recalled recently. "What do you want for your birthday, Patsy?" a friend had asked her as they sat in the bar. "I want me a long, tall cowboy," she responded. Just then Rick, employed as a cowhand, walked by. Her friend called to him: "Hey Stretch, come and dance with this girl!"

After three months of dating, Patsy fell in love, she said. They eloped and a couple of years later began what would be 12 years of teaching abroad, including at a copper mine in Peru and in Khartoum, Sudan. The couple vacationed in Tasmania and Antarctica. They had just begun their third year teaching in the province of Papua, formerly called Irian Jaya. "We loved it," she said. "We were together all the time." They walked to school together and ate lunch together. "We were best friends, and we never felt safer anywhere, including America, than we did in Tembagapura."

When the teachers were unable to book rooms at the company-built hotel for the weekend because a golf tournament had filled it up, Rick Spier suggested a picnic. The surrounding area is home to the largest number of endemic species anywhere in the world, and so diverse it includes rain forests, mangrove swamps and alpine tundra covered with glacial ice.

The Spiers wanted four new staff members -- Ted and Nancy Burgon, Steve Emma and Francine Goodfriend -- to see the bright orchids, loud frogs, two-story waterfalls and veiny Sarracenia purpurea -- fly-trapping pitcher plants -- that made their isolated tip of Indonesia so enchanting. But by 12:30 p.m., a thick fog and constant drizzle drove them to cut the outing short and head back home.

Navigating around Freeport's huge dump trucks and tractor trailers slowed the vehicles to a crawl and separated the one driven by Rick Spier from the second one, driven by Ken Balk, by five to 10 minutes. Emma, who had been in Indonesia for two weeks, recalled he was asking Rick Spier and Nancy Burgon about the Papuans' tribal lifestyle when the first volley of shots penetrated the vehicle. By the third volley, he said, "I knew Ted was dead."

'They're still out there'

Emma could hear the metal rip through the vehicle. The gunfire sounded as if it came from more than one weapon, not the rat-tat-tat of an automatic weapon. After a brief silence, the shooting began again. "Oh my God!" cried Goodfriend, as bullets tore through her right side and blood began pouring from her head. "They're still out there. They're coming through," Nancy Burgon screamed.

It seemed whoever was shooting had moved around to the right side of the vehicle, which was pierced by hot lead that then broke up into shrapnel and ricocheted inside the vehicle. Burgon was grazed on the hip and metal fragments embedded in her face. Emma's upper right shoulder began burning; the heat trickled down his back. Another shot tore open his left hip and leg, sending a feeling of fire throughout his body.

Outside the Toyota, a fuel-tanker truck appeared at the vehicle's side. But bullets fired at the truck driver's neck and face stopped him, too. Emma could see fuel spraying through bullet holes in the truck's tank and onto the SUV. The vehicle's engine was still running. "It smells like gas. They're trying to blow us up," Emma recalled telling Nancy Burgon.

They debated trying to drive away, but decided it would be too risky. "We're going to blow up! We need to turn off the engine!" yelled Burgon. "I'll do it." "No, I'll do it," said Emma, just as Nancy Burgon hoisted her bloody body over Rick Spier's, and saw for the first time how gruesome his wounds were. "How do I turn it off?" she fumbled, stunned by the sight and beginning to shake. "Turn the key to the left," instructed Emma. "I can't," replied Nancy Burgon, unable to move Spier's body out of the way. "I think Rick and Ted are dead," she said. Emma nodded and grabbed her hand. "We'll get through this," he told her, and lifted himself over the seat to reach the key.

But inside, Emma could feel himself losing control and composure. Overwhelmed by a feeling of helplessness and by a wrenching, unforgiving pain, Emma kicked open the back door. "God damn it! Come and get me!" he yelled. The shooting stopped briefly and then resumed. "That was a stupid mistake," Emma told himself.

From the opened back door, he could see three of the six passengers from the second SUV -- Ken Balk, his wife Saundra Hopkins and their 6-year-old daughter, Taia -- huddled outside their vehicle behind a tire. Balk's vehicle caught up with the first one, which was positioned headfirst in an embankment. Driving the second vehicle, Balk had noticed a Papuan dressed in military fatigues on the road just in front of the vehicle. From the front passenger seat, his wife, Hopkins, recalled seeing several Papuans, one in a black shirt, another in black camouflage pants, and a third with an ill-fitting jacket vest. As their SUV approached the scene, Patsy Spier saw two puffs of dirt on the road in back of a pickup that swept past in the opposite direction. Then everything went into slow motion.

As Spier, Balk and Hopkins tell the story, a hail of invisible bullets and their fiery shrapnel cut through Spier's back, exploding her 11th rib and piercing her kidney with more than 70 shards. Bullets hit their Indonesian colleague, Bambang Riwanto, who fell onto Spier, dead. Screams blended with the loud crash of shattering glass.

In the mayhem, the immediate focus was to shield little Taia, sitting behind the front passenger seat. Lynn Poston, seated next to Taia and badly wounded herself, helped push Taia to the floor and cover her with a blanket. Balk, by then bleeding profusely from bullet wounds in his right side, knee, colon and lumbar artery, got out of the vehicle and pulled his wife out. As they pulled Taia out, she was shot in the buttock.

They moved together to the ground and the three huddled behind a tire. "Gurus! Eskola Amerika! Bebe!" yelled Hopkins, who had been hit in the hip and had shrapnel lodged in her head. "Teachers! American school! Child!" As mother and father crouched on the gravel, protecting their daughter, Balk saw a pair of black boots underneath the truck, some 20 yards away. "Why are they doing this, Mommy?" Taia asked. "Shhh, be still, be quiet now," Hopkins whispered back.

Balk took another shot to his thigh, and his blood, bones and muscle splattered onto Taia. He was already drenched in blood, and was losing so much that the couple discussed what they would do if he died. "You should just go home, get off the mountain," Balk told his wife.

For what seemed like forever, the parents prayed. They tried to comfort their daughter. They both had the same fear: that they would see a pair of boots coming toward them. They also tried to talk to Poston and Patsy Spier, both still inside the vehicle. Balk feared they were going into shock. "Lynn, are you okay? Patsy, can you hear us?" he said.

Poston had become hysterical. And both of their voices were becoming audibly weaker. "They aren't going to stop," Patsy Spier thought to herself. "My God, when is this going to end?" Spier thought a lot about her husband as she sat nearly paralyzed in the second vehicle. "I had a feeling in my heart that Rick was already gone because I knew if he wasn't, he'd be trying to get me out."

Her pain and fear, like the terror described by Emma, Balk and Hopkins, overtook all other senses. Dying would end it. "I'm ready. It's okay, they can come and get me," Spier thought to herself, she recalled. "Just do it." Rescue in confusion

In a brief lull, Spier heard a distinct human imitation of a bird whistle -- and a whistled response. It was not, she later recalled, the whooping calls of the Amungme tribe. They were just 500 yards from the nearest military post. How could anyone get on this road without the military or Freeport's knowledge?

Spier was shot again, this time in the foot, which made her think perhaps the shooters were under the vehicle. She apologized to Bambang Riwanto, for having to shift her weight and move him, a movement that seemed to provoke more shooting as his body came into view from the window.

Some 15 to 20 minutes into the ambush, a Freeport manager, Andrew Neale, came upon the vehicles as he drove south with his wife. He put the car in reverse and sped away to get help. At about the same time, another Freeport manager, Bob Kilborn, driving north, saw the tanker truck, two dump trucks and their injured drivers. He carried one injured man to his car and another man jumped through his window before Kilborn sped away for help, according to a Freeport security document.

When Kilborn reached the nearest military post, he ran into a group of soldiers. Some of the soldiers agreed to get in this car and head back to the ambush site. By then, Neale had arrived with soldiers, too. A brief exchange of gunfire followed before the soldiers fanned out on the road, firing their weapons. "Help! Help! We need medical care," Hopkins, bloodied and still crouching near the tire with her husband and daughter, told the first soldier she saw. He looked terrified, she recalled, and disappeared.

At the same time, Patsy Spier, inside the second SUV, heard banging on the back of the vehicle. Someone was trying to open it. They were Indonesian soldiers there to rescue her. Four of them pulled her limp body from the vehicle. They laid her on the ground. Two Papuan men sat next to her and patted her hand and put a cooler lid under her head as a pillow. "Terima kasih, Terima kasih," she whispered to them. "Thank you. Thank you."

Kilborn came over to see how she was. "What about Rick?" she asked him. "Just a minute, I'll go see," he replied, but never came back. In the meantime, an Indonesian army soldier, dressed in full camouflage, walked up and stood over her, glaring down. She looked at his black boots. "I kept wanting to touch his gun, to see if it were hot," she said. "But I stopped myself."

At the hospital in Tembagapura, Patsy Spier learned what she already sensed -- that her husband was dead. "I want to see him. I have to see him," she told doctors through her sobs and shock. "And I want him autopsied. I want everyone to know he was murdered."

Around 9pm, some eight hours after she and her husband had started out on a picnic, the nurses wheeled Patsy's gurney into a room with Rick's body. He had a hunk of red cotton in his mouth. The nurse lifted his hand so she could hold it. She told him she would always love him. And she said goodbye.

[Correspondent Doug Struck and researchers Robert Thomason and Margot Williams contributed to this report.]

 Students/youth

KAMMI activists released after temporary arrest

Antara - June 29, 2003

Lumajang -- Some 15 activists of the Moslem University Students Action Group (KAMMI) from some districts in East Java were released on Sunday afternoon after police earlier arrested and held them for a couple of hours.

"They were released after we interrogate them for several hours," Adjunct Commissioner Fransiscus Sasono, chief of the Lumajang police crime unit, said here.

According to him, police held the activists to prevent a clash with followers of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDIP), the Indonesian Youth Front (BMI) and the police.

 'War on terrorism'

Bashir turns a deaf ear as trial goes on

Straits Times - June 27, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Sobbing witnesses, lawyers walking out in protest against the judges' decision, and a defendant who never looked up from a book he was reading throughout the trial -- even courtroom scenes in television soaps are rarely this exciting.

One dramatic scene after another marked yesterday's trial of militant cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, who is facing treason charges.

The setting was already special: Three detained suspects were testifying from Singapore via video-conference.

Five 60cm television monitors and one smaller set were placed in the courtroom for the judges, the prosecutors, the defendant and the audience. The equipment and technicians for the teleconference were brought in from Singapore.

It is the third time the Indonesian court system has used video- conferencing in a trial, after former president B.J. Habibie testified from Germany in a graft case and a human rights case last year. The prosecutors also plan to hear testimonies of three other detainees in Malaysia next week.

But Bashir's team of lawyers did not like it. They argued that since there was no ruling on video-conferencing in the country's legal system, the trial was flawed.

Senior lawyer Mohamad Asegaf told the court: "As a consequence of our stance and viewpoint, with all due respect for the integrity of the court, we resign from the trial and will leave the courtroom specifically when teleconferencing is used to hear the testimonies of witnesses in Singapore and Malaysia." They then walked out of the courtroom together, cheered by hundreds of Bashir loyalists.

A subsequent request by Bashir to leave the courtroom was denied by the judges.

Calling the trial unfair, Bashir said: "I would stay in the courtroom but I would not be present here in the trial." And he stuck to his word by reading an Islamic book, ignoring the trial that lasted about six hours.

When the first witness, Faiz Abu Bakar Bafana, was moved to tears at the sight of a man he said "is like my own father" on the TV screen, Bashir ignored him.

When the second witness, Hashim Abas, was asked by the prosecutor to identify the cleric he knew only by the alias Abu Somad, Bashir refused to lift his head up to accommodate the camera trying to get a close-up on him.

And when Hashim asked to hear from the man himself denying his leadership of the Jamaah Islamiah (JI), Bashir defied the judge's order to address the request. But that was hardly any consolation for the hundreds of the cleric's loyalists at the trial site, which was set up at the Meteorology and Geophysics Agency building in Central Jakarta.

They had come expecting the witnesses to deny Bashir's involvement in the JI, as in the previous cases when several Bali bombing suspects were flown in to give their testimonies. So they were visibly upset when the first witness confirmed that Bashir was the group's supreme leader.

Minutes after Faiz testified, the cleric's supporters left the room en masse. Many more, gathered outside the courtroom, also left the complex, shouting "Allahu Akbar" or "God is great".

Asked to comment on the witnesses' testimonies, Bashir said: "I don't feel that I'm present in this room."

US scared of Islamic law, says alleged terror leader

Agence France Presse - June 26, 2003

An Indonesian Muslim cleric accused of leading a terror network accused the United States of orchestrating his treason trial to stop him fighting for the establishment of Islamic law.

"This is indeed a conspiracy. This is an orchestrated project aimed at stopping [the struggle to uphold] Islamic law, of which America is afraid," Abu Bakar Bashir told Elshinta radio in an interview before the latest trial session.

"I'm not a criminal. I just want to uphold the law," he said. "I say what is right is right. What is wrong is wrong." Bashir heads the Indonesian Mujahideen Council, which is campaigning for Islamic law in the mainly Muslim but secular nation.

Prosecutors say Bashir also heads the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) regional extremist group and that he tried to overthrow the Indonesian government through terrorism and to establish an Islamic state.

Three suspected JI terrorists detained in Singapore are set to testify via a televised link later Thursday. They include Faiz Abu Bakar Bafana, whom prosecutors say was ordered by a man called Hambali -- JI's former operations chief who is now on the run -- to tell Bashir of a plan for bombings in Indonesia and to seek his blessing.

Bashir said Bafana attended his religious lessons while he was in Malaysia. "He was a contractor," he said.

One of Bashir's lawyers, Muhammad Assegaf, said the defence team would read a four-page statement at the start of proceedings. He would not comment on whether they planned to walk out in protest against the use of a teleconference, as reported by the media earlier.

Prosecutors say Bashir plotted to bomb US interests in Singapore and authorised the Christmas Eve bombings of numerous churches and priests in Indonesia in 2000, in which 19 people were killed.

None of the witnesses called so far -- including five Bali bomb suspects -- has implicated Bashir in bombings or linked him definitively to JI. Two said they had either believed or had been told he was the network's leader.

Bashir, 64, could face a 20-year jail term if convicted of trying to topple the government. Police have said JI was behind the October 12 Bali nightspot blasts which killed 202 people but have not accused Bashir of involvement in that attack.

Bali bombing suspect 'tortured'

BBC News - June 23, 2003

The man accused of masterminding the Bali bombings has alleged that police interrogators tortured him into confessing a role in the attacks.

In his first opportunity to defend himself in court, 43-year-old preacher Ali Ghufron, known as Mukhlas, said the statements he had previously made were incorrect because he had been subjected to "mental pressure, including brutal and inhuman physical torture".

Mukhlas is one of several suspects currently on trial charged with involvement in the attacks in the Indonesian tourist resort last October, which killed 202 people.

His younger brother, Amrozi, who is another suspect in the Bali bombings, has also claimed that Mukhlas was tortured by police. The police have yet to comment on the latest allegations.

'Stripped naked'

Mukhlas told Monday's court session that officers beat him 20 times and threatened to send a photograph of his bruised genitals to his wife unless he confessed.

"I was stripped naked, without any single piece of clothing. For me as a Muslim ... by God, being shot in the head several times is better than having my dignity and parts of my body that should not be seen sullied," he said.

"I initially refused to sign the confession presented by the police. But later, I agreed because I could no longer stand all the torture." Mukhlas urged the court to ignore a written confession he made last week, saying that he planned the bombings.

He also asked them to ignore his earlier statement saying that radical Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir had ordered the attacks. Mr Ba'asyir -- currently on trial for a separate string of bomb attacks in 2000 -- has been accused of heading Jemaah Islamiah (JI), a terrorist group blamed for the Bali attacks.

The trial of another Bali suspect, Imam Samudra, also continued on Monday. But the hearing was interrupted when two Australian survivors of the bombings lashed out at Mr Samudra, calling him a "f****** dog who was going to f****** die".

Footballer Jake Ryan and his brother Mitchell came within three metres of the accused man, in the first direct confrontation between a suspect and a victim.

 Government & politics

Politicians united to block audit of campaign funds

Jakarta Post - June 28, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Politicians have blocked public demands for transparency in the campaign funds channeled to and spent by presidential candidates, casting doubt over their commitment to a fair and honest election, observers say.

House of Representatives legislators deliberating the presidential election bill have unanimously approved an article that will give public accountants only four days to thoroughly examine details of the bank accounts of presidential candidates.

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) deputy coordinator Luky Djani and Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) member Didik Supriyanto, demanded more time for a thorough audit. "The stipulation is not applicable. It's just unrealistic," Luky told a discussion in Jakarta on Friday.

They suspected the short time given for the audit was a conspiracy among politicians to cover up illegal revenues and expenditures to evade penalties.

The presidential election bill requires each presidential candidate to open a bank account for his or her campaign. Donations from individuals and institutions must not exceed Rp 100 million (US$12,195) and Rp 750 million respectively. Violators can be jailed for between four and 24 months, fined between Rp 200 million and Rp 1 billion fine, and disqualification of a candidate. The campaign funds may come from the candidates themselves, their affiliated political parties and donations from individuals or institutions.

The deputy chairman of the House's special committee deliberating the presidential election bill, Chozin Chumaidy, disclosed on Friday that the nine factions in the committee had agreed that a candidate would be audited twice.

The first audit would be conducted when candidates were proposed by political parties. The audit would unveil the initial account of the campaign funds raised by each candidate. The second audit would be conducted one day after the 30-day campaign period ends.

"One day after the campaign term is closed, the account will be audited and the results will be announced three days before the election day," Chozin said. The House has agreed on the polling day, which will fall seven days after the campaign ends. This means there are only four days for the audit.

Besides creating difficulties for the auditor, the decision to allow only two audits will hinder accountants being able to trace irregularities quickly.

Didik and Luky feared that violations might be found after a candidate was elected the president. "Should this happen, what will we do?" Didik asked.

Chozin said the House factions agreed not to limit the amount of money a presidential candidate could obtain, as long as it was obtained according to the regulations.

"The amount of campaign funds depends on the wealth of political parties and on how each party prepares for the campaign." Chozin said the names of presidential candidates would be submitted to the General Elections Commission (KPU) with the initial details of their campaign funds.

He said the KPU would announce eligible candidates and their respective campaign funds at the same time.

Indonesian MPs accused of living it up in Europe

Straits Times - June 28, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- A group of senior Indonesian MPs is in the spotlight after media reports here said that they and their families had lived it up on a recent tour of Europe at taxpayers' expense.

The six legislators' bill for a 10-day tour of London, Madrid, Paris, Rome and The Hague -- where they reportedly dined in expensive restaurants, stayed in top-class hotels and toured Paris -- came to at least US$54,000 say officials.

But the deputy speakers of the National Assembly deny misusing state funds, saying the European trip was to find foreign investors "to help the Indonesian economy recover".

Reports here say they stayed at hotels like the Hotel de Crillon in Paris, where the suites cost 1,100 euros a night, travelled in limousines and went on shopping sprees.

One of the MPs, Mr Oesman Sapta, said they had met their European counterparts in London and Madrid, and Indonesian envoys in Rome and The Hague. But a meeting with French MPs in Paris fell through, so the group had gone sightseeing instead.

As well as the state-funded expenses, Mr Oesman, who is also a businessman, is reported to have given about US$7,000 to each of his colleagues. He told the press the extra allowances were given out of generosity and thanksgiving for his recovery from cancer.

Asked about the results of the mission, he said the delegation had invited foreign investors to a workshop on economic recovery in Jakarta next week. There has been no news on whether any foreign businesses have agreed to attend.

The accounts of the MPs' European tour have made headlines in papers like Bisnis Indonesia and Jakarta amid growing scepticism about the real intent of such missions. In the past few years, many officials, legislators and even provincial councillors have gone abroad on official "comparative study" missions.

Mr Farid Faqih of Government Watch, an independent non- governmental organisation, told The Straits Times: "All these trips are non-essential, it's just a ploy to travel for free." Furthermore, the MPs appeared to have breached their code of conduct for accepting large sums of money for personal use, even if it came from fellow legislators. But he expressed doubts that Parliament would punish the MPs when it was showing hardly any resolve in fighting corruption.

On Monday, a meeting on a proposal to revise anti-corruption laws had to be postponed when less than half of the legislators showed up. The proposal was to amend an article in the law that would allow the continued existence of the Committee to Investigate State Officials' Wealth (KPKPN) but as a panel operating with diminished powers. At present, the KPKPN can force the disclosure of the assets of all public officers, including legislators.

Analysts said some legislators were keen on dissolving the committee for fear it was getting too powerful, particularly after it had gone after powerful figures such as President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Attorney-General M. A. Rachman in its hunt for undisclosed assets.

Corrupt, lazy, but loyal

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 26, 2003

How would you characterize a typical government worker in Indonesia? If Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno has his way, a typical civil servant would be loyal to the cause of the unitary state (however the minister defines "loyal"), but would still be corrupt. You can throw in lazy for good measure, to complete the picture.

Hari is taking the government's fixation with NKRI, the Indonesian acronym for the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, to new heights by requiring a new loyalty test for all civil servants, including those in central and regional administrations, beginning next month.

Forget fighting corruption, supposedly the chief objective of this government when it was elected back in 1999; let alone improving efficiency. The greatest danger to this nation, at least according to Hari, is the poor loyalty of civil servants to the cause of the unitary state.

With a single stroke of his pen, he has relegated the fight against corruption in the bureaucracy from the top of the national agenda, and replaced it with his own mission.

As far as the minister is concerned, civil servants can be as corrupt as possible. They can even plunder the nation's wealth to the point of bringing this nation to the brink of economic collapse as they did in 1998 (of course, in collaboration with the powers that be), so long as they are proven by his office to be loyal to NKRI.

The idea of carrying out a loyalty test was broached early this month when the minister learned that some government workers in Aceh province had been supporting the separatist cause of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). As part of Jakarta's campaign to crush GAM to its roots, the government has decided to weed out separatist or disloyal people from its own ranks by announcing the test.

But barely a week after disclosing his controversial plan, Hari, an Army general by background, decided to go one step further: He wants all civil servants nationwide to take the test.

Calling his plan "re-registration", he made it clear that this would involve more than civil servants renewing their documents, but also interviews to determine whether or not they were loyal to NKRI. The ease with which he expanded the scheme -- there was little public opposition -- raises concern that he might also extend this loyalty test requirement to every citizen in the country.

Presumably, he would employ psychologists and experts to help his office draft the questions that would detect one's loyalty to the state. He seemed so assured that his office would be able to net those who are not loyal, as he put it, "from their answers".

While we have no problem with the government's wish to remove disloyal elements from the bureaucracy, we strongly object to the approach, which essentially puts the burden of proof of loyalty on every civil servant. This approach essentially tells us that every civil servant's loyalty is in question until he or she proves the contrary. (This, however, would be a novel approach to eradicating the rampant corruption in the bureaucracy.) We also object to the idea of screening because the nation has been down this road before, and is still deeply traumatized by it. The Soeharto regime introduced all kinds of screening during its 32- year repressive rule as a way of controlling and terrorizing the people. We had screening to weed out communists, which went on long after the communist party was outlawed and crushed in 1965; we had screening for good behavior; screening for bersih lingkungan, which essentially meant that you and your extended family were not "tainted", as defined by the powers that be; there also was screening for your loyalty to the state ideology, Pancasila.

These screenings were mandatory, not only for civil servants, as many were expanded to other professions, including politicians, teachers, journalists, even young people intending to study abroad. Very often, papers proving that you had passed these tests were required when applying for passports, ID cards and other documents.

Our concern goes beyond the time and expense, not to mention the frustration, that we had to go through in taking these tests and getting these papers. There were always middlemen who offered their services for a fee. Undoubtedly, Hari's new screening test proposal will produce a new batch of middlemen.

Past screenings led to rampant abuses that killed lives, livelihoods and careers. Given this recent history, there is a likelihood that Hari's loyalty test would lead to renewed abuses and a violation of people's basic rights.

Our biggest concern is on the definition of "loyalty" to the NKRI cause: Who gets to define it? With a general election just around the corner, there is concern that loyalty to the state would be defined more in terms of loyalty to the powers that be -- just as in the Soeharto years -- and not loyalty to the people they are supposed to serve.

Given that rampant corruption, both within the bureaucracy and outside it, is the single-greatest problem this country faces today, should that not be the chief criterion used to define one's loyalty to the unity and integrity of this country? With Hari Sabarno's loyalty test seemingly unstoppable, we propose that he expand it to make sure that all civil servants are clean (ie. not corrupt) and hard-working, as well as loyal.

Lawmakers to summon Megawati over loss of islands

Agence France Presse - June 26, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesia's parliament is to summon President Megawati Sukarnoputri to explain the loss of two islands to Malaysia, reports said yesterday.

Parliament wants Ms Megawati to elaborate on the loss of Sipadan and Ligitan islands following a World Court decision last December, the Jakarta Post and the state Antara news agency reported.

"The President, as chief executive, still needs to make a clarification to the House and it is not enough that it is the relevant ministers who do the explaining," lawmaker Mashadi was quoted by Antara as saying. No date has been set for her appearance.

The Jakarta Post said the date for the House plenary session to hear the President's explanation will be decided later by a House steering committee. Legislators supporting the motion hope the President will appear before the House in the first week of July.

The decision to summon the President came after a vote during a plenary session on Tuesday, with 117 legislators in favour and 102 against. One legislator abstained from voting.

The paper said the result was somewhat surprising, as some large factions had previously played down the proposal, which was signed by a group of legislators from the National Awakening Party (PKB), Reform and Golkar factions.

The summons will also test Ms Megawati's political ability to appease her critics ahead of next year's elections, when she will seek another five-year term.

After a decades-long legal dispute, the International Court of Justice ruled that Sipadan and Ligitan off eastern Borneo belong to Malaysia.

Sukhoi-gate puts Megawati in the line of fire

Jakarta Post - June 24, 2003

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- It comes as no surprise that Indonesian legislators are crying foul over the government's decision to buy Russian fighter jets.

The controversy, dubbed "Sukhoi-gate", underscores a battle brewing at the subterranean level of politics in Indonesia, where President Megawati Sukarnoputri's rivals are grasping for whatever ammunition they can get to destroy her credibility ahead of the elections next year.

A putsch against her is unlikely at this stage but with so many of her enemies coming into alignment against her, Ms Megawati will be in for a rough ride.

At the heart of Sukhoi-gate is Jakarta's purchase of four Sukhoi jets, two SU-20 and two SU-27 bombers and two MI-35 helicopters during the President's trip to Russia last month.

Critics insist the US$192-million deal violated defence and budgetary laws and banking procedures. Most arms-procurement deals in Indonesia have to go through the Defence Department for approval before being submitted to the Finance Ministry and Parliament for budgeting.

But according to air force generals, the deal went through without any scrutiny, forcing Parliament to set up a special team to investigate the purchase for "irregularities".

The uproar has little to do with transparency or the high moral ground of fighting corruption. It has everything to do with getting a share of the pie and identifying points of vulnerability to attack Ms Megawati's image.

It is common knowledge that the generals get a significant cut of the commission for any procurement contract that is signed. This time around, they did not get a cent from the mark-up that defence contractors here estimated at US$10 million.

A large chunk of that, some argue, has reportedly been funnelled to the coffers of Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle (PDI-P).

This explains also the vitriol of politicians who are trying their best to make a quick buck from securing bonds, tenders and projects to fund an all-important election campaign.

Legislators argue privately that the Sukhoi deal will only allow the PDI-P to bolster its elections treasure chest at the expense of other parties, which have been on the losing end of the money trail since Ms Megawati took power. Her husband, Mr Taufik Kiemas, has been vital to efforts to rake in funds given his connections to several business leaders in the country.

Despite attempts by Golkar and several Islamic parties, it is unlikely that the latest scandal will bring down the presidency. The past 12 months have seen several "gates" being opened but leading nowhere. First, there was the Banpres-gate, which referred to the use of off-budget funds under the Megawati administration for political purposes.

Then, there was the uproar over the sale of state-owned telecommunications provider Indosat to Singapore Technologies Telemedia. PDI-P was also accused of siphoning off part of the origination fees for the sale.

But this is all hot air in a silly season in Indonesian politics before the big show next year. Still, Ms Megawati must watch her step. The fodder is growing. Sukhoi-gate is another stab at her image and standing, which are on the wane.

Loyalty test for civil servants

Straits Times - June 24, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Millions of Indonesian civil servants nationwide will be subject to government screening starting next month to prove their loyalty to the nation.

The 4.1 million civil servants in the country have been given a month to register and take the nationalism test at the local offices of the National Employment Body (BKN). The test includes written questionnaires as well as interviews with BKN officials.

The move -- initially planned to cover only civil servants in the separatism-hit province of Aceh -- was announced by Home Affairs Minister Harry Sabarno on Sunday and soon drew criticism.

He told reporters after attending a plenary session of the Jakarta Council marking the 476th anniversary of the capital: "Even the civil servants outside Aceh may not be fully loyal to the nation, and they may have questionable commitment to Indonesia's territorial integrity. Through the registration process, BKN will divide the officials into three categories: loyal, uncertain and questionable." He said BKN officials could determine the depth of the civil servants' loyalty through their answers.

Asked whether the civil servants who failed the test would be sanctioned, he said: "We'll see after the registration process." The plan came as Indonesia began a crackdown on government officials and local politicians with apparent links to the separatist group Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in the province that is currently under martial law.

The military authorities in Aceh have detained more than 10 officials, members of local legislatures and businessmen in the province for allegedly supporting or sympathising with GAM. Jakarta said last week that it would conduct a registration process for Aceh civil servants.

But with separatist sentiment also brewing in other areas such as Papua, the government decided to conduct the screening for officials across the archipelago.

To many people, however, the move evoked the exhaustive special background checks of civil servants under former president Suharto. In 1990, he began the screening systems of civil servants to trace their past involvement in, or their links to, the Communist Party and other outlawed organisations. Officials often turned against each other to curry favour with their superiors or safeguard their positions. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid revoked the decree in March 2000.

Analysts fear that the planned registration process will lead to discrimination and rampant backstabbing among civil servants, as in the past. They also questioned the effectiveness of the so- called nationalism test.

Dr Jimly As-Siddiqie, state law expert from the Habibie Centre think-tank, said it was possible to conduct such a screening system in Aceh because the province was under martial law.

"But I doubt that it will be effective if it is applied across Indonesia, and I suspect there will be a lot of negative consequences, such as discrimination," he said. "How can we assess someone's ideology or judge the depth of someone's loyalty through questionnaires?"

But BKN chief Hardiyanto said his office also wanted to update data on civil servants through the registration process in light of the implemention of regional autonomy.

Government to screen all civil servants

Jakarta Post - June 23, 2003

Jakarta -- The government will administer a nationalism test to all civil servants throughout the country from July 1 through July 31 to ensure that all state employees are completely loyal to the unitary republic of Indonesia, the home affairs minister disclosed on Sunday.

The screening is initially planned for civil servants working in Aceh, where government troops are battling Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels.

"All civil servants are bound to their oath to remain loyal to the state and the law. Although they are not in Aceh, civil servants must have the integrity and commitment to the state and the nation," minister Hari Sabarno said after attending a plenary session of the Jakarta Council, marking the 476th anniversary of Jakarta, on Sunday. The testing process will affect all 4.1 million civil servants throughout the country.

Hari emphasized that the screening would be different from similar practices conducted by the New Order regime, because the process would be renamed to "re-registration".

When asked how the government would be able to absolutely determine a civil servant's loyalty to the state, Hari retorted: "From their answers". Hari, however, refused to go into detail about the "re-registration" process or exactly what sorts of things the civil servants would be made to do. He only said that the State Personnel Agency (BKN) would soon distribute check lists to all regions, from which the commitment of the civil servants could be identified. The minister, however, also refused to disclose what punishment the government would mete out if it found anybody with "questionable commitment" to the nation.

Meanwhile, BKN head Hardiyanto, who accompanied the minister, said that the registration process would be carried out to update data on civil servants in light of the implementation of regional autonomy in 2000, and the transfer of civil servants from the central government to regional administrations.

The plan comes on the heels of several arrests of politicians and government officials in Aceh. The Aceh martial law administration has thus far arrested and detained more than ten officials and politicians as well as a businessman, for what was claimed to be support for GAM separatists.

Legislator Ahmad Farhan Hamid and rights activist Munir have questioned the necessity and rationale of the planned screening in Aceh and said that the policy only showed the government's inability to solve problems in Aceh. Both Farhan and Munir feared the screening would only result in discrimination.

 Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Corrupt district court is rotten to the core

Jakarta Post - June 26, 2003

Zakki Hakim, Jakarta -- "We chose to go to court because we didn't want to bribe the traffic police officer. But it turned out that people here ask for more money than the police do," a 66-year-old man, who was accompanying his son, said angrily in front of the East Jakarta District Court.

The man, Satya Sanjoyo, was actually trying to encourage his 19- year-old son, Sapta, to be honest and face the traffic violation the teenager had committed, instead of escaping the ticket by bribing an officer.

However, he was disappointed to see numerous middlemen milling around the district court, offering his son an out-of-court settlement for a certain amount of money. Sanjoyo told The Jakarta Post earlier this month that his son had ignored a traffic sign while driving through Jatiwaringin in East Jakarta.

The police officer who stopped Sapta offered an "on-the-spot trial" of Rp 50,000 (US$6.12), but the youth declined, and consequently had his driver's license taken away and received a ticket instead.

The father and son arrived at the respective district court at the hearing's scheduled time of 9am, but as soon as they stepped inside the complex, a middleman offered them his services for Rp 75,000. Although they were confused by the offer, they said no.

After asking at several desks, they learned that they should go to a counter next to the court building. They were told to register their ticket and take a number at the counter in front of which a crowd of persistent middlemen were also offering their services.

To their surprise, the personnel behind the counter were also offering out-of-court settlements, but this time the price had jumped to Rp 125,000 and they were emphasizing that it would take hours to get through the actual court trial.

Again, the pair declined the offer and chose to face trial. The actual trial turned out to be fast and surprisingly cheap. The proceedings started promptly at 10am and every defendant was tried for only a minute or so and had to pay a fine afterward. Sanjoyo's son had to pay only a Rp 30,000 fine for his traffic violation.

"We were only trying to be honest, but the circumstances in this court seem to be encouraging us not to be. It is all too confusing and, therefore the middlemen services looked quite tempting," he said.

Another violator, Abi, 25, had to pay Rp 3,500, because his companion riding with him on a Vespa scooter was not wearing a helmet.

Abi said that the middlemen around the court offered him services ranging between Rp 20,000 and Rp 40,000. One senior official with the court even offered him a settlement.

Dullah, a middleman, told the Post that from the service fee he offers, he and most middlemen receive an average of Rp 5,000 per transaction, while the rest goes into the personnel's pockets.

Trials for traffic violations are only held on Tuesdays, so on the other days, the middlemen serve as informal office boys for court officials, he said.

"Please don't make us look bad. Since the monetary crisis hit this country in 1997, this is the only job we can get that pays enough for us to support our families," Dullah, a former street vendor who used to sell cassettes in Pulo Gadung, East Jakarta, told the Post.

 Media/press freedom

Media blasts curbs in Aceh

Jakarta Post - June 28, 2003

Jakarta -- The media criticized on Friday new guidelines for media coverage in Aceh, saying that rules were effectively hampering the press from obtaining balanced reports on the current integrated operations in the conflict-torn province.

Bambang Harymurti, the chief editor of the daily Tempo Koran, said on Friday that the media had an "obligation to observe and tell our readers what is really going on in Aceh." Chairperson of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Ati Nurbaiti, meanwhile, said that the media restrictions made it harder for the public to obtain a balanced report of the war.

She said that learning from the perceived success of embedded journalism in Iraq, the TNI invited journalists to cover the war in Aceh to open up the military campaign to public scrutiny. "But now we see more constraints apparently coming from the TNI's realization of what public access can lead to -- exposure outside their control," she said.

The martial law administration in Aceh issued on Thursday a declaration banning foreigners from visiting the province and limiting the movements of foreign journalists to the provincial capital Banda Aceh and the capitals of the province's 15 regencies.

Aceh military administrator Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya said on Thursday that the guidelines were aimed at ensuring the safety of foreigners in Aceh.

But, foreign media correspondents in Indonesia lambasted the declaration, saying the regulations had effectively banned foreign media access to the province.

The Jakarta Foreign Correspondents' Club (JFCC) sent on Friday a letter to Coordinating Minister for Security and Political Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda, urging the government to ensure that foreign journalists could travel freely to and within Aceh.

"Many of our members have reported from numerous conflict zones around the world and find the restrictions being imposed in Aceh among the most restrictive ever encountered," the JFCC said in the letter.

Foreign journalists and correspondents may report only from the provincial capital Banda Aceh and the province's 15 regency capitals. Traveling between districts requires a military or police escort.

It also questioned reports of the military banning local media from providing any reporting or video footage to foreign media. The JFCC said that exchange of news materials was common practice in the media industry, citing for example Indonesian television showing footage from international media. "It is a violation of press freedom that local media are now being prevented from offering their material, in turn, to foreign media," said the JFCC in its letter.

This criticism has come despite repeated discussions with government officials in the hope that the new rules would continue to facilitate coverage of the war in Aceh. "The JFCC is deeply concerned, however, that a series of delays and constantly changing government and military rulings is in fact preventing foreign media access to Aceh," it said.

The military arrested on Friday 25-year-old Takagi Tadatomo, a Japanese freelance photographer, who took pictures of refugees in the Bireun regency. Aceh military operation spokesman Lt. Col. Ahmad Basuki Yani said that Tadatomo did not have a permit from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was told to leave Aceh on Thursday.

Coverage by the local media is subject to restrictions as well. The TNI bans statement from rebels while at the same time encourages the media to send embedded journalists reporting from the military side. Speaking in a gathering with journalists last week, Aceh Military Operation Commander Brig. Gen. Bambang Darmono reminded them that Aceh was under martial law and that such stringent policies were fully legitimate.

The tighter foreign media rulings add to concerns of a lack of public scrutiny over the war. Rights abuses were rampant in the period between 1989 and 1998 when Aceh was declared a military zone. Over 10,000 people died during the 10-year military operation, mainly civilians.

Now the TNI has turned a cold shoulder to local aid groups, including the government sanctioned National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas Ham). Meanwhile, international aid groups and outspoken Acehnese activists have virtually left the province.

Foreign journalists held back from going to Aceh

Sydney Morning Herald - June 28, 2003

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Just five weeks into its renewed war against separatist rebels in Aceh, Indonesia has been accused of, in effect, banning foreign journalists from the province.

Although the Government and armed forces, TNI, say foreign journalists can still go to Aceh, new regulations have stopped virtually all access for them to the province on Sumatra's northern tip.

The Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club wrote to government ministers yesterday protesting at the mounting restrictions, which it said have "effectively banned many journalists from gaining access to Aceh and severely curtailed those who are allowed to travel there".

The director of information and media services for the Department of Foreign Affairs, Wahid Supriyadi, denied foreign journalists were banned from Aceh and blamed the lack of access on "some confusion" over new ministerial and presidential decrees designed to restrict foreign access to Aceh.

Only two journalists this month have been granted the new Foreign Affairs letters of recommendation journalists must have to travel to Aceh, the last issued on June 11.

Although the department says it needs three working days to issue these letters, the Herald has waited two weeks so far for an application to be granted, and at least 11 other media organisations are also waiting. Mr Supriyadi said he hoped approval would be granted early next week.

Any foreign journalists, or their Indonesian employees, who get to Aceh will be required to travel with soldiers or police when visiting villages where fighting takes place.

Two new decrees issued by Aceh's military commander, General Endang Suwarya, late on Thursday impose a host of such restrictions on all foreigners in Aceh, including a "ban on contacting members or sympathisers of GAM".

The Associated Press reported yesterday that police in the province had detained a Japanese photographer. An American freelance reporter, William Nessen, remains in detention in Banda Aceh, the province's capital, where he has been held for three days and questioned about alleged immigration offences and the six weeks he spent with GAM rebels.

Japanese journalist arrested in Aceh

Agence France Presse - June 27, 2003

Jakarta -- A Japanese photojournalist has been arrested in the war-torn Aceh , apparently for working without a permit, police and the military said on Friday.

"He is now apparently being detained in South Aceh. We're checking it," Aceh police spokesman Sayed Husaini told AFP. He did not give further details.

Military spokesman Ditya Sudarsono identified the reporter just as Takashi but said the circumstances of his arrest were not yet clear.

Foreign journalists must obtain a permit from the foreign ministry to cover the conflict in Aceh, where troops are in the second month of an all-out offensive to crush the Free Aceh Movement.

Aceh martial law authorities on Thursday issued an order further tightening restrictions on foreign journalists and overseas non- government organisations.

In an order, authorities forbid both foreign and local NGOs from issuing statements or talking to the press without permission from the martial law administrator, Maj.Gen. Endang Suwarya.

Press protests TNI bias for 'SCTV'

Jakarta Post - June 26, 2003

Journalists who are based in Lhokseumawe boycotted on Wednesday a press briefing at the military operation center in protest over unfair treatment they received from military operation commander Brig. Gen. Bambang Darmono.

No journalists turned up for the daily morning and afternoon press briefings at the military operation center on Wednesday, The protest followed the surrender of American journalist William Nessen to the military on Tuesday, which was exclusively covered by private television station SCTV.

All journalists were given a tip-off earlier that day that Bambang would pick up Nessen. The freelancer had defied a deadline set by the military to leave the rebel base.

Journalists were preparing themselves for the much-awaited surrender at the military operation command, when Bambang prevented them from going with him to the meeting point with Nessen in Paya Dua village, Nisam district.

The journalists became even more disappointed after they later learned that Bambang gave the chance to SCTV to cover the event. A journalist who requested anonymity said it was not the first time that Bambang gave SCTV reporters preferential treatment.

 Regional/communal conflicts

Christians, Muslims unite in Ambon cleanup

Agence France Presse - June 23, 2003

Jakarta -- For the first time since violent clashes broke out between Muslims and Christians on Indonesia's Ambon island in 1999, members of both communities are jointly cleaning mosques and churches.

About 400 Muslims and Christians from Ambon's Sirimau sub- district joined soldiers and officials to clean churches and mosques, the state Antara news agency reported.

Ignoring heavy rain, Christians cleaned the damaged Al Huda mosque, while Muslims worked on the damaged Yakobus and Petra churches.

The local military commander, Colonel Haris Sarjana, said he had coordinated with representatives of both camps to speed up the renovation and repair of damaged houses and buildings.

Ambon island, in the Malukus, has been the scene of heavy sectarian clashes since January 1999 which have left more than 5,000 people dead and hundreds of thousands as refugees.

In February last year, the government brokered a peace deal between the two sides, but sporadic violence has continued.

More than 80 per cent of Indonesia's 212 million people are Muslim, but in some eastern regions, including the Malukus, Christians make up about half the population.

 Local & community ISSUES

Locals clash with security forces over housing dispute

Jakarta Post - June 26, 2003

Kasparman, Padang -- Hundreds of people in Padang, West Sumatra clashed on Wednesday with security officers over a housing dispute, causing 20 people to be arrested by the police.

The incident occurred when over 500 court, police and military officers insisted on executing the Supreme Court verdict that orders the Chaniago family to vacate 15 houses on land owned by the Sikumbang family on Jl. Khatib Sulaiman in Belanti Berok village, Padang.

The locals burned tires, and displayed banners opposing the execution of the court order. When an excavator approached the troubled houses, local people began throwing stones at the security officers, which was followed by punching and kicking between the two sides.

A local suffered head injuries due to the incident. As the attack from locals intensified, the police were forced to fire warning shots into the air to stop the locals' fury so the execution of the court order could proceed.

In two hours, the 15 disputed houses were eventually destroyed, but a building belonging to the West Sumatra Office of the State Minister of Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises, which was located there, was not demolished.

"Where is justice for the poor like us...?" Amran, a local, said sadly, while pointing at the government building that was not destroyed.

Court officer Edwin said that the government building was not demolished as the government had paid Rp 400 million (US$44,444) in compensation to the land owners for the construction of the building on their land.

Padang Police deputy chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Zakhlin Letter said the police would prosecute the 20 arrested locals that had provoked the incident. "We'll question them, if they are not guilty we will release them," he said. The legal dispute over the 15 houses started in 1995 when the Sikumbang family filed a lawsuit with the Padang District Court against the Chaniago family for building houses on the former's land. At that time there were only five houses on the land.

As the Sikumbang families lost in the district court battle, they appealed to the Padang High Court, which issued a verdict in their favor. The Chaniago family then appealed to the Supreme Court, but the Supreme Court upheld the High Court's verdict and ordered the demolition of the houses.

 Focus on Jakarta

Jakarta anniversary celebrations: A waste of money

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 28, 2003

The party is over but at least we have been left with some great lessons. The recent celebration of Jakarta's 476th anniversary at the National Monument square was a failure, or so say many residents. Only a few Jakartans, in fact, were aware that June 22 was the climax of the celebration.

Many people have said that with the exception of the first few years, the celebration of the city's anniversary has become more and more monotonous, failing to put the city and its residents in a festive mood, with the consequence that residents shun the party.

The recent Jakarta anniversary fiesta was obviously managed by people who lack creativity, which would explain their failure to offer something fresher and more entertaining to the public.

Unlike the annual Indonesian Independence Day celebrations, Jakarta's anniversary is not a big enough event to cause a fever among the city's residents, who come from all parts of the archipelago.

Obviously, the scale of the Jakarta anniversary celebration is much smaller than that of Independence Day. Nevertheless, the city administration should have been able to find some way to induce the people to take a more active role in observing their capital city's anniversary. Jakartans could have, for example, celebrated June 22 in their respective neighborhoods, at their own initiative, with their own money and in their own way. By doing so they would have demonstrated their devotion to the city, instead of simply depending on the Jakarta Fair and gala events sponsored by the administration.

Note, for example, how Independence Day is always celebrated by the entire populace, down to the neighborhood level, with the government's role limited mostly to holding official flag-raising ceremonies. In this way, less money is spent by the government to celebrate August 17.

One might argue that money is of little consequence in celebrating Jakarta's anniversary. On the other hand, some people might say that the Rp 5.5 billion spent for the recent festivities was too much. The point is debatable. But the bottom line in this particular case is that the lackluster celebration this year hardly seemed to justify spending Rp 5.5 billion, especially since most of the money came from corporate donations.

We do hope that in the future more professionals can be given the opportunity to handle and manage the anniversary festivities in order to make sure that people will get at least something new from the events. Unless this is done, the city administration might do better diverting the money to other, more worthwhile, activities. After all, a host of other programs worth pursuing remain untouched due to a shortage of funds.

To mention a few examples: think about the more than 10,000 street children who need better care. Hundreds of thousands of poor people living in slums also need help. Why did the administration not set aside part of the Rp 5.5 billion to look after street children or destitute families as an anniversary gift from the city? The City Sanitation Office currently has just 700 garbage trucks to transport 23,400 cubic meters of garbage produced by city residents every day. At least 500 more trucks are needed to carry off the daily garbage. If the administration had not spent all the money on the anniversary, it could have bought at least two new garbage trucks that would have come in handy.

Then there is the plight of the Jakarta Fire Department. Several of its 150 old trucks have long been out of service, while the department receives only Rp 2 billion annually for maintenance. Why did the city's decisionmakers not distribute some of the anniversary budget to repair the fire trucks?

What seems to be seriously lacking in all this is a proper sense of crisis. The Jakarta administration should have set a good example to its residents by spending money based on a clear priority scale. Jakarta's residents would certainly appreciate it if the administration would, in the future, ask the business community to show more concern for social problems rather than extravagant amusements. By doing so the city administration would also help evoke a greater sense of solidarity among residents and businesses.

 Environment

Indonesia told to clean up: World Bank

The Guardian (UK) - June 25, 2003

John Aglionby, Jakarta -- Indonesia's government risks poisoning a large proportion of the population unless it alters its attitude to the environment, the World Bank warned yesterday as it launched its first environmental report on the world's fourth most populous country.

One in three of all children -- about 30 million people -- face permanent damage and air pollution-related illnesses were reaching "epidemic proportions in many villages".

Other issues raised by the report, Indonesia Environment Monitor 2003, included the illegal and untreated disposal of 90% of solid and hazardous waste, uncontrolled urbanisation, widespread forest fires, contamination of urban water sources and the growth of car ownership.

The losses attributable to poor domestic sewerage alone were conservatively estimated at 2.85 billion Pounds or 2% of gross domestic product.

"It's not good and it's not getting any better," said Tom Walton, the World Bank's environment coordinator for Indonesia. "There's no improving trend and that, I think, is quite distressing." He said an absence of three things -- leadership, coherent environmental policy and an environment ministry with clout -- were at the core of the problem. "I don't see political will [for change] from the top," he said. "The lack of any kind of enforcement and any kind of adherence to standards means people don't bother because they can get away with anything."

The biggest concern was air pollution especially in towns and cities. "Poor urban air quality affects more people than any other pollution problem," he said. "If you drive behind a city bus you can't see it half the time because of the smoke." About a million tonnes of hazardous waste were generated in Indonesia in 2000. The capital, Jakarta, generated 25,000 cubic metres of rubbish every day. That figure was expected to double by 2010.

The report noted a few improvements such as the phasing out of the sale of leaded petrol in Jakarta and the reduction in ozone- depleting substances. But with unleaded fuel costing almost twice as much as diesel there was little incentive to change.

Environmentalists agreed with the bank. Longgena Ginting, the executive director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, said there was a major mindset problem in government. "The environment is seen as a constraint on development," he said. "The orientation is always short term." He also accused the government of double standards. "They talk about conservation and boast that they recently arrested 119 little farmers for farming in a protected area," he said. "But then they give approval for 15 large mining companies to starting exploration projects in protected forests."

Mr Ginting also cited the abolition of the government's environmental impact assessment agency last year as another example of a lack of an environmental agenda. An environment ministry spokesman said the minister supported the World Bank's report and wanted to cooperate on the next one. He declined to comment on the lack of an environmental agenda but a former environment minister, Sonny Keraf, said the opposition was at the ministerial level rather than with the president.

"The economy is always prioritised while the environment and social problems are sidelined," he said. "But if we continued like this, in the long term we will have an even bigger economic cost." He recommended setting up a national committee on sustainable development to prevent further degradation of the environment. "It should coordinate at the policy level with all sectors," he said. "It should monitor and review all policies and their implementation."

Corruption and poor law enforcement were two other issues which needed tackling if the environment was to be helped, according to Faith Doherty of the London-based Environmental Investigation Agency, which has been working with its Indonesian partner, Telepak, to combat illegal logging. "Until the government addresses corruption and the lack of law enforcement the problems are going to continue," she said.

Hazardous waste a threat in major cities: World Bank

Jakarta Post - June 23, 2003

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- Hazardous industrial waste is becoming an increasing threat to the country's biggest cities, including Jakarta, Semarang in Central Java, and Surabaya in East Java, according to an expert.

Hazardous waste, by itself or after coming into contact with other waste, has characteristics such as chemical reactivity, toxicity, corrosiveness or a tendency to explode, posing a threat to human health and the environment.

Thomas E. Walton, head of the World Bank team that drafted The Indonesia Environment Monitor 2003 report, said here over the weekend that the possibility of bodies of water becoming contaminated with toxic and inorganic waste was increasingly becoming a concern in regions with high concentrations of home industries and large textile dyeing industries.

"Anecdotal evidence suggests that significant quantities of toxic and hazardous waste are being disposed in uncontrolled landfills and dumped in rivers with other industrial waste," says the report, which was jointly unveiled on Saturday by the Office of the State Minister for the Environment and the World Bank.

Jakarta, Semarang and Surabaya are home to a wide range of home industries and large textile dyeing industries, almost all of them without proper waste disposal methods.

"Factories in major cities usually dispose their hazardous waste in their industry compound dumping site or local dumping site. But the dumping site is not appropriate and uncontrolled," Walton told The Jakarta Post.

It was conservatively estimated that Indonesia produced more than one million tons of hazardous waste in 2000.

The report, which calls for concerted efforts to reduce pollution, is supported by data from a number of institutions, including the government, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) Jakarta, and the Indonesian Biodiversity group. Walton said major industrial cities outside Jakarta were unlikely to bring their hazardous waste to the Cileungsi hazardous waste treatment plant, near Jakarta, for financial reasons.

The Cileungsi treatment plant is the only facility in Indonesia that has processing capabilities as well as a secure storage area and a lined landfill for the disposal of stabilized and low-level toxins.

In 2002, the Cileungsi plant treated over 32,000 tons of hazardous waste, an increase from about 30,000 tons in 2001 and 27,000 tons in 2000.

Walton urged the administrations in major industrial cities to set up databases on hazardous waste in their cities, in order to provide information and monitor the types of hazardous waste, locations and quantities.

Monitoring also should be conducted frequently and concentrations of mercury, copper and chromium should be measured regularly, Walton said.

Yanuardi Rasudin, deputy assistant in charge of mining, energy, oil and gas at the Office of the State Minister for the Environment, said the monitoring and regular measuring of hazardous waste should be increased to minimize the threat of toxic waste to the environment and human health.

He said there had been a positive trend over the last two years of firms seeking licenses to treat their own hazardous waste, in response to a government program to environmentally audit companies that pollute the environment.

As of November 2002, the government has issued 219 licenses to companies that produce hazardous waste to treat their own waste. "What we should do now is monitor the hazardous waste management of companies to see whether they are complying with our requirements," he said.

 Health & education

Drug convicts fill most Indonesian penitentiaries

Jakarta Post - June 27, 2003

Jakarta/Medan -- Indonesia marked International Anti-drug Day 2003 on Thursday with grave concerns about the rapid growth in the drug trade.

National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said the fact that half the prisons across the country were housing large numbers of drug convicts proved that drug abuse was a serious challenge facing the police.

In general, he said the level of drug abuse in the country was increasing as shown by the rise in the numbers of cases and suspects, and the quantity of evidence seized.

"Now that the suspects include foreign citizens, we have to be careful as it is clear that international drug syndicates have entered the country," said Da'i.

Meanwhile, National Anti-drug Day was marked at the Vice Presidential Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan in Central Jakarta. The executive chairman of the National Narcotics Agency (BNN), Insp. Gen. Togar Sianipar, said that drugs had become a lifestyle for some people, giving a boost to the use of illegal drugs.

He regretted that some law enforcers were thwarting the anti-drug movement. He said some police officers and prison guards had even become part of the drug trafficking rings, as well as users.

Marking the commemoration, Vice President Hamzah Haz conferred awards on 14 individuals, and representatives of institutions and non-governmental organizations, for their leading roles in curbing drug abuse.

In Medan, the capital of North Sumatra, local government officials and police officers burned over one ton of various illicit drugs seized as evidence during raids since last year.

The event took place in the grounds of the gubernatorial offices in the city.

Governor T. Rizal Nurdin and provincial police chief Insp. Gen.

Eddy Sunarno expressed their concerns about the involvement of state employees in the use and trafficking of illegal drugs.

"There will be no mercy for civil servants who are found guilty," Rizal told the audience.

The Drugs Information Center revealed that 71 percent of the 1,174 drug suspects recorded in the first half of 2003 were state employees.

 Armed forces/police

Military reasserts broad influence, diplomats say

Washington Post - June 26, 2003

Alan Sipress, Jakarta -- Five years after Gen. Suharto was ousted and a newly democratic Indonesia pledged to reform the military, the ambitious effort has largely stalled and the generals are resurgent, according to Indonesian and Western analysts.

The armed forces' newfound confidence was on display this spring, when the chief of the Indonesian army summoned his senior generals to an unprecedented meeting in the troubled province of Aceh. Commanders of the army's special forces, strategic command and Indonesia's 12 military regions were among more than four dozen generals flown in by Hercules transport planes to a gas company's compound, separated by walls and barbed wire from the rebellious villages beyond.

The generals donned the jungle camouflage uniforms of the war zone. Nearly 2,000 soldiers and police were deployed to guard the session. The army was conducting its annual review outside the main island of Java for the first time in 38 years. It was a sensitive moment. A cease-fire that the government had concluded -- over the military's objections -- three months earlier with rebels fighting for Aceh's independence was faltering.

By gathering in combat uniforms in the oil- and gas-rich province, at the northern tip of Indonesia's western island of Sumatra, the generals were sending what many Indonesians saw as a stark message of dissent. "It was a deliberate move by the army commander to show the wishy-washy politicians in Jakarta that the army is the one that would protect the territorial integrity of Indonesia," said Juwono Sudarsono, a former defense minister. "It was open defiance."

In May, two months after that meeting, the government finally endorsed a military solution for Aceh, and the Indonesian armed forces launched their largest offensive since the invasion of East Timor in 1975. The military had regained the upper hand in setting the course in the rebellious province and reasserted its lead role in protecting the country's internal security, according to Indonesian and Western defense analysts and diplomats. This occurred despite the government's previous efforts to transfer that responsibility to the police.

The reversal underscores the military's broadening influence over Indonesia's most sensitive policies, the diplomats and analysts say. In their view, there is much less talk now about reform -- removing the military from politics and placing it under civilian control, making it accountable for human rights violations and turning its attention to national defense rather than domestic policing. This reflects the officer corps' determination to preserve its role as guardian of the nation as well as to maintain the riches it reaps through a network of patronage and private enterprises, according to the diplomats and analysts.

But these revived fortunes are also the result of a civilian leadership that these observers say has proved more interested in currying the favor of the military than disciplining its excesses. "The civilians don't have the guts and the confidence to control the army. They're not strong enough," said Salim Said, senior partner at the Indoconsult business consulting firm in Jakarta, who follows military affairs.

Instead, civilian politicians are competing with one another to woo military support ahead of landmark elections next year, which will be the first direct vote for president in the country's history and an important step in the transition to democracy. "No political party wants to risk confrontation with the military by pushing for military reform," said Rizal Sukma, director of studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta. He added that President Megawati Sukarnoputri "believes the continuation of her power depends on support from the military."

Megawati said in a speech in Tokyo this week that she had turned to the military in Aceh because Indonesia was facing a challenge to its territorial integrity and that "the constitution makes clear that Indonesia is a unitary state, and it is unacceptable that any people should aim for an arrangement contrary to that."

Turning the tide

Just last year, the military had agreed reluctantly to relinquish its traditional quota of seats in parliament. Eleven of its officers had been ordered by Indonesian judges to stand trial for alleged atrocities in East Timor after the former Indonesian province voted in 1999 for independence. It was losing the debate over Aceh policy while the rival police were winning international plaudits for capturing the suspected terrorists behind the bombing of two Bali nightclubs in October.

But in recent months, the armed forces, known in Indonesian as Tentara Nasional Indonesia or TNI, have turned the tide. They have reestablished themselves in internal security and rejected a historic proposal by reformers within the military to roll back the army's ubiquitous presence in towns and villages.

The armed forces have also pushed for an expanded role in intelligence-gathering, according to analysts and officials familiar with military planning. "The trend is certainly going in a different direction to what it initially followed when we began the military reform four to five years ago," Sukma said. "The military has been able to regain a lot more influence than they had a year ago both in defense policy and in the political process."

Military leaders deny that reform of the armed forces has stopped. "Internal change within the TNI will continue in line with government policy," said Lt. Gen. Djaja Suparman, commander of the military's command and general staff college. "Should there be an opinion that internal reform of the TNI is being done half-heartedly or even has not started due to reluctance on TNI's part, that would be mistaken."

With Indonesia facing a wave of terrorist attacks, separatist rebellions in two provinces, Aceh and Papua, and Muslim-Christian violence elsewhere in the archipelago, Indonesians are increasingly nostalgic for the generals' firm hand. "The trust of the people in the armed forces is now growing," said retired Gen.

Agum Gumelar, Indonesia's transportation and communications minister and former commander of the army's special forces. "It's because they feel, I'm sorry to say, the existing government [has] disappointed [them].

In this situation, the people are looking to the armed forces again. They feel that Suharto's era is better than now." Under Suharto, military personnel filled the upper ranks of the civil service under a concept known as dwifungsi, or dual function, which guaranteed the armed forces a guiding role in politics as well as national defense.

Though the military no longer holds those posts, Gumelar said, it still has the duty to prevent the civilian government from jeopardizing the national interest, in particular national unity.

"If there is an element of the nation that tries to go in the wrong direction, the armed forces must remind the government we have to make a correction," said Gumelar, one of six active or retired generals who hold cabinet-level posts in Megawati's government.

In a speech this spring, the army chief of staff, Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, said the military would uphold Indonesia's laws but would not take a back seat to the elected government. "The meaning of civil supremacy is not that soldiers are under civilians, but that the whole nation including the soldiers have to obey the prevailing civil laws," he said.

Senior officers say they have reformed since the Suharto era, building a professional force seeking to avoid the human rights abuses that long tarnished the military's international reputation. But rights advocates and foreign governments continue to raise concerns about military conduct, including reports that soldiers in Aceh have killed innocent civilians.

US officials are also investigating whether members of the military were responsible for the killing of two American teachers and an Indonesian colleague near the Freeport gold and copper mine in the province of Papua last August. US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew P. Daley said recently that the "preponderance of evidence" points to members of the military. The Indonesian military has denied involvement.

Resistance to reform

As the spirit of reform swept Indonesia following Suharto's ouster, one of the most dramatic proposals was to overhaul the military's longtime territorial command system, under which officers were stationed across the country at all levels of government, in essence forming a power structure parallel to the civilian bureaucracy.

Lt. Gen. Agus Widjojo, chief of territorial affairs through 2001, ran a series of workshops to plan for eliminating the military's presence at local levels. This would have curtailed severely the army's power in local politics and limited its involvement in side business enterprises. But the initiative encountered fierce resistance within the army ranks, Widjojo recalled. "It was just unthinkable for them to change," he said.

The military establishment was equally bold late last year when Megawati's defense ministry asked for its input on a new law regulating the military. In response, the military provided an entire draft bill, including an article that would allow the military to carry out emergency operations without the approval of the president, according to Sukma, who served on the panel drafting the legislation. The legislation is now awaiting action by the parliament, where it seems likely to pass.

But it is over Aceh policy that the military has won its most decisive battle. Last year, Indonesia's chief security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, almost single-handedly persuaded Megawati and her cabinet to reach a negotiated settlement with the separatists. Though a former general himself, Yudhoyono faced opposition from senior military officers and the other retired generals in Megawati's inner circle. He was widely cheered, however, by foreign governments, in particular the United States.

The December agreement called for a cease-fire and partial demilitarization, with the rebels required to turn over their weapons at cantonment areas under international supervision and Indonesian forces obligated to pull back from some front-line positions. The two sides were also required to begin negotiations over the future status of the province, home to 4.1 million people. In the following months, military officials accused the rebels of using the cease-fire to rearm and reorganize. The military refused to pull back troops as the agreement demanded.

With tension mounting, the rebels delayed resuming peace talks, and Yudhoyono found himself increasingly isolated.

Halting the peace process

Rather than redouble efforts toward a peaceful settlement, Megawati declared martial law in Aceh on May 18 and promised to crush the rebels within six months. Her senior officials said they ended the peace process because the separatists had refused to renounce their goal of independence and lay down their weapons.

About 300 people have been killed in the first month of the offensive, pitting about 40,000 Indonesian troops against about 4,000 to 5,000 separatists. The military says most of the casualties are rebels, but rebels, human rights activists and some Western diplomats assert that the victims include scores of civilians and government troops.

The military's resurgence has met little opposition from Megawati, who Indonesian political analysts say feels comfortable with the generals and shares their view that Indonesia's unity must be assured by force. That position also has popular support, according to recent public opinion polls. The president maintains good relations with Gen. Endriartono Sutarto, the military's commander, and army chief Ryacudu.

Away from the capital, in the villages of this far-flung archipelago, the military's power is even greater. Military officers control patronage networks that can deliver electoral support. The officers can stir up trouble to undermine civilian politicians or, at a minimum, refuse to calm protests that prove embarrassing to the government.

Civilian politicians recognize that after only five years of democracy, their parties cannot match the military's resources, according to Sudarsono, the former defense minister. "They know at the end of the day, the real power remains with the military.

It has the organizational structure, especially in the boondocks.

"That has to be left unsaid, but that's in the back of their minds," he said. Special correspondent Natasha Tampubolon contributed to this report.

 International solidarity

Ninety rights groups call for military embargo

OneWorld.net - June 24, 2003

Jim Lobe, Washington -- Some 90 human rights, peace, and church groups around the world are calling for an international military embargo against Indonesia in light of its current counter- insurgency campaigns in Aceh and West Papua provinces and military-backed violence in other parts of the country.

The appeal, part of a three-page statement signed by the groups, comes a month after a breakdown in peace talks between Jakarta and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The Indonesian armed forces (TNI) immediately launched a major offensive involving tens of thousands of troops in the natural gas-rich province on the northern tip of Sumatra.

"This statement arises out of our alarm at the complete deterioration of conflict resolution and military reform efforts in Indonesia and the concurrent rise in the Indonesian military's lawlessness and brutality," it said, noting that the TNI's brutal efforts to subdue East Timor in 1999 led to the intervention of an Australian-led multinational force and that region's eventual independence from Indonesia.

"The military offensive in Aceh, which is Indonesia's largest military operations since the invasion of East Timor in 1975, is now proceeding at a level that is causing widespread civilian loss of life and the destruction of Aceh's public infrastructure." As many as 200,000 people have reportedly been displaced from their homes, and the United Nations has expressed concern that food supplies are running dangerously low.

The statement also noted reports of summary executions and torture in Aceh, including of students and boys as young as 12 years old. Hard information, however, has been hard to come by as a result of a ban on travel to the province for foreign-aid workers and journalists imposed by the Martial Law Authority established by President Megawati Sukarnoputra May 20.

Signers of the statement included the Asian Human Rights Commission, the US Presbyterian Church, San Francisco-based Global Witness, the Washington-based Indonesian Human Rights Network, and the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Human Rights, among others. The British-based Indonesia human rights group TAPOL and the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) coordinated the statement.

Indonesia's TNI, which has received military aid, training and equipment primarily from Britain, the United States, Germany, and France, is widely considered to be one of the world's most brutal and corrupt national military institutions. During the Cold War, Washington trained more than a generation of Indonesian military officers and provided its armed forces with everything from M-16 rifles to OV-10 Bronco counter-insurgency planes and F-16 warplanes.

As a result of repression in East Timor, however, the US Congress began imposing military sanctions, including a ban on training and the sale of advanced weapons systems, against Indonesia in the early 1990s. After TNI-backed militias went on a rampage there in 1999, Washington suspended all military ties. The European Union (EU) imposed similar restrictions at the same time, but then lifted them four months later.

After the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks against New York and the Pentagon, however, the administration of President George W. Bush began pushing for a resumption in relations with the TNI. Administration officials argued that, as the world's most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia had a key role to play in the new "war on terrorism."

Among other assistance, the Pentagon has provided the TNI with some $4 million in counter-terrorism training and non-lethal equipment, while Congress agreed last year to lift some restrictions on other military aid and training.

Delivery of some assistance, however, has been held up by Congress since mid-2002 when two US teachers were killed in an ambush near a US-owned gold mine in West Papua. While Jakarta initially blamed rebels, police investigators, bolstered by a team from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) concluded that the evidence pointed instead to TNI units that had been paid to provide security for the mine as the most likely perpetrators.

Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, who served as US ambassador to Indonesia in the 1980s, still favors normalizing ties with the TNI, particularly by resuming training programs for TNI officers. "I believe exposure of Indonesian officers to US [military personnel] has been a way to promote reform efforts in the military, not to set them back." But lawmakers remain unconvinced, noting that hundreds of Indonesian military officers had been trained in similar programs since the 1960s, but that there was little evidence of a change in the institution's abusive practices.

Last month, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed a measure banning training for the TNI until the president certifies that Jakarta is "taking effective measures" to fully investigate and criminally prosecute those responsible for the attack in West Papua.

The ongoing counter-insurgency campaign in Aceh and reports of mounting casualties and serious abuses committed by TNI troops are adding to reservations in Washington. Wolfowitz himself has stated several times that Jakarta should seek a political settlement to the conflicts in both Aceh and West Papua.

In its statement, the groups stressed that the TNI had not improved its performance since the atrocities committed in East Timor in 1999, for which virtually all Indonesian military officers have escaped punishment despite international pressure.

"There has been no meaningful progress towards reform of the military or the ending of impunity in the intervening period," the statement said. "On the contrary, the TNI is seeking to enhance its political role. The proceedings at Indonesia's

ad hoc human rights court on East Timor have helped to entrench impunity rather than end it. Recently, the most senior officer charged with crimes against humanity [in connection with East Timor], Major-General Adam Damiri, missed several days of his trial in order to help prepare the TNI for its assault on Aceh."

The statement said that Russia had recently signed a deal to supply jet fighters and two MI-35 helicopters to Indonesia, while Australia, Poland, the Netherlands, Belgium and Sweden were also working to expand ties with the TNI.

"Given the backdrop of mounting casualties, wanton killings and human rights abuses attributable to the TNI in Aceh and Papua, we believe it is intolerable for governments to engage with the TNI on a business-as-usual basis," the groups stated.

Indonesian arms embargo urged

Radio Australia - June 24, 2003

Up to 90 human rights organisations, anti-arms trade and anti-war groups have demanded an international embargo against selling arms to Indonesia

The British-based Indonesia Human Rights Campaign says the appeal, which includes groups from Europe, North America, Asia and Australia, is a response to Indonesian military campaigns in Aceh and Papua.

The group says they are especially concerned that weaponry from their countries is being used against civilians in Aceh.

It says the military equipment includes British Scorpion tanks and Hawk jets, US F-16 fighter planes, German warships, and armoured vehicles from France and Germany.

The group urges governments to embargo the supply of military, security and police equipment to Indonesia and to suspend all military cooperation.

At the weekend, Indonesia's military sent three dozen British- made Scorpion tanks to Aceh to guard roads.

Indonesia is in the middle of its biggest offensive to crush the Free Aceh Movement.

 International relations

Megawati deplores Powell's statement on abuses in Papua

Antara - June 27, 2003

Hanoi -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri deplored US Secteraty of State Colin Powell's statement on alleged human rights abuses in Papua province, especially in the Timika ambush which killed two Americans and an Indonesian.

"I think Mr.Colin Powell exaggerated things somewhat," the Indonesian head of state told a press briefing at Melia Hotel here Thursday evening.

She said she had ordered Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, Military Chief General Hendriartono Sutarto, and Police Chief General Da'i Bachtiar to handle the Timika shooting case but the US side wanted more time to re-investigate the case to get evidence despite the fact that FBI agents did a reinvestigation not so long ago.

 Economy & investment

Moody's may upgrade rating, warns country still vulnerable

Agence France Press - June 26, 2003

Jakarta -- An international ratings agency said Thursday it may upgrade Indonesia's credit ratings but warned that the country remains vulnerable to "unforeseen shocks." Moody's Investors Service said in a statement it is reviewing four ratings for a possible upgrade following a substantial cut in government debt ratios and reduced external vulnerability.

They are the B3 foreign currency country ceiling for debt; the B3 rating of the government's foreign currency bonds; the B3 domestic currency issuer rating; and the Caa1 foreign currency bank deposit ceiling.

Moody's credited fiscal policy and the strengthening rupiah for the improved debt ratios.

"In addition, the external vulnerability of the country has been considerably reduced as the current account has remained in surplus, external debt of both the government and the private sector has been restructured, and international reserves have risen." The agency warned, however, that Indonesia "remains vulnerable to unforeseen shocks, either internal or external" and said growth is still not fast enough to create jobs and improve living standards. "As a result, political and social stability could also be vulnerable to any negative shocks. Improvements in the investment climate could alleviate some of this problem." Indonesia has indicated it will not seek a new IMF programme. It will need an additional three billion dollars or so of financing in 2004 to compensate for the loss of the Paris Club arrangement.

The government has won praise for restoring macroeconomic stability but is nowhere near achieving the six percent annual growth which the IMF says is needed significantly to reduce poverty and unemployment.

The economy grew 3.43 percent in the first quarter compared with a year earlier.

IMF to release $US486 million in latest review

Asia Pulse - June 25, 2003

Jakarta -- The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is to release $US486 million to Indonesia as part of its ninth review of Indonesia performance.

The executive board of the IMF announced yesterday the completion of its latest review, which opens the way for release of a further US$486 million in loans.

The IMF said the review was carried out under a US$5 billion Extended Fund Facility arrangement, which opens the way for bringing the total amount drawn to about US$4 billion.

Shigemitsu Sugisaki, deputy managing director and acting chair, said budget performance through the first quarter was well within the program's target and was on track to achieve the full-year target of 1.8 percent of GDP.

"The Indonesian authorities are to be commended for their continued strong policy performance under their arrangement with the fund. The economy is sustaining steady growth, despite a number of external and domestic shocks, inflation has continued to decline and there has been an additional buildup of international reserves," Mr Sugisaki said. "These developments have contributed to a further improvement in financial market sentiment, manifested in a strengthening of the rupiah, and a sharp rise in the stock market." He said Indonesia's fiscal policy remained geared toward achieving a significant fiscal consolidation and reduction in public debt. Other priorities in the fiscal area were being met through a strengthening of the decentralization framework and efforts to enhance the public expenditure management system.

"Bank Indonesia's prudent conduct of monetary policy has contributed to a sustained decline in inflation and appreciation of the rupiah. These developments have allowed interest rates to decline in support of economic recovery, and a continued cautious monetary stance will help achieve a further and lasting decline in inflation," he said.

Progress had also been made in structural areas, including on IBRA recoveries, which were on track to meet the annual target.

Now the priority was to ensure a transparent disposition of the assets of IBRA's largest debtors, and enhance recoveries from the bank shareholder settlement agreements through intensified efforts to ensure compliance. The authorities were also encouraged to keep up the momentum of the privatization program.

"Financial sector reforms continue to advance on schedule. The divestment of Bank Danamon was recently concluded, the timetable for the divestment of Bank Lippo has been announced, and the initial public offering [IPO] of the country's largest bank, Bank Mandiri, is expected to be concluded shortly. A comprehensive plan to strengthen the financial sector safety net has been completed, representing an important milestone in the reform of the financial system," Mr Sugisaki said.

Sustained strong progress on the government's comprehensive reform agenda would be key to improving Indonesia's investment climate and maintaining market confidence. Priorities were legal and judicial reforms, including the establishment of the Anti- Corruption Commission, the adoption of amendments to the bankruptcy law and the reform of the Commercial Court.

ADB to play key role in post-IMF reform: Megawati

Agence France Presse - June 24, 2003

Tokyo -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri said Tuesday the Asia Development Bank (ADB) will likely play a key role in reforming Indonesia after a major IMF programme expires at the end of the year.

Megawati, on the third of a four-day official trip to Japan, met Japanese Finance Minister Masajuro Shiokawa at the state guest house.

"I would like you to exchange views with the ADB actively," Shiokawa told Megawati, according to an official from the finance ministry. "I hope your country will not only go ahead with economic programmes with the ADB but also hold dialogue," with the bank, Shiokawa said. Megawati replied: "As we are graduating from the IMF (International Monetary Fund) programme, various contacts with the ADB will be particularly important." The five billion-dollar, five-year IMF plan finishes at the end of 2003, and several politicians oppose any extension, while the government has said it is ready to exit the programme.

"We have obtained [parliament's] approval to leave the IMF," Megawati said. "We want to stick to this stance while paying attention to social, economic and political stabilities," she said.

During the meeting, Shiokawa called on the Indonesian president to improve the foreign investment environment by strengthening regulations to protect investors, boosting security and building better infrastructure.

"I would like your country to create a stable structure for investment, including a legal framework," Shiokawa said. "This is a pre-condition for every country wanting to make a decision on investment," he said.

Indonesia has felt the impact of several traumatic global issues, including the September 11, 2001, terrorist attack on the United States, the Bali bombing last October, war in Iraq and the outbreak of SARS, noted Megawati, who wants her country to move forwards.

"I call this year the year of investment," she said. "We want to continue our efforts to maintain the investment environment." Megawati is scheduled to hold a summit with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi later in the day.

 Book/film reviews

Digging beneath a dangerous silence

Sydney Morning Herald - June 28, 2003

[The Politics of Power Freeport in Soeharto's Indonesia By Denise Leith University of Hawaii Press, 372 pp, $55.]

John Martinkus -- Two recent reports from West Papua demonstrate why Denise Leith's book is a timely and welcome contribution to understanding what is happening there and how an American company of immense wealth and political influence is central to the problems facing the Indonesian province.

The first report from the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (ELS-HAM ) details how, in late May, 15 villagers were killed by the military. Flamethrowers were used to destroy villages and hundreds fled into the forest to face starvation as the Indonesian military continued its operations in the highlands.It tells of how two local pastors who tried to return to the area to gather food were shot, and how livestock is being killed to starve the area.

The second report, from June 7, reveals how the director of ELS- HAM is being summonsed to court in the West Papuan capital, Jayapura, to defend himself against a charge of defaming the Indonesian military command. At a press conference he had produced results of the investigation that blamed the military for last year's attack on Freeport employees in which two American schoolteachers were killed.

The nature of the Indonesian intelligence and military programs in West Papua makes information from the province difficult to obtain and qualify, which is why Leith's exhaustive study of the company she identifies as the largest single producer in the West Papuan economy is so revealing. It is essential for anyone trying to understand the West Papuans' problems.

In documenting the company's history and its relations with the Soeharto regime and the military, she reveals a system that some Australian writers in the field during the former president's time tried to gloss over.

Leith offers a clearly written re-assessment of the business environment in Indonesia. Freeport actively lobbied for Soeharto in Washington using none other than Henry Kissinger. The assessment of the Indonesian military and its $8 billion in business interests is also refreshingly frank. Why, she asks, would such a wealthy body hurry to reform itself?

Regarding the military's behaviour in West Papua, Leith quotes the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute, which claims that by the mid-80s the province had the worst human rights record in Indonesia. These human rights violations came to the world's attention in 1995 with two detailed reports of atrocities in the Freeport mines area. The company went into PR overdrive to counter the accusations that it was involved, and the ensuing focus on its behaviour forced it to make concessions to the local population.

But, as Leith says, "Where is the social conscience of the shareholders who, year after year, remain silent as the company contributes to the military as much as, if not more than, it does to the military's victims?"

The position hasn't really changed for Freeport. As Leith notes, despite the company's newfound concerns for human rights, it has recently been lobbying the US-ASEAN Business Council to increase weapons and training to the military after the events in East Timor and the ongoing operations in West Papua and now Aceh. Freeport is in the middle of all this and will deal with whoever helps it secure the gold and copper it so badly wants.

Operations against civilians have been happening in the highlands behind Freeport ever since it arrived in 1967. And until forced to, Freeport has never acknowledged this. With the military protecting the mines as part of the contract, local people identify the company and the military as two parts of the same evil.

Free West Papua (OPM) representatives still talk of closing the mine, but the Papuan Presidium leaders who are pushing for a non-violent way to independence recognise the importance of the company and receive some funding from it.

Ironically, the main threat to the company seems to be from its protectors, the military. In last year's attack, the evidence pointed to the military and put the company in a difficult position. Investigations have got nowhere, even after the FBI was allowed to work with Indonesian police.

Now the military is trying to silence the ELS-HAM director, Johannes Bonay, in court. Last December, his wife and daughter were shot and seriously injured by unidentified gunmen; since then, messages of the sounds of torture have been left on his answering machine. Freeport remains silent about who killed its employees.


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