Aceh

Megawati says martial law achieves targets

Jakarta Post - August 2, 2003

Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri said on Friday that the martial law in Aceh province would not last long and claimed the ongoing military operation to crush Acehnese separatist rebels was on the right track, despite reports of many civilian casualties.

However, she did not say when the much-criticized military operation that started on May 19 would be put to a halt.

Military leaders have hinted that the martial law, which was initially planned to last six months, would likely be extended another six months until the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) was wiped out permanently.

Speaking at the Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in Jakarta, Megawati also said the government was ready to resume peace talks to end the long-standing fighting after an historic truce with rebel leaders collapsed in May.

"The integrated operation has now gone on for 76 days and although a number of targets have been achieved, the government will continue evaluating its effectiveness," she said.

The President also gave high praise to the military and the Acehnese people who had worked hand-in-hand to fight the GAM rebels. "Despite their shortages, soldiers and police have done their best to carry out the military and the law enforcement operations," she said.

Megawati also claimed security improvements, supported by details, in several other troubled areas across the country, including Papua, Maluku and Poso, Central Sulawesi, despite the fact that sporadic attacks continued to erupt.

Acehnese legislator Ghazali Abbas, who has been staunchly critical of the martial law, slammed Megawati's speech, saying it was aimed at maintaining her popularity ahead of the 2004 presidential election.

"This [her speech] was delivered for her political interests on the eve of the presidential election, but it is contradictory to what is actually happening in the field. Let the Acehnese people assess the President's speech," he said, pointing out that the military offensive had claimed many civilian victims.

Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, a sociologist at Syah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, also criticized the military operation -- imposed under Law No. 23/1959 on state emergency -- which was not proportionately accompanied by a humanitarian operation.

Tens of thousands of displaced Acehnese people face food shortages and health problems, while their children attend school in mosques and temporary tents -- since over 500 schools were burned down by unidentified arsonists and are yet to be rebuilt. Besides which, he said, hundreds of suspected rebels had been interrogated by authorities without the presence of legal counsel.

In the most recent development, at least four rebels were killed and two soldiers injured on Friday. Spokesman for the military operation Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki said in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, that the four armed rebels were shot dead in separate gunfights in Aceh Jaya, Aceh Besar, North Aceh and Pidie regencies.

Following the gunfights, seven rebels were arrested, three others surrendered and three AK-47 rifles and hundreds of rounds of ammunition were confiscated, he said.

Yani said the military in Aceh Besar was still searching for Lampasi Engking village head Subhi, 45, who was abducted by a group of rebels on Wednesday night.

Separately, Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Gen. Endriartono Sutarto stressed on Friday that the military would intensify their offensive and wipe out the armed rebels as quickly as possible, targeting rebel leaders to weaken the separatist movement and lower morale. He confirmed that the military had shot dead high-profile GAM spokesman Tengku Jamaika, alias Jamaludin Kandang.

Spokesman for the administration of martial law in Aceh Col. Ditya Soedarsono said authorities were offering Rp 60 million (US$7,650) for information leading to the capture of a senior rebel commander in Aceh province.

Entering the 76th day of military operation, the TNI has killed at least 587 people they claimed were rebels. More than 100 civilians and 40 police and soldiers have also been killed.

Soldiers accused of human rights abuses

Straits Times - August 2, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- A team dispatched by Indonesia's Parliament to review the progress of martial law operations in Aceh has returned to Jakarta bearing reports of possible violations by soldiers and government officials.

According to team members, soldiers are still prone to committing human rights abuses and extorting money from the Acehnese. There are indications that funds that are meant for housing and feeding refugees, who are driven from their homes by the fighting between Indonesia's military and separatist rebels, may have been used improperly or inefficiently.

The team also said the military needs to do more to avoid civilian casualties and to fully explain situations where non- combatants were killed, in the light of public perception that the soldiers were responsible for such deaths.

Overall, the team's findings do not bode well for the government's campaign to quell separatist aspirations in the troubled province of Aceh, and to win the hearts and minds of its people.

Even if soldiers are wiping out rebel forces and winning that battle, some Members of Parliament, media reports and non- governmental organisations are pointing to increasing resentment among the people towards Indonesian rule.

Mr Ahmad Farhan Hamid, a key member of the team, told The Straits Times: "Some of the people's reports are disturbing. Some legislators believe the government has to change how it operates there if this campaign is to succeed. Without proper treatment of the Aceh people, Indonesia will never truly win this battle against separatism."

He explained that interviews with the Acehnese, both those interred in refugee camps and those still in their villages, had thrown up complaints about alleged mistakes by soldiers or policemen in the region. A common accusation is that Indonesia's men in uniform, especially members of the notoriously undisciplined Brimob police units, intimidated and extracted payments from the Acehnese. People who used the major roads often said they were frequently harassed and asked for money at posts supposedly manned by soldiers or cops.

Another major complaint is that refugees are not receiving all the supplies that should be heading their way. Aid packages, containing food, medicine and other necessities, that do reach refugee camps are said to be in an unusable state. Some of the medicines are past their expiry dates.

There may also be a problem with security at villages left empty when its inhabitants moved into refugee centres, with reports surfacing about missing property and livestock.

Military officials claim that soldiers have killed at least 600 rebels and captured more than 1,300 since May, compared to only 41 Indonesian troopers killed.

Top generals have challenged assertions that soldiers have committed human rights violations and other crimes in Aceh, and said the military itself was punishing those caught red-handed. They mention soldiers who have been given light jail sentences after being found guilty of rape, theft, robbery or excessive violence.

Mr Farhan said his team will visit Aceh again in the next two months but will not file formal reports on this issue. It will, instead, present its opinions to the government privately. The report could also lead to better treatment for soldiers.

One of the recommendations the team intends to make is raising soldiers' daily allowance from 20,000 rupiah to about 35,000 rupiah. Lawmakers have said soldiers resort to extortion because they are poorly paid.

US journalist sentenced for immigration violations in Aceh

Agence France Presse - August 2, 2003

A US journalist arrested in June while reporting on a separatist war in Indonesia's Aceh province expects to be freed Sunday after being sentenced on immigration charges, his lawyer said.

The Banda Aceh District Court on Saturday sentenced William Nessen, 46, to one month and 10 days jail. He has already been detained for a month and nine days. Nessen's lawyer, Amir Syamsuddin, told AFP his client accepted the court ruling and "hopefully by tomorrow he will able to enjoy his freedom.

Chief judge Syafruddin Nasution told Nessen the court had also found him guilty of reporting without informing authorities in Aceh, where restrictions have been imposed on foreign journalists amid an operation to crush the rebellion.

Nessen was arrested after he failed to produce his passport and visa when questioned by authorities. Prosecutors also said he did not report to police when he entered Aceh, did not have permission to work from the manpower ministry and did not have a press card from the Indonesian foreign ministry.

Nessen told the court he lost his passport and other credentials when he fled a firefight between rebels and troops in North Aceh's Nisam district, where he had been since about May 10. He entered Aceh by land from Medan in North Sumatra before Indonesia launched a major military operation against the rebels on May 19.

Some military officers have said they suspected Nessen was spying for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which has been fighting since 1976 for independence for the province on Sumatra island. The court did not order Nessen to be deported and he is eligible to stay in Indonesia until October 31. But Syamsuddin said his client, who has written articles for several newspapers in United States, "wants to return home" to seek a medical treatment for a liver condition.

The same court last month sentenced activist Muhammad Nazar, who had been campaigning for an independence referendum in Aceh province, to five years in jail for sedition. Nasar had served a 10-month sentence in 2001 for similar offences. The US State Department criticised what it called the "harsh" sentence, saying Nazar was exercising his right to peaceful political activity.

Local human rights activists and aid workers have also been arrested during the military operation in Aceh and five former rebel peace negotiators are on trial for terrorism.

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in a statement Saturday it welcomed the verdict in Nessen's case because it cleared the way for his release.

"We are relieved that Nessen will now be free to leave the country," said Lin Neumann, CPJs Asia representative. "We believe he was imprisoned because of his activities as a journalist and we have maintained throughout this process that he should be released." CPJ has rejected government arguments that the restrictions are needed in Aceh to protect the safety of foreigners and says they are instead designed to block press access.

As of Thursday, the military said it had killed 595 guerrillas and seized 274 weapons during the operation in Aceh. It said another 1,314 rebels have been captured or surrendered, for the loss of 41 soldiers.

Two former GAM negotiators charged of terrorism

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

Nani Farida and Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh/Lhokseumawe -- Two former negotiators for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) went on trial in the Banda Aceh District Court on terrorism and treason charges on Thursday.

Separately, four employees of a palm oil plantation who had been held hostages for weeks, were freed after their abductors were involved in a firefight with security personnel in Matangkuli, North Aceh.

Sofyan Ibrahim Tiba and Nashiruddin bin Ahmed are accused of violating Articles 13 and 15 of Law No. 1/2002 on terrorism and Article 55 of the Criminal Code on subversion. The charges carry a maximum sentence of death. The lead prosecutor said the pair were guilty of terrorist acts of murder, bombings, shootings, abductions and extortion.

The trial is being heard by a panel of judges presided over by Maratua Ramdi, one of nine judges from North Sumatra who have been drafted in to try alleged separatists in Aceh.

Three other former GAM negotiators -- Teuku Kamaruzzaman, Teuku Muhammad Usman and Amni bin Ahmad Marzuki -- went on trial on Tuesday on similar charges.

Immediately after the charges were read out, Sofyan pleaded innocent to all charges. "I am just a negotiator representing GAM, not a GAM commander. None of the charges laid against me have any relation to myself. The charges are based on murky sources and unverified field data," he told the court.

Sofyan said it made no sense to try the former negotiators for terrorism and treason as "the negotiators were actually volunteers who tried to help build peace". He also filed an official protest with the court alleging the police "mistreated" him when he refused to sing Indonesia's national anthem, Indonesia Raya.

Sofyan's lawyer Munarman, of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute, demanded his client be acquitted of all charges, which he described as "very vague". "We request the judges acquit the defendant of all charges as the prosecutors have mixed up political aspects with legal ones," he said.

He said any crimes committed by rebels in the field were not acts of terror, and could not be blamed on the defendants. The lawyer also said that the antiterrorism law was passed in 2002 and could not be applied to his client as the crimes he was accused of took place before the law was passed. The trial was adjourned until August 5, when the court will hear from the prosecution.

Two of the four released hostages, Saiful and Hamrizal, who are employees of PTP Nusantara I in Cot Girek, were ordered by their kidnappers to run as a separate gunfight between a unit of the Army's Special Forces and dozens of GAM members took place in Lupuk Badak village in Matangkuli district.

They ran for three hours before meeting a military patrol, which later found the two other hostages, Yonizam, 40, and Jalil Hanafiah, 45, at a GAM headquarters deep in the hilly area. They were taken to the Lhokseumawe-based military operation command for questioning.

According to the hostages, they were well treated by the kidnappers, who were all under 25 years old. "They said we had done nothing wrong. They just wanted to use us as a shield should there be a military attack. They also said we were taken hostage as the company we work for failed to pay Rp 200 million to GAM," Hamrizal said.

In other developments, the military denied reports that the GAM leader in Pase, Tengku Jamaika, was still alive, insisting he was killed on Wednesday. Military operation command spokesman Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki said that the operation command had gone through reliable procedures to confirm Jamaika's identity.

"A village chief and other GAM members arrested during the operation confirmed that the dead man was Jamaluddin Kandang. Let others doubt it but we are sure that the dead man is Tengku Jamaika, the spokesman for their Pase military command," said Yani. Relatives of the dead man confirmed on Thursday that his name was Jamaluddin Yahya.

American journalist faces jail but says not guilty

Jakarta Post - July 31, 2003

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- Facing two months imprisonment for immigration offenses, an American freelance journalist asserted that he had not committed any acts or activities that violated Indonesia's immigration law.

Chief prosecutor Efdal Efendy requested the panel of judges to sentence the defendant to two months imprisonment as he claimed it had been convincingly and legally proven that the defendant had violated Article 51 of Law No. 9/1992 on immigration.

"As a foreign citizen, Nessen failed to report his change of address in Indonesia to the local immigration office. He also did not have permission from the Indonesian government to work in the country," he said.

He said Nessen was guilty of failing to produce his passport and visa when questioned by the authorities. He also did not report to the police when he entered Aceh, did not have a work permit from the manpower ministry, and did not have a press card from the Indonesian foreign ministry or the information ministry, Effendi said.

The prosecutor also read the testimony of four government officials from the foreign ministry, manpower and transmigration ministry, justice and human rights ministry and the office of the information minister who could not attend the court session.

In his written testimony, Heri Sudarmanto, chief of the service section for foreign workers at the manpower and transmigration ministry, confirmed that the defendant had not requested a work permit from the Indonesian government.

Nessen was arrested on June 24 when he turned himself in to the Army after traveling with rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) for three weeks. The military said they suspected him of spying for the rebels, who have been fighting for an independent homeland in the oil-and gas-rich province.

Nessen and his lawyer Amir Syamsudin made their own defense in the court session directly after the prosecutors read out their charges, asked the court to dismiss the charges as baseless.

"Nessen has not been proven guilty of committing the offenses as charged by the prosecutors and I request the honorable judges to acquit him of the charges," said Amir. Amir argued that his client was not unwilling to produce his identity card and other documents to the security authorities but his circumstances made it impossible to do so.

He also said his client did not misuse his visa "because his activities were journalistic in nature". Nessen said he still had a valid visa which he got from the immigration office in 1998, to temporarily stay in Indonesia.

Since first working as a journalist in Aceh in 2001, Nessen said he had written about the province six times after interviewing GAM, the police, the armed forces and ordinary people.

Asked by one of the three judges whether he had ever besmirched the Indonesian government, Nessen, said: "Oh no, no. I write what actually happens, and what I see and regard as the truth ... I cover both sides." Nessen said he entered Aceh before martial law was imposed on May 19 and did not know he had to report to the security authorities.

He said immigration officials had never told him he needed a press card from the foreign ministry. The freelance reporter said he had planned to spend two weeks with the military after his initial two weeks covering GAM.

"But when I wanted to leave there was a firefight so I had to flee with the GAM members because I was afraid of becoming a victim, and a target," Nessen testified in Indonesian. The trial was adjourned until August 2, to hear the court's verdict.

Meanwhile, residents of Alue Krup village in Peusangan district, Bireuen regency, found six dead bodies in paddy fields early on Wednesday. The Lhokseumawe-based military operation command claimed it had not received any information about such an incident, while local military officers declined to reveal whether the victims were related to the ongoing operation.

The six people sustained gunshot wounds and carried no identification, but chief of Leubu village, Makmur district, Muzakir Yusuf, later identified them as residents of the village's Lapihan Masjid hamlet who had gone missing two months ago.

"They could be GAM members because they left home right after the imposition of martial law," he told reporters after identifying the bodies at the Dr. Fauziah hospital in Bireuen town.

Separately on Tuesday evening, five armed men entered the house of Mustafa, 37, a resident of Reusip Ara village, Peusangan district, and shot three members of the family. Mustafa died instantly from a gunshot wound to his neck, while his wife Zubaedah is now in critical condition at Dr. Fauziah hospital. She sustained several gunshot wounds, including to her head and chest, while her eyes and lips were severely swollen due to being beaten.

Their youngest child, three-and-half-year-old Muhammad Fajri, sustained two bullet wounds to his chest. As of Wednesday, he had undergone surgery and was in the recovery room. According to a relative, Susanti, Zubaedah cooks for troops patrolling in the area.

PRD rejects general elections in Aceh

Kompas - July 31, 2003

Jakarta -- The People's Democratic Party (PRD) has rejected holding general elections in Aceh for as long as the military emergency in Tanah Rencong [Aceh] continues.

"Until a process of self-determination is implemented, an election has no democratic basis what so ever in the eyes of the Acehnese people. An election held under the force of arms will become a means to compliment a new oppression of the Acehnese people", explained the secretary general of the PRD Natalia Scholastika at a press conference at the PRD's offices in Jakarta on Wednesday (30/7).

"The reality is that the more urgent need for the Acehnese people which should be supported by the democratic opposition in Indonesia, is that the government must immediately revoke the military emergency status which is no more than a "New Military Operation Zone"(1) in Aceh. The abolition of the military emergency status must be followed by the withdrawal of all military personnel along with providing a role for the involvement the international community in a peace process [for the Acehnese people] to determine their own future", said Natalia.

According to Natalia, this demand reflects a responsibility which we have for the future of the Acehnese people as a consequence of the decades of capitalist and militaristic exploitation by the New Order [regime of former President Suharto].

"The responsibility of the united democratic opposition in Indonesia at the moment is to build solidarity with the [Acehnese people's] struggle and the oppression which the people of Aceh have experienced, even more so after civil freedoms in Aceh were killed by the military", Natalia added. (win)

Notes

1. One of the grievances fueling the desire for independence in Aceh is the secret war waged against the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in the 1990s under the Suharto military dictatorship, which lasted from 1965 to 1998. From May 1990 to August 1998, Aceh was declared a Military Operations Area, during which the armed forces carried out extensive counterinsurgency operations against the GAM. In this period, thousands of civilians were killed, disappeared or tortured.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Military kills 11 more alleged rebels in Aceh

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak and Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Lhokseumawe/Denpasar -- Armed clashes continued in many parts of Aceh province on Tuesday despite the martial law administration's claim that the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) had been terminally weakened.

The latest incident occurred in Matang Rawa village, Baktiya district, North Aceh, where a joint unit of soldiers and police attacked a suspected GAM hideout. Ten alleged rebels, including local GAM commander M. Kasim alias Abu Kasim, were killed, while a marine, Second Sgt. Mudiyono, was injured in the one-hour gunfight across the rice fields.

Earlier on Monday, a unit from Airborne Battalion Team 4 led by First Sgt. Abdul Hari ambushed about 20 armed GAM members in the mountainous district of Kuta Makmur. One of the alleged GAM members was killed.

The martial law administration has claimed that GAM now has only 1,300 armed personnel left active. Before the offensive, GAM was said to have 5,000 active rebels.

National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said in Denpasar, Bali, on Tuesday that the number of intelligence officers in Aceh would be increased to make the military operation more effective. He said the intelligence officers would be tasked with mapping out GAM bases after two months of the military operation.

He said both the military and the police would continue to strengthen what he termed "the Acehnese people's fight" against the separatist movement.

Da'i said that intelligence operatives would be also ordered to look into reports that GAM leader Sofyan Dawood had fled to Malaysia. "It was just a one-sided report. I have not yet received any confirmation from the Aceh Police," he added.

Hopes for normalcy still remote in Aceh

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Lhokseumawe -- Saturday night is no longer lively in the North Aceh capital Lhokseumawe where youngsters used to gather in street cafes downtown or just ride around on motorcycles.

"Before the imposition of martial law we used to hang out until 11pm. But now 10pm is already too late. There have been rumors of a curfew, so we refrain from going out at night to avoid security raids and armed clashes," high-school student Rizal Fahmi, 17, says.

The youths here have even decided to stay away from the beach next to the Marine Headquarters, because, as 16-year-old Taufik Hidayat says, "bombs are planted there often." Soldiers and Mobile Brigade police are all over in the city, where roaming armored vehicles and tanks are commonplace.

Entering the third month of the integrated military operation to quash Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels, clashes have expanded to the residential area downtown, where most of the victims are believed to be civilians. The martial law administrator argued that such incidents proved the operations had managed to suppress the insurgents who had left their hideouts in the remote mountainous hamlets or coastal areas.

As part of the efforts to separate GAM members from civilians, the martial law administration has ordered residents to obtain new identity cards.

Other efforts include transporting residents to refugee camps, a strategy that Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto admitted had hurt the Acehnese as many had found their belongings missing upon returning home.

Two soldiers are standing trial for allegedly stealing money and jewelry from a house belonging to a woman in a refugee camp. The military court has also convicted three soldiers for raping four women. Endriartono apologized to the Acehnese people last week for all the excesses of the TNI.

A mere apology is apparently not enough before security and public order is fully restored and residents can return to their normal life.

Lhokseumawe-based military operation command spokesman Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki said the restoration of security and order, which is one of the targets of the integrated operation in the province, would take time.

"Many residents have now taken a stand against GAM members and have even taken revenge for the abduction of their relatives by GAM members. Should we fail to stop them, a communal conflict could have occurred. But the fact is they feel secure due to our presence here." However, many of the residents do not share Yani's claim.

A vegetable vendor at state-owned market Pajak Inpres in the town, Nurjanah, said she had not been able to reach the market for two months and instead was forced to return home to Cot Me hamlet, Kuta Blang village, as armed clashes between the security forces and GAM members continued. "We'd better stay at home and let the vegetables rot," she said.

Along with other vendors, Nurjanah used to hire a pick-up truck carrying them from home at 4am to the market, returning home about noon. "We had to pass three security check points on a one-way trip where we sometimes were forced to pay Rp 2,000 (about 25 US cents) at each post or leave some of the vegetables," she recalled.

In many hamlets where male residents once went into the forest to pick pinang (areca nuts), their main source of money, they have stopped, letting the women do the tough job in a bid to avoid trouble. "We are prone to becoming the target of both the military and GAM," Muhammad Salim, a resident of Alue Papeun hamlet in Nisam, said on Saturday.

After staying in the refugee camps at Kedai Amplah for 20 days, Salim said his family's 30 Siamese chickens had gone. "One chick from the chickens was worth Rp 30,000 on the market."

Chronicling horrors in Aceh

Asia Times - July 29, 2003

Lesley McCulloch, Melbourne -- The message came via satellite phone. The caller was out of breath and desperate: 15 civilians shot dead by the Indonesian military, including two children. The location: the village of Tutut Sungaimas, West Aceh. The date: July 19.

It was 10am on that Saturday when the military arrived at the village to look for members of GAM (Gerakin Aceh Merdeka, or Free Aceh Movement), the armed separatist movement operating in Aceh. A gunfight followed in which one government soldier and three members of GAM were killed. The military then left the village and the locals began to collect the dead, and to attend to the wounded. According to the source, about half an hour later, the villagers were relieved to see an ambulance arrive. Their joy was short-lived, for this was no ordinary ambulance -- several soldiers jumped out and began shooting randomly. Fifteen were killed, including two children. All of them were unarmed civilians.

Two days later, on July 21, tanks arrived at the village of Alu Rambok. Without stopping to collect belongings, the villagers ran to the forest. The locals watched from their hiding place as Indonesian soldiers went systematically from house to house helping themselves to valuable items including electrical goods. Three motorbikes were also stolen that day. Not yet brave enough to return to their houses, the villagers cannot confirm how much of their belongings were taken. They continue to live in the forest, fearing that the military will return to the village resulting not only in loss of property, but loss of life. It is usual for the military to loot houses and shops and leave little behind; it is even more common for them to kill, arrest and rape while on a looting spree.

Of more worry than this looting incident is the disappearance of an unknown number of families from Kuala Batee and neighboring villages on July 20. Locals say more than 20 Indonesian military trucks toured the area rounding up families whom they alleged were members or supporters of GAM. When the trucks left Kuala Batee there was said to be a total of 70 women and children and an unknown number of men on board. But where are these trucks now? The fate of these people was still unknown late last week and local people feared for their lives.

In the little media coverage there is of the conflict in Aceh, the province's west is rarely mentioned. This is not because the war has not reached this remote area, but rather because information is not available. Even before the declaration of martial law in Aceh on May 19, the west was a silent and dangerous corner of Aceh. There is no mobile-phone network in west Aceh and except in two or three main towns, there is no land-line facility. Internet access has not even reached the main town of Tapaktuan. The only contact is by satellite phone.

Of course, some will dismiss these reports of killings and disappearances because of the lack of verification. But confirmation is impossible in this area. Does this mean we should assume it is a sanctuary of peace and harmony when we know in other areas death and destruction is the daily digest of the local people?

We cannot confirm that 15 died in Tutut Sungaimas, nor can we confirm that 70 women and children were taken from Alu Rambok by truck together with many men to an as yet unknown destination. The exact numbers are of little consequence, but we can be certain the incidents took place.

Death and destruction in the villages of Aceh are matched by torture, fear and even death of those in detention. In the Polres (police) station in Banda Aceh, the provincial capital, the overcrowded conditions are compounding the agony of those arrested and suspected of being members of GAM.

One of the latest political prisoners is a university lecturer. Amdi (not his real name) teaches at the local Syiah Kuala University, but is now in a cell with 23 other inmates. He faces four charges, including treason. Amdi is facing a sentence that could mean he will spend the rest of his life in jail. In Indonesia, one is never "innocent until proven guilty" -- he has been badly tortured by the police who want information from him. A senior intelligence commander, Captain Darmawan, and his assistant Sergeant Safrizal beat Amdi with a rattan can on July 18. A highly respected member of the academic community, he now has difficulty moving, and his back and hands are badly bruised and painful. Amdi will appear before a court driven by nothing more than politics and paranoia. There is little chance that he, or any of the almost 100 others held in Aceh on charges of treason will receive a fair and open trial.

The information about the conditions of the prisoners in Polres comes from a disgruntled police officer, ashamed of the system of which he is part. He has telephoned several times to pass on information about torture in Polres. He is worried that the level of hate felt by the police toward these prisoners is escalating, the torture has, he says, become more frequent and more intense. When he called two days ago, his voice sounded more distressed than ever.

He worries about the reaction of the police to the fact that information is getting out. The last time information was published about the prisoners in Polres, the following day police raided the cells -- convinced that a mobile phone was being concealed. Of course, they found nothing. It is inconceivable to them that one of their own would open the door to the horrors of the everyday policing methods in Aceh.

With foreigners being kept out of Aceh and only local journalists embedded with the military able to report on the situation, news is scarce. Today, Aceh is a dark and grim province of horror, death and destruction. More than 1,000 have died since martial law was declared on May 19. While the world's attention is conveniently diverted by terrorism and other power play constructs, in Aceh's towns and villages, police stations and prisons, it is the innocents who continue to suffer.

[Lesley McCulloch is a research fellow at Deakin University, Melbourne.]

Flying flags indicate success of Aceh mission

Jakarta Post July 29, 2003

Nani Farida and Teriani ZB Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh/Lhokseumawe -- A House of Representatives delegation visited Aceh on Monday and was quick to judge the military operation in the province a success merely from the number of red and white flags they saw.

"There are far more red and white flags flying on Aceh soil. It's a stark contrast with the previous period," House Deputy Speaker Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno, who led the 15-strong delegation, told reporters in Banda Aceh.

A number of sources in the military have said that the government troops had pushed themselves hard to make as many national flags as possible fly across the province ahead of the celebration of anniversary of independence on August 17.

The martial law administrator has ordered the Acehnese people to hoist the flag, although in some places where Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels prevail, the red and white flags are not visible.

Soetardjo said the growing number of Acehnese people who had pledged allegiance to the state was further evidence of the success of the joint operation. He said people currently had the conscience to inform Indonesian troops on the whereabouts of GAM rebels.

The 15 legislators visited Aceh to get a first-hand account of what is going on in Aceh two months into the military operation. Aside from the military operation, the legislators discussed problems that have plagued Aceh, including refugees, poor law enforcement and the poor running of the local government.

Meanwhile, Aceh martial law administrator Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya judged the military operation a success due to the fact that people had resumed their normal activities.

He said GAM was already unable to control most of Aceh's territory, consequently life in Aceh was returning to normal. "People are becoming less fearful about informing us on the whereabouts of GAM members," he said after receiving the legislators.

The lawmakers are scheduled to stay in Aceh until Tuesday. The Aceh martial administrator suggested on Monday they visit West and South Aceh regencies, so they can witness what is going on with the military and humanitarian operations there. Among the visiting legislators are Permadi, Sabam Sirait, Astrid S. Susanto, Achmad Farhan Hamid and Abdul Qadir Djaelani.

Meanwhile, one soldier charged with theft may walk free, while another is facing seven months in jail for allegedly taking someone's belongings in a military raid.

Prosecutor Maj. Achmad Dandy told the court that no witness' deposition incriminated Second Sgt. Yulius Sitorus of Battalion 143 Lampung, but all evidence pointed to Second Pvt. M. Alam Sri as the perpetrator.

"We ask the court to drop the charges against the first defendant. Witnesses said that the second defendant was the only person who entered the victim's bedroom before she realized that as much as Rp 2 million (US$243) in cash and 26.5 grams of gold jewelry had gone," he said. Under the Criminal Code, theft carries a maximum sentence of five years in prison.

The defendants were not detained, although existing laws stipulate detention for those accused of violating a law which carries a maximum penalty of four years in prison. The soldiers were merely suspended from active duty. Presiding judge Maj. Trias Komara adjourned the trial until Wednesday to hear the defense plea.

The Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto had earlier apologized to the Acehnese people who had lost their belongings during the integrated operation in the province.

The military court had previously found three soldiers guilty of raping four women and sentenced them to between two years and three years in jail.

New ID requirements add more misery for Acehnese

Jakarta Post - July 28, 2003

Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Lhokseumawe -- Tengku Hanafi, 65, was back at the Baktiya district office in North Aceh for the seventh time this week desperately inquiring as to when he could get his new red-and-white identity card.

As with other Indonesian sexagenarians, Hanafi, a resident of Matang Reudeup hamlet, actually no longer needs to renew his ID card, a privilege he was already aware of.

"I'm afraid because I'm always asked to produce the new ID every time I go through a security checkpoint," he said explaining why he had applied for a red-and-white ID card, the type that has been made mandatory for Acehnese since early in the military operation against Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels.

Another applicant, 26-year-old Rusli Jasmani of Matang Pineung hamlet, expressed similar fears. "On my way here, I was ordered to get off my bike and asked to produce my ID. I could only show the soldiers a note from the district office that my ID card was still being processed. As it had no stamp from the administration, I got a kick on the ass," he told The Jakarta Post.

The martial law administration has required Acehnese to obtain the special ID cards, which are aimed at separating civilians from GAM members. The administration has set a deadline of July 31 for residents to obtain the new IDs, and has said it will launch a major ID operation starting August 1.

An applicant must go through a long process that may take two weeks before he finally obtains the new ID card. The ID must be signed by the chief of the district where the applicant lives, the governor and the martial law administrator.

An applicant needs to first obtain a clearance from his village chief and local military chief before the district administration will issue the card. The applicant must then submit the card to the local police station for the police chief's signature before getting the district chief's signature. Afterwards, the applicant must register his ID number with the martial law administration.

But many said a Rp 5,000 (about 60 US cents) bribe to the right person in the district administration office could considerably speed up the process.

Although the new ID cards are supposed to be free, many residents have complained about the length of time required and the extra money they have to fork out on transportation.

"We were lucky as we applied for the IDs while we were still in the refugee camp in Gede Amplah so we didn't have to go back and forth to the district office like other people," said Zainuddin, a resident of Bandar Kalifah hamlet, Alue Papeun village, Nisam district, about one hour's drive from the district administration office.

Getting the new IDs, however, by no means solves the security problems plaguing the Acehnese as GAM members are reportedly determined to thwart the new ID card arrangements.

A resident of Matang Reudeup, who was speaking on condition of anonymity, claimed that a GAM member had seized his newly issued ID card two weeks ago. "He greeted me politely and asked me where I had been. I told him I had just been getting my new ID card. He asked me to show it and then took it off me, saying that these cards were unacceptable. So I had to get another one made," he told the Post at the Baktiya district administration offices on Thursday.

District chief Ismuhadi said that the process for those whose new IDs had been seized by GAM would be shorter as there was no need for both the civilian and the martial law administrations to screen them for possible involvement in the rebel movement.

"As of today, we have issued 5,949 new IDs out of a total of 8,000 blank cards. Thus, we can say that 60 percent of residents have obtained the new IDs," he added.

He said that as the military operation intensified and reached remote villages, more and more applicants had been coming forward in the last week. About 300 new applicants came to his office on Thursday alone, Ismuhadi said.

As for the long delays in the issuing of the new IDs, Ismuhadi explained that his office was short of staff as many officials had been warned by GAM not to report for work. In addition, his office only had six typewriters. "I doubt if we can issue new IDs for all the residents by the end of this month, unless we get help from both the police and the military," he added.

Martial law administration spokesman Navy Col. Ditya Soedarsono said rather disingenuously that ID card checks would be held merely to ascertain whether the administration had its their duty in providing service to the public.

"The residents should not be worried about these checks. They won't face any difficulties," he said. Try telling that to 65- year-old Hanafi.

TNI intensifies efforts to stop rebels fleeing

Jakarta Post - July 28, 2003

Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak and Nani Farida, Lhokseumawe/Banda Aceh -- The Martial Law Administration in Aceh is intensifying efforts to prevent Free Aceh Movement (GAM) leaders from fleeing the province or country, an official says.

Military operation command spokesman Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani said on Sunday that the decision followed rumors that GAM leader Sofyan Dawood had fled to Malaysia.

"We are not sure about Sofyan's claim that he is in Malaysia, but we will continue to follow the latest developments," he was quoted by Antara as saying. "If Sofyan is in Malaysia, we are now questioning his commitment to his movement," he said.

If Sofyan had fled to Malaysia and left others to continue the rebellion against the Indonesian Military (TNI), this showed GAM was plagued by disorder, Yani said.

Meanwhile, Col. Ditya Sumarsono said it was "quite possible" Sofyan had fled to Malaysia "but then again he could be lying ... while in fact he is still hiding from us in Aceh." Sofyan is the rebel's chief spokesman and also commander of GAM's key Pase district near the city of Lhokseumawe. He reportedly left Aceh more than two weeks ago and flew to Malaysia via Jakarta using a different name.

Separately, Tengku Jamaica, the GAM spokesman for Samudra Pasai, said Sofyan was in Malaysia undertaking a secret mission for GAM. Sofyan would return to Aceh when his mission in Malaysia was accomplished, he said.

Jamaica denied TNI claims that Sofyan had abandoned GAM rebels fighting the TNI. "The claim is not true. Tengku Sofyan will return to Aceh when he finishes his mission abroad." Sofyan's mission in Malaysia was not related to the TNI's offensive against GAM, Jamaica said, but he did not elaborate. Separately, National Police have drawn up a wanted list containing Sofyan's name and will distribute it to police across the country and Malaysian Police beginning Monday.

Meanwhile, Malaysian authorities had no information that Sofyan was in their country, Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday. Badawi, who is also home minister in charge of security, told the official Bernama news agency that apart from the news report "we don't have any information yet".

He said it was up to police to take action if the GAM leader was really in Malaysia. "We never invited them to come," he said.

As of Sunday, Ahmad Yani claimed the TNI had killed nine GAM members, arrested another four and confiscated two pistols during operations since Friday.

The Indonesian government imposed martial law on May 19 to wipe out GAM, which for decades has been trying to set up an independent state within the oil-rich but underdeveloped province.

West Papua

Life as usual after Papua autonomy

Jakarta Post - August 2, 2003

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- The troubled province of Papua was granted special autonomy in 2001 with around Rp 1.2 trillion disbursed last year to smooth its implementation, but life remains unchanged among the impoverished people there.

Only those linked to the local elite can enjoy the disbursement of the autonomy funds for Papua, which is home to more than 2.2 million people, a half of them migrant residents. Local people say there has been no improvement to their economic welfare after autonomy.

Mama Salomina, a vegetable vendor at Abepura traditional market, said her life was unchanged, despite the enacting of Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy for Papua. "In the past, I opened a vegetable stall on the sidewalk and now I am still here. I have never received money or any other assistance from the government, though I have heard there are special autonomy funds," she told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.

Another vendor, Mama Alberthin, shared similar grievances. What has changed here was the increase in the number of new cars in the streets belonging to government officials and councillors, she said. She said many state officials were often seen traveling outside Papua or abroad.

Under the autonomy status, junior and senior high school students were not supposed to pay education fees, but this has not eventuated, as illustrated at Arso state senior high school. "We still have to pay Rp 10,000 each per month for tuition, while for the building donation, the school charges students Rp 160,000 each," said Prawesti, a second grade student at the school. Her classmate, Risma, said she and other students were unaware that the provincial administration was supposed to provide free schooling.

Arso principal Agus Rumbino confirmed it continued to collect fees from his students to cover operational costs, despite the government's decision on free education. "If we don't do that, how can we pay non-permanent teachers and other operational costs at the school?" Rumbino said his school had received increased assistance of Rp 5 million, on top of the Rp 40 million allocated by the government each year, but added that the additional money would be used to pay permanent teachers to teach more hours.

Papuans are also given free medical programs, but local community health centers (Puskesmas) are often found lacking in medicines. "We do receive medical checkups free of charge, but doctors still give us prescriptions to buy drugs at a drug store. It means the medical service is not free," complained local resident Verdinanda Ibo.

Agus Sumule, a former member of the assistance team that drafted the bill on special autonomy, said Papua's 2002 budget did not reflect impartiality with local people at large. He said the Rp 1.2 trillion allocated for Papua was largely used for development in the transportation sector, while education, health, people's economic empowerment and infrastructure, which were considered the most crucial to Papuans, were not given priority in the budget.

The budget allocated 21.49 percent or Rp 262.495 billion of the funds for the transportation sector, 18.86 percent or Rp 230 billion for education, 15.54 percent or Rp 189 billion for health, and only 0.06 percent or Rp 730 million for the industry sector. "If the condition is not changed, the budget will not accommodate Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy," Agus said, adding that this could encourage certain groups of Papuans to campaign against autonomy.

Papua's Institute for Civil Strengthening director Budy Setyanto said grievances raised by many Papuans regarding the implementation of autonomy were the "reality in the field". "Special autonomy is merely jargon," he said.

The program, aimed at appeasing movements campaigning for independence in Papua, would be successful only with "good will" on the part of the government.

Democratic struggle

People's United Opposition Party launched

Liputan6.com - July 28, 2003

Jakarta -- Scores of mass organisations, workers, farmers and pro-reformasi students have formed the People's United Opposition Party (Partai Persatuan Oposisi Rakyat, Popor). The driving force behind the party, labour activist Dita Indah Sari, launched [the party] in Jakarta on Sunday afternoon (27/7) saying that they are ready to participate in the 2004 general elections.

In a speech before supporters, the [recently elected] general chairperson of Popor, Dita Indah Sari made the assessment that the politicians who are currently in power are no different from the politicians [who were in power] during the period of the New Order [regime of former President Suharto]. They have failed to wholeheartedly implement the spirit of reformasi, so that the people are still suffering even though it has been four years since the New Order fell. Dita therefore hopes that the party they have established can become an alternative choice for [people in] society who want reformasi to be implemented sincerely.

The [new] party, which has the aim of uniting the pro-people's opposition, claims that it already has leadership bodies in 20 provinces and 106 regencies. Dita admitted that with these numbers their party has not yet fulfilled the [official] requirements to be able to take part in the 2004 elections. However, she was optimistic that in the lead up to the close of party verification next August, the party will be able to fulfil the requirements to participate in the elections. (PIN/Tim Liputan 6 SCTV)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Mass organisations form political party Popor

Kompas - July 28, 2003

Jakarta -- The Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle (FNPBI), the National Student League for Democracy (LMND), the National Farmers Union (STN) and 53 other mass organisation have established a new party, the People's United Opposition Party (Partai Persatuan Oposisi Rakyat, Popor), which was launched in Jakarta on Sunday (27/7).

"We have established this party as an effort to strengthen the national opposition forces which have been divided by the elite forces, the oppressors of the people", said Popor's [newly elected] general chairperson Dita Indah Sari before hundreds of supporters.

[Dita], an FNPBI leader, was accompanied by [Popor] general secretary Donny Pradana from STN, vice-chairperson Jusuf Lakaseng who is also the chairperson (sic) of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and vice-chairperson Heru Atmadja from the Association of Victims of the New Order (Pakorba).

Dita hoped that Popor will be able to become a significant political force to resist the power of neo-colonialism. "Our platform is clear, anti-New Order [regime of former President Suharto], anti-militarism and anti-global capitalism", she affirmed.

"To date, the people's struggle against the corrupt elite has had no structure. So we are attempting to build a structure [to facilitate] this struggle through Popor", added LMND chairperson Iwan.

Dita admitted, that their party has not yet fulfilled the [official] requirements to contest the 2004 general elections because "We must still establish leadership bodies in 15 regencies and sub-districts".

According to Dita, at the moment Popor has leadership bodies in 50 provinces(1), 50 regencies and 25 sub-districts. "But we are optimistic that we can fulfill these requirements by August and take part in the 2004 elections", explained Dita.

Dita explained that they did not want to create false hopes. The 2004 elections will become an arena to measures the people's interests in supporting a united opposition, "we are emphasising the long term target of the party, that is to form a force of united struggle to bring victory to the people", she continued.

When asked by journalists about the question of presidential and vice-presidential candidates, Dita answered that "We will put forward a candidate after we have passed [the process of registration and verification] and are allowed to participate in the 2004 elections. However [we want to make] it clear, we will never put forward a presidential candidate who is a defendant [in a criminal case]"(2), she said.

Separately, Lakaseng said that the PRD would not be taking part in the 2004 elections. "We will concentrate our attention and forces in activities to campaign for Popor in the 2004 elections. If Popor encounters obstacles in participating in the 2004 elections, then the PRD is ready to become a vehicle for the votes of Popor supporters. As such, the term is a backup not a rival", he explained. (win/osd)

Notes:

1. This paragraph is clearly erroneous since Indonesia only has 33 provinces. Popor has established itself in 106 cities where already have branches or are ready to form branches, covering a total of 22 provinces (the new electoral laws stipulate that a party must have branches in at least 50 per cent of the provinces).

2. This statement refers to efforts by Akbar Tanjung, chairperson of the former state ruling party Golkar, to be nominated as a presidential candidate despite having being convicted on charges of corruption (he is currently awaiting a decision by the supreme court).

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Labour issues

Workers protest factory's closure

Jakarta Post - July 29, 2003

Tangerang -- Hundreds of workers from aluminum melting factory PT Teguh Makmur Sentosa in Benda district rallied at the mayoralty office on Monday, demanding that the administration cancel plans to close the factory for damaging the environment.

"The planned closure has been engineered by certain people," Suparman, one of the workers, told reporters. Suparman said local residents were paid between Rp 20,000 (US$2.30) and Rp 50,000 to take part in a demonstration against the factory.

In response to the complaints of residents, Tangerang Mayor M. Thamrin ordered the factory closed in February for polluting the water and air. The mayor gave the company six months to move the factory to a more suitable location. However, since the factory has continued to operate, the mayor ordered public orders officers to forcibly close it down.

Rural issues

Immediate land reform is a must: NGOs

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- NGO activists have called on the government to address the increasing inequity between rich and poor farmers before the issue explodes into a social conflict.

Henry Saragih, secretary-general of the Indonesian Farmers Federation (FSPI) and Usep Setiawan, Coordinator of the Working Group on Agrarian Reform and Natural Resources, said on Thursday that the minority rich farmers controlled 69 percent of farmlands in the country.

The call came only a week after a bloody land dispute in Bulukumba, South Sulawesi, claimed six lives. The violence broke out when villagers ran amok during a protest of the alleged illegal occupation of their land in Bonto Mangiring, Bulukumba, by rubber plantation company PT London Sumatra.

The police apparently shot the protesters in what they claimed was self-defense against farmers who tried to attack them with sharp tools. "Land reform is inevitable, but the government is not serious about it," Henry said.

A 1993 survey by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) showed that a total of 22.8 million farmers, or 84 percent of all farmers, controlled a plot of less than one hectare, and that 70 percent owned less than 0.5 hectares of land. In comparison, only 4.4 million farmers have more than one hectare of land, which accounts for 69 percent of the country's farmlands. In 2000, however, 80 percent of the country's farmers owned less than 0.5 hectares of land, said the Ministry of Agriculture.

Henry said while most farmers were working very hard to own just 0.5 hectares of land, the government had allowed plantation, forestry and mining firms to hold concession areas of thousands to millions of hectares. Data from the Consortium for Agrarian Reform showed that as of 2000, 2,178 plantation firms controlled a total of 3.52 million hectares in concession areas.

Usep said that without fair distribution of land, land disputes would be constant, and crime and environmental destruction would continue unchecked.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri is set to present the performance of her administration today at the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Annual Session, including their land reform measures.

In 2001, the MPR issued Decree No. IX/2001 on agrarian reform and natural resources management, which included reorganizing land ownership in the country. So far, the government has only issued Presidential Decree No. 34/2003 in May, instructing the National Land Agency (BPN) to speed up the review of the 1960 Agrarian Law.

But Henry said a review of the Agrarian Law was not necessary, as it was good enough to ensure fair distribution of land. He said the Agrarian Law covered basic principles that respected indigenous land ownership, social functions, the protection of farmers' rights and conservation.

"We need a decree that orders state institutions to review laws for specific sectors, like the Mining Law and the Forestry Law, which conflict with the Agrarian Law," he said.

In order to realize land reform, the government should thus start purchasing land controlled by corporate firms and rich farmers, and not extend concession areas held by plantation, forestry and mining firms, Henry said. The government could then distribute the land fairly to poor farmers, he added.

Usep said the House of Representatives and the government should establish a comprehensive land reform concept to ensure fair land distribution.

Sukhoigate

Committee urges government to delay purchasing Sukhoi

Antara - July 31, 2003

Jakarta -- The House of Representatives Committee on Thursday urged the government to delay the purchase of Russian jet fighters as the deal had violated the current state budget guidelines.

Effendy Choirie, deputy chairman of the House committee probing the controversial deal, said that the committee would ask the government to include the purchasing plan in next year's budget.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri concluded the purchase of four Sukhoi jet fighters and two Mi-35 assault helicopters worth US$192.6 million in a countertrade deal in April.

"We will ask the government to include the plan to purchase jet fighters in the 2004 state budget," Choirie told reporters after a meeting with the House Speaker, Akbar Tandjung.

Choirie, a member of the National Awakening Party (PKB) faction said that the committee had asked Akbar to bring the Sukhoi issue to the People's Consultative Assembly's Annual Session. The MPR Annual Session will take place between August 1 and August 10.

Students demand trade minister resignation

Antara - July 28, 2003

Jakarta -- Tens of university students staged a rally in front of the trade and industry ministry here Monday to protest the government's decision to purchase Russian Sukhoi aircraft and helicopters.

Bringing some posters and banners, the demonstrators demanded that Minister Rini MS Soewanto resign. The students wanted her to pay more attention to food stock security and price control.

Government & politics

Megawati claims success

Jakarta Post - August 2, 2003

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri has claimed that her government has accomplished numerous achievements, and has lashed out at her critics saying their rap merely served the interests of certain people.

Delivering her progress report at the People's Consultative Assembly Annual Session on Friday, Megawati said her administration had managed to put the country back on track, despite occasional mishaps.

"In actuality, all of our hard work was not without reward. We have managed to improve a great deal, although not completely" Megawati addressed the Session.

She claimed that after five years of reform, her administration had achieved economic recovery, subdued conflicts across the country and reduced the threat of separatism. "We are indeed making strides and results are forthcoming. Deficiencies and mistakes persist, and we must correct them," she underlined.

Megawati further admonished her critics, saying that the continued complaints against her administration would not do any good for the improvement of the country. "In essence, such an attitude only turns us into a laughing stock to other groups. Not one party stands to benefit from this attitude that dampens our spirit," she said.

Megawati defended herself from various criticisms and from a growing perception that she had failed to fulfill the reform agenda. Polls show that the people's confidence in her capability had constantly eroded, and that her popularity fell to even below her ministers'.

Although the overall economic condition is improving along with relative stability, Megawati still fell short of public expectations for justice, as she has had to make compromises to maintain stability.

The country is currently fighting separatism in Aceh, suffering from terrorism threats and coping with a high unemployment rate. Moreover, the old practices of corruption, collusion and nepotism continue unabated, slowing down the reform movement.

Aware of her own weaknesses, Megawati refused to promise a much brighter future for the country as indicated in her lowered economic growth target of 3.66 percent, from 4 percent previously.

In regards Aceh, she said that the government would stop the ongoing military crackdown in Aceh and reopen negotiations if the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) laid down its arms. "We have repeatedly invited and urged the leaders of GAM to disarm and return to their normal lives," she said.

The first day of the Annual Session proceeded smoothly, with some legislators expressing their disappointment because they could not make an interruption. Chatibul Umam Wiranu and Effendi Choirie, both from the National Awakening Party (PKB), said they had tried to interrupt the Session to express their views, but failed.

"I tried to interrupt, but the microphone is off. I guess this was done intentionally," Chatibul told The Jakarta Post. He said legislator A.M. Fatwa of the Reform faction had also tried to make an interruption. Fatwa could not be reached for comment.

Chatibul said he had wanted to propose an evaluation and to make a recommendation to state institutions to create a check-and- balance system.

Choirie said that his faction insisted that the Annual Session would evaluate the performance of the President and issue recommendations to the president and state institutions. He was referring to the agreement made by Assembly leaders that the Annual Session would neither evaluate the performance of the President nor issue recommendations. Choirie stressed that the agreement of the Assembly leaders was not binding, and was less powerful than the decision of the Annual Session.

Each faction is scheduled to present on Saturday their general views in response to the report of the President, the House of Representatives (DPR), the State Audit Agency (BPK) and the Supreme Court.

Separately, in his opening remark Assembly Speaker Amien Rais reminded participants that high on the Session's agenda were the establishment of the Constitutional Commission, the revocation of Assembly decrees and the revision of the Assembly's internal regulations. Amien said he hoped the Annual Session, which was planned to last 10 days, could be cut short.

Four MPR factions defend anti-communism decree

Antara - August 2, 2003

Jakarta -- The factions of Golkar Party, United Development Party (PPP), Group Representatives and Regional Representatives have rejected the idea of revoking the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) Decree No 25/1966 on the dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

"Golkar faction has no doubt that the decree must stay," its leader, Amidhan, said during the 3rd plenary meeting of the annual MPR session here Saturday.

PPP faction spokesman, Lukman Hakim Saefudin, said Communism, Marxism and Leninism are against Indonesia's Pancasila state ideology.

PDI Perjuangan supports Mega for better or worse

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- Leaders of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) across the country have thrown their support behind chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, including her controversial decisions in the elections of regional government heads.

A release issued at the end of the party's two-day meeting said that her decisions put the nation's interests above party interests, namely national security and sustainability of regional development. "The national meeting supported the decisions," said the release signed by Gunawan Wirosarojo, who chaired the meeting.

The national meeting was attended by leaders of the 30 PDI Perjuangan chapters across the country, as well as its legislators and party leaders.

PDI Perjuangan has come under public scrutiny following decisions by its central executive board to ignore people's aspiration in a number of gubernatorial elections.

Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's husband and an influential party figure, said earlier that the controversial decisions were made because PDI Perjuangan lacked potential leaders deemed capable of leading the people in the regions.

The lack of capable candidates has prompted decision-makers in PDI Perjuangan to choose military and civilian outsiders deemed fit to be governors and deputy governors in the regions, instead of party cadres, said Taufik. He further said that the governors the party had chosen to support had proven to be capable of maintaining security in their respective areas and enhancing people's welfare, and thus deserved a second term.

Taufik was referring to several controversial decisions, including those in Jakarta, Bali and Central Java, in which the central board had not sided with the interests of respective chapters and the grassroots in gubernatorial elections.

In Jakarta, PDI Perjuangan defended Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso's run for a second term, instead of backing its own cadre; and in Central Java, PDI Perjuangan favored incumbent governor Mardiyanto, a high-ranking military official, to retain his post for a second term, instead of Mardijo, a loyal party cadre.

The defeat of Mardijo caused a heated protest in the Central Java capital of Semarang, in which party supporters vented their anger on the party's flags and banners bearing PDI Perjuangan chairwoman Megawati's picture.

The two-day national meeting was arranged following these incidents, which many believed would tarnish the party's image ahead of the 2004 general elections.

Parliament meets for last session before legislative reforms

Agence France Presse - August 1, 2003

Indonesia's highest constitutional body opened its last annual session before the country's legislative system is reformed next year.

The 695-member People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), scheduled to meet until August 10, was to hear a report later Friday from President Megawati Sukarnoputri on the progress of her two-year- old administration. The MPR's mix of elected and appointed members currently choose Indonesia's president and vice-president but that role will fall to the Indonesian people next year when the country holds its first ever direct presidential elections.

That vote will follow general elections in April to select House of Representatives (DPR) legislators and members of a new chamber representing the country's districts.

"Through the democratic 2004 election it is hoped there will be formed a new government administration that is more legitimate and whose legislative members from the centre and the districts are more representative," MPR chairman Amien Rais said as he opened the session.

Members of the two newly-elected chambers will make up the MPR, which will continue to have the authority to alter Indonesia's constitution.

"After the 2004 election, the MPR will no longer enjoy as much power as it does now, thanks to its own work in amending the 1945 constitution," The Jakarta Post said in an editorial Friday.

During the current session, legislators are scheduled to discuss the formation of a commission to review the nation's constitution. They are also to consider a decree reviewing more than 100 earlier decisions passed by the assembly between 1960 and 2002.

Among those decisions is a 1967 ruling that formally removed presidential power from Megawati's father Sukarno. A proposal would have the ruling revoked. The draft MPR decree says it seeks to "rehabilitate the good name" of Sukarno, Indonesia's first president forced out after a failed 1965 coup attempt by dissident military members. Suharto, the general who crushed the revolt, gradually assumed Sukarno's powers amid mass killings that left hundreds of thousands of alleged communists dead.

Legislators are also proposing to revoke a decree banning the Communist Party but to maintain a ban on communism and Marxism- Leninism.

The MPR currently includes all 500 elected lower house members as well as appointed military and police representatives and delegates from interest groups and the regions. Only 552 legislators attended Friday's opening session which took place under heavy security.

Visitors passed through two airport-style metal detectors to enter the meeting hall, which was ringed by hundreds of rifle- toting police and soldiers. Five armoured vehicles were visible on the legislative grounds, where a bomb exploded on July 14. There were no injuries and have been no arrests.

Many of the legislators stay at a nearby five-star hotel during the session, which will cost Rp 20 billion (2.4 million dollars), according to the MPR's secretary-general Rahimullah, quoted in The Jakarta Post.

Follow me or pack your bags, Megawati tells party members

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- In her capacity as chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), President Megawati Soekarnoputri has admonished her supporters at a national meeting for their disobedience.

"In order to win the 2004 elections, there are only two options: follow my orders or follow the orders of others," Megawati was quoted as saying by party aide Mangara Siahaan on Tuesday.

Mangara, emerging from a closed session chaired by Megawati, said the PDI Perjuangan chairwoman was mad at regional party cadres, whom she found to be rebellious and failing to obey her orders. The session was part of a two-day national meeting, which opened on Tuesday, held by the rift-riddled ruling party.

Mangara said Megawati was complaining that many party cadres in the regions did not understand the full scope and extent of her authority in the party.

In a veiled reference to Mardijo, head of the party's Central Java chapter, Megawati reportedly said during the session that if party cadres had chosen her as their leader, they must follow her orders.

Mardijo was dismissed from his regional chairmanship after he insisted on contesting the Central Java gubernatorial election last week, despite the decision of the party's central board for him to withdraw from the race.

In what may seem a strange move, but which is becoming more and more common with PDI Perjuangan, the central board threw its weight behind incumbent governor Mardiyanto instead of Mardijo.

Venting their frustration, PDI Perjuangan members went on a rampage in the Central Java capital of Semarang following Mardijo's defeat, accusing the central board of betraying the party's grassroots supporters.

It was not the first scandal to rock PDI Perjuangan. Similar conflicts between the central board of the party and its grassroots members have broken out in Bali, Jakarta and Lampung recently.

Pramono Anung Wibowo, deputy secretary-general of the party, said at a press conference here that the decision by the central board was right and strongly justified. He said party's chairwoman had the veto over the involvement of party cadres in the elections of regional heads of governments.

The party's national meeting opened only a few days after the ruling party was rocked by a string of internal conflicts in its regional chapters.

The meeting, held at the Sheraton Bandara Hotel, was attended by the party's board of executives, leaders from its 30 chapters nationwide and members of its factions at the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and the House of Representatives (DPR).

High on the agenda of the meeting were recent political developments and preparations for the upcoming Annual Session and the 2004 general elections. The MPR Annual Session is scheduled to run from August 1 to August 10.

"The party is consolidating itself through the meeting, as the 2004 general elections and the MPR Annual Session are drawing near," Soetjipto, secretary-general of the party, informed attendees at the opening of the meeting.

Party top brass who attended the opening ceremony included Arifin Panigoro, former chairman of the PDI Perjuangan faction at the MPR, and the two deputy chairmen of the party, Roy B.B. Janis and Theo Syafei.

'MPR annual session a waste of funds'

Jakarta Post - July 29, 2003

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- The upcoming Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) has already lost its relevance and is nothing but a waste of state money, a political analyst says.

Andi Alfian Malarangeng, an analyst from the Jakarta-based Institute of Public Administration, said it would be better if the funds allocated for the session went to the General Elections Commission (KPU) and the cash-strapped Election Monitoring Committee, which are preparing for far bigger and more crucial events next year.

The Annual Session will run between August 1 and August 10 and cost taxpayers Rp 20 billion (US$2.4 million), the same amount spent last year. But compared to the previous assembly sessions, this year's event will not see the grueling and energy-sapping debate on constitutional amendments.

Malarangeng also said the establishment of a Constitutional Commission in the coming session was a meaningless effort by the country's highest lawmaking body.

"It will not live up to the people's expectations, because what I have learned from their concept, the planned commission is a weak and dependent one," he was quoted as saying by Antara on Monday. Malarangeng's statement came as the Assembly was gearing up for the session, in which the establishment of the Constitutional Commission would be one of three main topics the 700 legislators would discuss.

The other two topics were hearing progress reports presented by President Megawati Soekarnoputri, the House of Representatives (DPR), the Supreme Audit Body (BPK) and the Supreme Court (MA) and revoking more than 100 obsolete decrees enacted between 1966 and 2002.

On Friday, August 1, after the opening remarks from the MPR speaker and endorsement of the session's schedule in the first plenary meeting, Megawati will be given 60 minutes to deliver a report on her government's achievements and efforts to implement MPR decrees mandated to her last year.

Next in the pipeline will be House Speaker Akbar Tandjung, BPK Chairman Satrio B. Joedono and Chief Justice Bagir Manan, who each will be given 30 minutes to present their progress reports.

As for the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA), the MPR has decided not to invite the institution, which has not legally existed since last year.

Lawmakers disbanded the 30-strong DPA last year when they completed the constitutional amendments, but the institution continues to exist until today. MPR leaders have asked Megawati, as the head of state, to issue a decree on retirement of the DPA members.

During the third plenary session scheduled for Saturday, August 2, each one of factions in the MPR will have no more than 30 minutes to present comments on the progress reports delivered by state institutions. However, there are no legal consequences against the President and other state institutions if their reports are considered unsatisfactory by the MPR.

Chairman of the special ad hoc committee tasked with preparing the schedules for the Annual Session, Alihardi Kiaidemak, has said MPR members would start on August 3 discussing draft decrees prepared by the MPR working committees.

The MPR is expected to endorse all the decrees during a plenary meeting on August 10 and hand them to the President, the House speaker and the chief justice for implementation.

2004 elections

Nurcholish exit a severe blow for Golkar

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- The Golkar party's popularity has been at stake following the withdrawal of noted Muslim intellectual Nurcholish Madjid, popularly known as Cak Nur, from the party's presidential race, say political observers.

Political observer and senior researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) J. Kristiadi told The Jakarta Post here on Thursday that Nurcholish's decision to quit Golkar for his presidential bid was a big loss for the party, which has been struggling to restore its tainted image since 1998. "To the public, it [Nurcholish's withdrawal] is a confirmation that the convention was merely a ploy," he said.

Nurcholish announced his decision on Wednesday a few hours after Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung had his aides pick up a registration form for the party convention, a move that indicated he intended to contend the first-ever direct presidential election next year.

Golkar is scheduled to hold its convention in February to select its presidential candidate. A number of party figures, including Akbar, have registered for the convention. "Faced with Nurcholish's withdrawal, Golkar has lost its chance to repair its badly tarnished public image," said Arbi Sanit of the University of Indonesia.

Kristiadi appreciated Nurcholish's move as being the correct one to make. "If he had not withdrawn immediately from the convention, he would have been cut out [of the running] by Golkar as part of its political trickery," he said.

Kristiadi said that Akbar's participation in the convention was proof that Golkar had merely used Nurcholish to try and improve its tainted image, and Golkar was not sincere in supporting Nurcholish. He said that it was impossible for Nurcholish to win the presidential race, as Akbar was supported by the majority of Golkar chapters.

Golkar has a reputation of being the political bandwagon of former president Soeharto's 32-year authoritarian and corrupt New Order regime.

"Nurcholish should have known from the beginning that it is impossible for Golkar and Akbar, who has been building the party for years, to render power to outsiders who will fight for outsiders [if the party wins the elections]," said Kristiadi.

Akbar claimed that Nurcholish's withdrawal from Golkar's presidential bid would not affect the convention, as it had been organized to run transparently and fairly. "Everybody is free to join the convention," he said, adding, however, that he regretted Cak Nur's departure.

Many Golkar figures have frequently called on the party not to support Akbar's presidential aspirations, for the sake of the party. Akbar has been sentenced three years' imprisonment for his involvement in a Rp 40 billion graft case. He is free pending a Supreme Court decision on his second appeal; his first appeal to the High Court was turned down.

Although the Presidential Election Law permits those with a maximum five-year sentence to run, the verdict is actually a political hindrance for Akbar's presidential bid.

Former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, founder and chairman of the board of the National Awakening Party (PKB), praised Nurcholish's move, saying that the scholar had maintained his role as "the moral guru of the nation." "Nurcholish has taught us how to play high politics, while still maintaining credibility and morality in building our democracy," said Gus Dur.

Nurcholish said that despite his decision, he was still considering the presidency through other political parties. He said several political figures and at least five political parties had expressed their interest in supporting him for the presidency.

Political observer Indria Samego suggested Nurcholish pick reformist parties as his political vehicle, such as the Ryaas Rasyid-led Democratic Nationalist Party (PDK) or the Sjahrir-led New Indonesia Alliance Party (PIB). "Choosing one of the reformist parties will improve Cak Nur's popularity among the people," he said.

Nurcholish Madjid, Dita Sari and the 2004 elections

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

Max Lane -- The 2004 election campaign has started. There are two kinds of issues that people seem to be looking at. The first relate to the so-called major parties, those with substantial numbers in the House of Representatives.

These are the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), Golkar Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Because the chairman of the tiny National Mandate Party (PAN), Amien Rais, is also the chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly, sometimes PAN is also considered a major party.

The second group of issues are those that relate to initiatives that appeal to the broad anti-elite sentiment in society. The most reported such initiative is that of Nurcholish Madjid who has been "campaigning" to be nominated as a presidential candidate. Nurcholish has no large political organization and no significant history as a politician.

It is precisely these "qualifications" that have made it possible for him to be considered, by some at least, a serious candidate. Nurcholish, who is also warmly referred to as Cak Nur (elder brother Nur) in the press, is more well-known as an intellectual and academic. He is seen as a "clean" figure outside the political elite.

Being seen as outside the political elite is what constitutes his basic appeal in a period when all polls and opinion on the street are vehemently hostile to this elite. The problem for Nurcholish is that he stands only very partially outside the elite, if it all.

It was Nurcholish who offered to head up a Reform Committee to be established by the former dictator Soeharto in the last weeks of the dictatorship in 1998. This was offered as a means to facilitate a smoother transition to some new system, with Soeharto still presiding. This proposal was rejected by the student and mass movements and Soeharto was forced to resign.

More recently, Nurcholish's ties to the political elite have been manifested in his announcement that he would seek the nomination as presidential candidate from the most elitist of all parties, Golkar. Golkar was founded and controlled by Soeharto for most of his dictatorship. It was the only party from which Soeharto drew Cabinet ministers. The New Order dictatorship was essentially a Soeharto-Golkar dictatorship. Nurcholish had openly announced his plan to seek Golkar's nomination, although he canceled the plan on Wednesday.

Interestingly, former president Abdurrahman Wahid seems to be keeping another option open. Last week he also attended a congress organized by the Banteng National Awakening Party (PNBK), led by Eros Jarot. He was given a warm welcome at the congress, attended by thousands of members. Jarot invited him up onto the stage where Nurcholish said he would be happy to be adopted "in some way or another" by the PNBK.

Jarot flattered him with the comment that surely Cak Nur would not lower himself to compete with a convicted criminal -- referring to Golkar chairman, Akbar Tandjung, who has been convicted of corruption by a Jakarta court, and now is in the process of appealing the conviction to the Supreme Court.

Nurcholish's campaign contrasts with that recently initiated by labor leader Dita Sari. Last weekend, Dita chaired a meeting of about 300 representatives of over 50 organizations who formed a new political party: The Party of United People's Opposition (Popor).

Popor's campaign only shares one similarity with that of Nurcholish's: It also seeks to respond to the desire for a political leadership based outside of and representing non-elite sectors of society.

Beyond this, the two campaigns are very different. Nurcholish's concentrates on the single position of the presidency. The Popor campaign concentrates on social empowerment.

Another difference is, of course, in the arena of policy. What are Nurcholish's policies for dealing with the economic, social and cultural crisis in the country? Do we presume that they are the same as those of Golkar, from whom he is seeking support? Golkar's basic policies are the same as that of the PDI Perjuangan: Accept recipe of the IMF; continue the military operation in Aceh; go slow -- super-slow -- on the trials of corruptors and human rights violators during the Soeharto era. In the meantime, among other policies, Popor rejects economic neo- liberalism, calls for an end to the war in Aceh and the speedy trials of all corruptors and human rights violators.

At least Dita has shown a more comprehensive program than Nurcholish. But what are the chances of Dita and Nurcholish?

[Max Lane is a Visiting Fellow from the Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation Studies (CAPSTRANS), University of Wollongong, New South Wales, Australia.]

Parties accused of extortion in Medan

Jakarta Post - July 31, 2003

Apriadi Gunawan, Medan -- Chinese-Indonesian businesspeople in North Sumatra have alleged that political party activists are extorting money from them ahead of the 2004 elections. The businesspeople said they were intimidated by the activists into giving them money.

Businessman Vincent Wijaya said some of the political activists in question freely admitted that they had asked him for donations to help finance campaigns ahead of next year's elections. He said this had been taking place for months, adding that many other Chinese-Indonesians had similar grievances.

"Many businesspeople have been asked to donate up to tens of millions of rupiah. If they [extorters] are not given the amount they demand, they intimidate us," Vincent told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday. He declined to identify those involved, but said they included major political parties.

Vincent said most businesspeople in the North Sumatra capital Medan had been intimidated into giving donations to party activists. "As businesspeople, we don't want to make enemies. That's our principle. But if asked whether we gave the money sincerely, we would say no," he said, adding that he received between four and five proposals for political donations each week. Vincent demanded that the leaders of the parties in question put a stop to the practice of extortion.

However, several political leaders in North Sumatra denied ever ordering activists to seek donations from local businesspeople. Serta Ginting, an official with the provincial branch of the Golkar Party, said his office had never recommended the collection of money from businesspeople in Medan.

He said it was regrettable if political parties were extorting businesspeople. "But if there are people voluntarily giving donations, we cannot refuse it." Idham Hasibuan, the secretary of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) faction in the North Sumatra legislative council, also denied any organized extortion.

He said the provincial chapter of his party had never ordered members to raise funds for next year's election campaigns. "As far as I know, PDI Perjuangan has never forced businesspeople into giving donations. However, the party has many supporters, many of whom are businesspeople, who often donate money for our party activities," Idham said.

Commenting on the extortion allegations, the chairman of the North Sumatra Elections Supervisory Committee, Choking Soesilo Sakeh, said his office had yet to receive any report on the matter. "Any political party found to be collecting donations through force could be disqualified from the upcoming elections," he said.

Choking also said a number of parties had begun campaign activities ahead of schedule and that the committee would investigate where they were getting the money to finance these activities.

Nurcholish withdraws from Golkar convention

Jakarta Post - July 31, 2003

Tiarma Siboro and A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- Respected Muslim scholar Nurcholish Madjid announced his withdrawal on Wednesday night from the Golkar Party convention to select presidential candidates after party chairman Akbar Tandjung moved to participate in the race.

"It [Akbar's participation] could spark a conflict of interest and make the convention process unfair," Nurcholish, better known as Cak Nur, told a news conference.

"This convention has adopted the United States model to recruit presidential candidates from the grassroots, in which party executives should not take part in order to prevent undue influence and unfairness," he added.

The withdrawal came hours after Akbar, through his aides, picked up a registration form to participate in the selection process. Nurcholish has repeatedly warned of his departure from the convention if Akbar took part.

Cak Nur, currently rector of Paramadina Mulya University, said the allegations of rampant money politics involving Golkar members in the regions were also behind his withdrawal from the Golkar convention.

He said that during his visits to Golkar provincial chapters to garner support for his presidential bid, they had demanded money to endorse his bid. "If I were to do this, it would mean I was violating my own platform -- good governance," he added.

Asked about what he would do now regarding his presidential ambitions, Cak Nur said he had not yet made a decision. However, he said he had won support for his bid from senior political party leaders, including Arifin Panigoro from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, Alwi Shihab and Saifullah Yusuf of the National Awakening Party, and Bachtiar Chamsyah of the United Development Party.

Questions over whether or not embattled Golkar chairman Akbar was a legitimate presidential aspirant were partly answered on Wednesday, when his close aides picked up the registration form for him to join the convention.

Achmad Dani and Puji Wahono, two of Akbar's aides, went to Golkar headquarters on Wednesday afternoon to pick up the registration form for Akbar, who was in Garut, West Java, attending a series of party activities.

Akbar, who has been sentenced to three years in jail for graft, was the 15th potential candidate to pick up the registration form by the Wednesday deadline. He is free pending a Supreme Court decision on his second appeal; his first appeal to the High Court was turned down.

Akbar has until August 7 to submit the form to the convention committee, together with other supporting documents, including a letter of good conduct from the police.

Despite the graft conviction, National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar has hinted that police would issue a letter for Akbar, which would verify that his criminal record was clean, arguing that the court ruling was not yet legally binding.

The participation of Akbar, an experienced politician, in the presidential race could cause repercussions in the political line-up for the convention.

Several nominees have threatened to withdraw from the convention should Akbar, who enjoys wide support from Golkar chapters across the country, decide to join the race. Apart from Nurcholish, the nominees include media baron Surya Paloh and Yogyakarta Governor Hamengkubuwono X.

Their withdrawal would not only lighten competition in the race for Golkar's presidential candidate, but also lower the credibility of the selection process.

Golkar, the political bandwagon of former dictator Soeharto for over three decades, had hoped the convention would help the party to shed its image as a corrupt political institution. The participation of respected scholar Nurcholish had lent much credibility to the convention.

At least 20 of the party's 30 provincial chapters had already submitted their list of presidential nominees to the convention committee by the Wednesday deadline.

Several nominees were brought forward by the provincial chapters, including former commander of the Indonesian Military (TNI) Gen. (ret) Wiranto, businessman Aburizal Bakrie, media baron Surya Paloh and Akbar. The chapters that submitted their nominees for Golkar's presidential candidate included Bali, Bengkulu, Southeast Sulawesi and Gorontalo.

Southeast Sulawesi did not include Akbar on their list of nominees, thus joining the four other provincial chapters that do not support Akbar: South Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, Yogyakarta and West Kalimantan.

Also on Wednesday, Tuty Alawiyah, a noted Muslim cleric and former minister of women's empowerment, became the first presidential nominee to return the completed registration form, one week before its August 7 deadline. Tuty was nominated by several Muslim organizations.

Separately, 11 nominees are slated to present their presidential platform before Golkar cadres at a function in Medan from August 12 to August 13. The nominees are: Aburizal Bakrie, Surya Paloh, Hamengkubuwono X, Jusuf Kalla, Prabowo Subianto, Agum Gumelar, Wiranto and former Cabinet minister Haryono Suyono.

Most chapters okey Akbar for 2004 Golkar candidate

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Jakarta/Yogyakarta -- Four out of 30 provinces gave a thumbs-down to Akbar Tandjung, one of the dozens of influential figures who have been nominated to take part in the party's electoral convention, during which the Golkar party's presidential candidate will be selected.

Akbar, whose candidacy is expected to win support from the majority of Golkar's provincial chapters, has yet to pick up the registration form to confirm his participation in the convention. This Wednesday is the last day for him and others to pick up the form, which must be submitted to the convention's organizing committee by August 7.

Akbar's candidacy has raised public controversy because of his conviction by the Central Jakarta District Court for his involvement in a Rp 40 billion (US$4.8 million) graft case. He has appealed to the Supreme Court, after his appeal to the High Court was rejected. Akbar has been sentenced to three years in prison.

Despite the verdict, the presidential election law allows convicted individuals to contend the presidential election, if their prison sentence is under five years.

The nominees proposed by the four provincial chapters include businessman Aburizal Bakrie and Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla.

These two Golkar figures ranked among the top of the 13 presidential candidates nominated by party branches in South Sulawesi's 25 regencies. The other nominees are former chief of the Indonesian Military Gen. (ret) Wiranto, Golkar legislator Marwah Daud Ibrahim, chief editor of Media Indonesia daily Surya Paloh and Yogyakarta governor Hamengkubuwono X.

"We have decided to nominate a total of 13 individuals to take part in the convention," said Amin Syam, chairman of the South Sulawesi chapter.

West Kalimantan submitted five nominees, including Aburizal, Wiranto and Kalla. The others are former chief of Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto and Surya Paloh.

"We have not put Pak Akbar on our list because he has not registered," said Gusti Syamsumin, chairman of the West Kalimantan chapter.

Central Sulawesi submitted six nominees, including Kalla and Aburizal. The others were Muslim intellectual Nurcholish Madjid, transportation minister Agum Gumelar and prominent Golkar figure Theo Sambuaga.

Yogyakarta also supported Kalla and Aburizal besides governor Hamengkubuwono X.

Apart from nominations from party chapters and branches, independent candidates can also take part in the convention garnering the support of at least 500 party supporters, or a nomination by one of the party's many affiliations.

So far, only 12 of the nominees, including Nurcholish, have picked up the registration form for the convention, which is scheduled for February 2004.

The Golkar party, which Akbar chairs, reached the peak of its political power during former president Soeharto's repressive 32-year regime, of which it was a staunch supporter. The party has been making efforts to try and restore its image after the ouster of the authoritarian ruler in 1997 and the advent of democratic reform, and has stepped up its efforts ahead of the country's first direct presidential elections in 2004.

Amien Rais launches tabloid

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Jakarta -- With an eye to the 2004 general election, the National Mandate Party (PAN) has launched a biweekly tabloid called Media Amanat Rakyat (MAR) to become a vehicle of presidential hopeful and party chairman Amien Rais.

"There are three important things that support a candidate in a presidential contest: A clean track record, the influence of mass media and the operation of a 'money machine'," Amien, who is also Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly, said during the launching of the tabloid with nation-wide circulation here Tuesday.

"And because I don't think that I could raise enough funds for my campaign, I prefer to put mass media at the front as my strategy," said Amien, who is a former chairman of the country's second largest Muslim organization Muhammadiyah.

PAN officials said the party allocated some Rp 300 billion (US$34 million) for the publishing of MAR. PAN won only 7 percent of vote in 1999 election.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Forty five councillors face graft investigation

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- The Tangerang Prosecutor's Office will investigate a Rp 12.5 billion (US$1.47 million) corruption case in which 45 city councillors have been implicated. The plan to investigate the councillors is based on a report filed by non- governmental organization Independent Institute for State Apparatus Monitoring (Lipan).

The head of the prosecutor's office, Nandy Warsidi, confirmed on Monday that his office had just received the report.

"We will examine the report carefully and if we find any indications of criminal activity, then we will immediately form a team to investigate the deviation," Nandy told The Jakarta Post.

Lipan's report suggests that councillors marked up the allocation of funds for the council in the last two city budgets. They allege that last year's budget was marked up Rp 4 billion and this year's Rp 8.5 billion.

"We reported this violation of People's Consultative Assembly Decree No. XI and Law No.20/1999 on state freedom from corruption, collusion and nepotism," said the head of Lipan, Tatang Sago.

He said the 2002 and 2003 city budgets also violated Governmental Regulation No. 110/2000 on regional finance.

According to Lipan, the council's mark up was 100 percent more than their real needs during the two years. The head of the City Council's budget commission, TB Busro, refused to comment on this issue. "About the budget, you should ask the administration," said Busro.

One member of the City Council, Burhanuddin, said he was unaware of the issue and was therefore unable to comment.

Local & community issues

Locals trash administration for Bojong dump plan

Jakarta Post - August 2, 2003

Theresia Sufa and Bambang Nurbianto, Bogor -- Some 300 residents of Bojong village and surrounding areas in Bogor regency welcomed Jakarta Sanitary Agency head Selamat Limbong and entourage with a protest on Friday.

The villagers also threw stones at a waste treatment facility, breaking several windows. There were not injuries or arrests during the protest.

"Opening a permanent dump in our village is a sign that Jakartans want to kill Bojong villagers," read one of the banners displayed by protesters. "Garbage is the source of disease," read another banner. The protesters, mostly women and children, arrived at the waste treatment facility after hearing that Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso would visit the site.

The governor did not show up, but that did not stop protesters from expressing their displeasure to Limbong over Jakarta's plan to open a waste treatment facility in Bojong.

The new facility, which will be located on a 20-hectare plot of land, is expected to treat 1,500 of the 6,000 tons of garbage produced by Jakartans every day. PT Wira Gulfindo Sarana will run the facility using German technology.

"We cannot accept a dump here because it will cause environmental damage and health problems such as respiratory disease," one of the protesters, Oding, 45, told The Jakarta Post. "I wish Sutiyoso was here so we could tell him our objections. Instead of building a dump, the Jakarta administration could have built a factory to create jobs for locals," he said.

Protests against facility have increased in intensity of late. Approximately 400 people from the district went to City Hall and the City Council building in Central Jakarta on Wednesday to voice their outrage over the proposal.

Limbong, however, said not all of the villagers opposed the waste treatment facility, which he promised would open as scheduled.

Separately, Sutiyoso said at City Hall that the protests were not being organized by locals. He accused non-governmental organizations of provoking the villagers.

It is vital for Jakarta that the Bojong waste treatment facility open as scheduled, with the administration planning to close a 104-hectare dump in Bekasi mayoralty in late December.

Construction of two other facilities on Jl. Cakung Cilincing in East Jakarta and in Duri Kosambi in West Jakarta has yet to begin. Sutiyoso said earlier he would negotiate with Bekasi to avoid a repeat of the garbage crisis that hit the city in late 2001, when Bekasi closed Bantar Gebang until Jakarta agreed to pay Rp 14 billion (US$1.65 million) in compensation.

Bojong residents raise stink over garbage dump

Jakarta Post - July 31, 2003

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- For the second time, villagers from Bogor regency rallied at City Hall and the City Council building against plans to build a garbage treatment facility in Bojong village.

Four hundred villagers arrived in nine buses to protest the construction of the facility, owned by PT Wira Gulfindo Sarana. Once completed, the facility would be able to treat 1,500 tons of garbage every day.

"Don't dump garbage in our village. We don't want to become victims like the people of Bantar Gebang," read one of the dozens of banners displayed by the protesters. The banner referred to the dispute over a dump in Bantar Gebang. People living near the site have complained of the environmental damage caused by the dump, which is scheduled to be closed by the end of this year.

The protesters also dumped garbage on the grounds of City Hall on Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan and City Council on Jl. Kebon Sirih, both in Central Jakarta.

Lilies, 45, whose house would be located adjacent to the planned waste treatment facility, said most people in the area had been told by officials of PT Wira Gulfindo Sarana that the land would be used for a tile factory.

Ujang, 25, said he had been paid Rp 100,000 (US$11.80) by village officials for signing a blank paper that eventually was turned into a petition supporting the garbage treatment facility. "They said the money was a gift from Pak Rahmat, the factory owner. We believed everything they said," he told The Jakarta Post during the protest.

The secretary of the Communication Forum for Environmental Care, Triyasa Cahya Putra, said the villagers were at the City Council because their complaints to the Bogor legislative council and the Bogor regency administration had not received a positive response.

"We come to tell you that the people of Bojong do not want garbage from Jakarta," he told City Council Commission D for developmental affairs. The proposed garbage treatment facility in Bojong would help replace the Bantar Gebang dump.

A similar protest against the project took place in June, involving 500 people from several villages that would be affected by the project.

Human rights/law

Komnas HAM probes shooting tragedy

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

Andi Hajramurni, Makassar -- The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has launched an investigation into an incident in which police shot and killed up to five protesters in Bulukumba regency, South Sulawesi, on July 21.

Police put the death toll at two but non-governmental organizations put the figure at five. Dozens of others were injured after police fired on more than 1,000 villagers who were rioting in protest against the alleged occupation of their land by rubber plantation company PT London Sumatra (Lonsum).

The unrest flared up at Bonto Mangiring village in Bulukumba, some 210 kilometers from the provincial capital of Makassar. A Komnas HAM team headed by Hasballah M. Saad left Makassar for Bulukumba on Thursday morning to gather first-hand information from the scene.

"Our purpose here is to collect and cross check data on the case. We will work optimally," said M.M. Billah, a member of the team. He did not say whether there was any possibility of serious human rights abuses in the incident.

On Wednesday, Hasballah, Billah and the third team member, Yuwaldi, held separate meetings with South Sulawesi Governor Amin Syam and South Sulawesi Police chief Insp. Gen. Jusuf Manggabarani as part of the investigation. During the meetings, dozens of students staged a protest in Makassar to urge Komnas HAM to solve the case.

Billah said his team had received reports that contained contradicting data on the death toll. The report from police claimed only two persons were killed at the scene.

However, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) and the Institute of Development and Human Resources Studies (Lakpesdam), affiliated to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), said the death toll had risen to five.

Three of the victims were identified as Rajo, who bled to death, Sangkala who was killed at the scene, and Sampe who died after surviving for several days in a jungle nearby, said Lakpesdam and Walhi, which had both investigated the violence at the scene.

Jusuf said police were holding at least 26 people at the Bulukumba police office. The detainees included two non- governmental organization activists -- Andi Mappasomba and Andi Adi Mappasulle -- who were charged with inciting the riot.

Police are still searching for several activists and villagers who fled after the violence, Jusuf added.

Shortly after the incident, he defended his men who opened fire on the rioters as they had refused to end the violent protest, even though warning shots had been fired to disperse them.

The unrest started when people from Bonto Mangiring and neighboring villages rampaged through a plantation belonging to PT London Sumatra, cutting down rubber trees and attacking a housing complex. The villagers, carrying saws, also occupied a company office.

The protesters accused the company of occupying their traditional land in Bonto Mangiring in 1967, which led to the eviction of many villagers there.

Upholding of human rights creating public concern

Kompas - July 28, 2003

Although formally, the regulations and institutions for upholding human rights in Indonesian have made progress, in practice this is still far from the expectations of society. The legal impasse in handling cases of gross human rights violations which involve security personnel has become a measure which the public uses in assessing the progress made in upholding human rights.

This conclusion was summarised in a Kompas survey in ten Indonesian cities between July 23-24, which specifically evaluated the implementation of human rights in the country. In the survey, the majority (82 per cent) of respondents expressed dissatisfaction with government efforts to uphold human rights. In a number of domestic investigations of cases of human rights violations during the period of the previous government [of former President Suharto, respondents believed that] there has clearly not been enough progress.

Cases which have become a focus of public attention include the May 1998 riots along with the shooting of students from the Trisakti University(1) and the Semanggi incident in Jakarta (1999)(2). In evaluating the investigation of human rights violations, 84 per cent of respondents were dissatisfied with the government's efforts.

Other cases of human rights violations are those involving separatism such as in the provinces of Aceh and West Papua. Although a number of cases have been concluded by the courts, the public is still calling for the full truth to be revealed. No less than 78 per cent of respondents in the survey were concerned about the government's efforts in handling such cases.

Weakness in upholding human rights has also occurred in political cases such as the attack on the headquarters of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) on July 27, 1996. Although human rights violations were perpetrated which indirectly fell on the general chairperson of the PDI at that time, Megawati Sukarnoputri, the case has yet to be heard in court, even though the incident is now seven years old. It is not surprising that public mistrust has also strengthened. Most of the respondents (79 per cent) are not satisfied with the handling of this case.

It is the series of cases which have yet to be dealt with which gives people in society a pessimistic view of the government. The Megawati government is also viewed as not being serious about upholding human rights.

This public pessimism toward the government represents a clear indication of a decline in trust. This can be seen from current perceptions compared with the results of a Kompas survey at the beginning of 2003 which revealed that there was still a small amount of public optimism towards the Megawati government.

At that time, respondents who believed that the government was serious in handling cases of gross human rights violations was still 46 per cent with 41 per cent believing it was not serious. Now, those who believe that [the government] is not serious has increase to 64 per cent of respondents. This time, only 26 per cent of respondents believe the government's efforts are serious.

In fact [the issue of protecting] values of human rights in this country is not a new thing. These values surfaced in 1945, after they were formalised in the 1945 Constitution. Following this, human rights values were officially institutionalised though the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) in 1993. Moreover today, systematic efforts [to uphold human rights] have increased with the formation of a special human rights court though Law Number 26/2000.

As suspected however, in practice this has not run properly. It is not only the executive [branch of government] that has become of concern to the public. Komnas HAM has also drawn public attention.

The was shown by the negative assessment of this institution which was revealed in the survey. No less than 56 per cent of respondents said that these days, Komnas HAM is no longer serious about handling investigations of human rights cases. Only 33 per cent still believed that the institution was working seriously.

This is because the official state institution which deals with human rights has lost [the people's] trust. This can be seen from the failure of this institution to summon a number of key witnesses among which are ex-TNI [Indonesian military] officers. This indicates that fact that this institution, as an upholder of the law, is still unable [to persecute cases] when they concern members of the security forces.

The facts indicate that the reality is that the majority of those who have become suspects in cases of gross human rights violations are members of the TNI or police.

Aside from Komnas HAM, the judiciary was also an issue of concern. In this case, it is an issue of the judges who handle cases of human rights violations. According to public perceptions, human rights courts are not viewed as being independent. This is even more so if the case involves members of the military or police. This was also revealed in the survey. Seventy seven per cent of respondents believed that judges are not free from intervention by other parties. For the public, a case in point was the release of a number of members of TNI and the police in the trails of human rights violations following the referendum in East Timor (1998).

On the other had, in their daily lives, the respondents complained about the uniformity of injustice in a number of other cases. This dissatisfaction in the end has caused society to be increasingly disappointed with the implementation of human rights in Indonesia.

In a September 2001 survey [conducted by Kompas], respondents who considered the human rights situation in Indonesia to be unfavorable was as high as 63 per cent. Now the proportion of respondents who consider it to be unfavorable has increased to 72 per cent.

Five years ago, the public's high expectations on the protection of human rights in the era of reformasi has now culminated in pessimism. Moreover, on the government of President Megawati, who's term will end next year, the public has no trust. No less than 70 per cent of respondents are not convinced that the government can thoroughly investigate human rights violations [which have occurred] in Indonesia. (Ignatius Kristanto/ Litbang Kompas)

Notes

1. On May 12, 1998, security personnel shot into a crowd of student protesters from the Trisakti University near their campus in West Jakarta, killing four students and injuring several. This proved to be the spark which set-off three days of mass demonstrations and rioting in Jakarta which eventually lead to the overthrow of former President Suharto.

2. On November 13, 1998, troops opened fire on demonstrators from the Atmajaya University in Jakarta using rubber bullets and live ammunition in the area of Semanggi, South Jakarta, resulting in the death of more than 10 student demonstrators.

[Translated by James Balowski]

Court rejection hampers unraveling of 1998 riots

Jakarta Post - July 29, 2003

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- Attempts to unravel the May riots in 1998 suffered a severe blow on Monday when the Central Jakarta District Court rejected the request by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to subpoena dozens of retired and active military and police officers.

The chief of Central Jakarta District Court, M. Saleh, said he could not grant Komnas HAM's request because it was out of the court's jurisdiction.

"The investigation conducted by Komnas HAM is for prosecution while the court may approve the subpoena if it is intended for observation only," Saleh said.

The court's rejection dealt a severe blow to attempts to solve the riots in May 1998, which led to the resignation of former dictator Soeharto.

Article 89 Paragraph 3 of Law No. 39/1999 on human rights spells out Komnas HAM's observation work to include investigating alleged human rights violations and summoning witnesses, plaintiffs, victims, or the accused for questioning.

Komnas HAM had sent summons letters to dozens of retired and active military and police personnel to shed light on the tragedy, but they rejected the summons, arguing that the commission had no authority to question them.

Article 95 of Law No. 39/1999 on human rights stipulates that the commission may ask for assistance from a district court chief to force those who refuse to answer the commission's summon.

However, according to Saleh, Komnas HAM should instead apply articles on the Criminal Code Procedure (KUHAP) regulating the subpoena issue. Article 112 Paragraph 2 of KUHAP grants investigators to subpoena witnesses.

Saleh acknowledged that Komnas HAM was allowed to investigate cases without the approval of the House of Representatives (DPR). The court said the investigation was needed to find evidence to approve the allegations.

The legal defense team of the military earlier claimed that Komnas HAM had no jurisdiction to investigate the May riots as it had not secured approval from the House. Salahuddin Wahid, who led Komnas HAM's ad hoc team investigating the May riots, said they would respect the court's decision. "The decision disappoints us for sure, but we must respect it," he said.

Salahuddin said his team would finish its report without testimony from police and military officials. He said the team was expected to finish its report in September and give it to the Attorney General's Office who would decide whether to use the report for prosecution or not.

Human rights campaigner Hendardi said the court had avoided making any decision due to military involvement in the case. "The court only looks for excuses to withdraw the case," he said.

Hendardi suggested that Komnas HAM finish their report without testimony from the officers. "Komnas HAM is supposed to cross- check their information from witnesses with the officers. If the officers refuse, it's their own problem as they have no chance to reveal the chronology from their side," he said.

There are dozens of military and police officers who were to be subpoenaed by Komnas HAM for ignoring the summons, including former military chief Gen. (ret) Wiranto, and former Jakarta Military commander Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin.

Komnas HAM has concluded that the state had violated the people's rights during the May 13 and May 14 riots, which took more than 1,200 lives across the country. No state security officers were around to prevent the crimes, except for those hired by business owners to guard their assets before the rampage started.

Focus on Jakarta

Watery grave for Jakarta's rickshaws?

Associated Press - August 2, 2003

Jakarta -- Thousands of dirty and noisy motorised rickshaws in Indonesia's capital may soon go the same way as their pedal- powered predecessors -- rounded up and dumped into the Java Sea.

City administrators trying to clean up the city hope that pedicab drivers will begin replacing their ageing Indian-made vehicles, known as the bajaj, with a cleaner, four-wheeled local version, The Jakarta Post reported yesterday.

In 1999, Jakarta officials dumped tens of thousands of cycle rickshaws into the waters off Jakarta bay, complaining that they led to traffic congestion. The move was criticised by both environmentalists and activists working on behalf of the urban poor.

"If an agreement [with drivers] could be reached, the 14,000 bajaj will be dumped into the sea," Mr Rustam Effendy, head of the city's transportation department, told the daily.

Jakarta officials have long tried to get rid of the popular bajajs, whose two-stroke engines belch out clouds of thick smoke and clog traffic outside markets and popular entertainment spots.

News & issues

Megawati's anniversaries reveal her vision

Asia Times - August 1, 2003

Gary LaMoshi, Denpasar -- Last week, Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri marked her second anniversary in her father's old job. This week, she failed to mark another anniversary, a failure that reveals the reticent Megawati's vision for her administration. For Indonesia's poor and for foreign investors, it's not a pretty picture.

Sunday, July 27, was the seventh anniversary an assault on the Jakarta headquarters of Megawati's Democratic Party of Indonesia (PDI) by thugs from a rival faction backed by the Suharto regime. Violence spread, resulting in at least five deaths and 150 injured on what came to be known as Black Saturday.

The attack thrust Megawati into the spotlight as the focus of discontent with the Suharto regime. Without Black Saturday, it's unlikely that Megawati would have followed in the footsteps of her father Sukarno into the big office in Merdeka Palace. In a fiery speech calling for justice on the second anniversary of the attack, Megawati declared, "That day will forever be part of the nation's history."

Living history

However, it's Megawati's memory of Black Saturday anniversaries that's now history. Since becoming president, she's ignored ceremonies commemorating the attack and its victims. Efforts to bring to justice the people responsible for the attacks remain stalled, despite numerous investigations presenting evidence of military involvement.

Human-rights investigators repeatedly pointed the finger at the Jakarta military commander, General Sutiyoso, who also presided over the 1997 shootings of university students and anti-Chinese riots that led to the downfall of Suharto. Rather than a jail term, Sutiyoso is now serving his second term as Jakarta's provincial governor. He's extremely unpopular, widely perceived as corrupt and incompetent.

Amid deteriorating quality of life in the capital, from rising crime to gridlock, floods in 2001 that left the city and his administration paralyzed seemed to doom Sutiyoso's re-election hopes. But Megawati paddled to his rescue, endorsing his re- election over objections from many PDI faithful. She lamely explained that she wanted a military veteran as governor to maintain order, ignoring Sutiyoso's record of failure on that score as both general and governor. More believable explanations centered on political horse-trading for Megawati's own 2004 election bid and a graft partnership with her husband, Taufik Kiemas. Whatever the reality, the symbolism was both strong and revealing.

Back to the future

Although Megawati came to prominence as the leader of the Indonesian reform movement, she got there as a beneficiary of circumstances rather than any commitment to sweeping change. It's worth remembering that Megawati first became the leader of PDI when it was one of the three official political parties under Suharto, providing a nominal rival to his designated, guaranteed governing party Golkar. Two years into Megawati's presidency, it's easy to see she's no agent of change.

Her predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, came from outside the Suharto-era political fold, and he had a genuine interest in reform. Ineffectual and isolated, Wahid nonetheless threatened to rock the boat. The political establishment that stayed behind when Suharto left got rid of him and put its money on Megawati, who'd proved to be a solid bet.

As president, Megawati has spread the spoils through a large cabinet encompassing most establishment factions, let the military have its way without meaningful reform or punishment for past sins, and allowed the Suharto-era tycoons to re-emerge without forfeiting any ill-gotten gains.

Fighting corruption has given way to the old belief that political position grants license to act with impunity. The Speaker of the House, Akbar Tanjung, is free on appeal of his corruption conviction and has the inside track for Golkar's presidential nomination. PDI and Golkar discussed an alliance for the 2004 election; a cynic might see running a convicted thief as the next closest thing but there's no evidence that voters will hold that against a candidate. Political office is still seen as a license to self-enrichment; in the past, voters have chosen the party they thought most likely to let them wet their own beaks.

These are the good old days

Stalled reform has ugly implications for Indonesians beyond the power elite and foreign investors. Economic policy has focused on macro reforms -- cutting interest rates, reducing the fiscal deficit, strengthening the rupiah -- rather than finding jobs for tens of millions of unemployed and opening up the economy. The primary beneficiaries have been entrenched interests, who've been able to get more dollars for the rupiah they make and move offshore.

It's easy to blame the International Monetary Fund bailout program's reform preferences for those policies. This week the government announced its intention to leave the IMF program at the end of the year. Rather than allow Megawati's regime to do more to help the poor -- although it's safe to assume there will be plenty of handouts ahead of the election -- exiting the program will remove impetus for the government to make any reforms at all. And there's still plenty of room for reform.

The fiasco over PT Kaltim Prima Coal that's driving away international giants BP and Rio Tinto is just the latest example of how regulations discriminate against foreign investors and government leads the grab for teats on the milch cow. Under Megawati, the center has weakened, paving the way for more corrupt hands reaching from more directions.

Megawati's rule means that Indonesian courts are still auction houses where justice goes to the highest bidder, where the rich get richer, the military is unchallenged and accountable in its fiefs, and investors enter at their own risk. Don't worry if you forgot to send Megawati a card for her anniversary, because this style of rule has been going on in Indonesia for much longer than two years. The names may change, but the outcomes don't.

Sadly for the victims of Black Saturday, it's not Suharto or the brass hats that killed the reforms they died for. It's their champion, Megawati Sukarnoputri.

We are against polygamy!

Jakarta Post - July 30, 2003

Faiza Mardzoeki, Jakarta -- July 25, 2003, marked a setback in the Indonesian women's movement. On that date an Indonesian businessman, Puspo Wardoyo, the owner of the restoran Wong Solo franchise, organized an awards ceremony for males who had married more than one wife.

More than 30 women's organizations as well as individuals from Jakarta protested this event. Among the organizations that formed the coalition "Nurani Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women's Conscience) were the APIK Legal Aid Center, Aisyiah, Kalyanamitra, Institut Ungu and the National Commission on Violence Against Women. This coalition rejects polygamy and also protested the awards ceremony. A similar demonstration also took place a year ago in Yogyakarta.

The women's movement has always rejected polygamy. National heroine Kartini was among the virulent opponents of it. There was also a strong movement later -- Pewari, in 1952, opposed to the decision by President Sukarno to take a second wife. After the fall of Soeharto, the women's movement always raised its opposition to polygamy when it organized events, to protest violence against women.

The women's movement outside Indonesia also opposes the practice of polygamy. This is shown by the recommendations passed on the issue of elimination of discrimination in February 1998 at the UN. At the 378th session of the assembly, a resolution was passed, stating, "Indonesia, as the largest Islamic society, is urged to become a society free of polygamy" and it added, "polygamy remains a threat to all women as long as it remains unprohibited by law."

Polygamy is a form of violence against women and children. The practice of marrying more than one woman is a product of unequal power relations between husband and wife. Male domination, in the form of power wielder in the household and controller of all family economics, has provided the basis for the development of a doctrine, misusing religion as a weapon to subdue wives and children.

Most polygamists refer to verses from the Koran, particularly the third verse from an-Nisa, which reads: (4.3) "And if you fear that you cannot act equitably towards orphans, then marry such women as seem good to you, two and three and four; but if you fear that you will not do justice [between them], then [marry] only one or what your right hands possess; this is more proper, that you may not deviate from the right course."

According to Musdah Mulia in his book The Islamic View on Polygamy these verses were not related to the issue of polygamy as such but rather to the issue of how to care for orphans and the unjust treatment they sometimes suffered. These verses contain a warning for all people to avoid all forms of injustice and arbitrary acts, especially within a marriage relationship.

Does the marriage law permit polygamy? In Law No. 1/1974, Clause 2, it states a husband may have only one wife and a wife only one husband. That clauses institutes monogamy, not polygamy. However, Clause 3 negates this intent by giving a court the power to grant permission for a man to have more than one wife if it is "desired by the concerned parties." The inconsistency between these two clauses also exposes the weakness of the position of the woman in a relationship. A man is given a way out to get around the prohibition on multiple wives by the second clause, which allows a court to give him permission to marry additional wives if he fulfills the conditions in article 5 of Law No. 1/1974.

It is true that if a husband marries a second wife without the permission of the first, the latter can seek an annulment of the marriage. This is set out in article 22 of the law. However, in such relationships, where economic dependence and religious pressure can also be factors, many first wives are reluctant or are not in a position to withhold permission.

In all these arrangements, the woman is placed in a lesser position than the man. This is indeed the nature of polygamy. Polygamy reinforces unequal relations between men and women in society.

[Faiza Mardzoeki is a member of the Management Council Ungu Institute.]

Megawati shuns July 27 tragedy commemoration

Jakarta Post - July 28, 2003

Jakarta -- The bloody tragedy that killed at least five supporters of Megawati Soekarnoputri on July 27, 1996 was commemorated in a low-key ceremony here on Sunday by victims of the attack on her Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters.

Megawati and her current aides skipped the unofficial commemoration, as they had not planned for such a ceremony to mourn the killed and to express their sympathy for 149 injured and 23 missing after the incident.

The attack, led by Megawati's then rival PDI leader Suryadi -- who received tacit backing from the military -- had made her popularity climb during the authoritarian rule of former president Soeharto.

But Megawati's absence at Sunday's event raised widespread claims that she now neglected the tragedy, without which analysts and victims both said she would never have ascended to the presidency. Megawati's negligence was apparently connected to her move to strengthen her relationships with the military ahead of the 2004 presidential election.

As part of this strategy, it was said, she even threw her weight last year behind the reelection bid of current Governor Sutiyoso, who was allegedly involved in the July 1996 attack. Sutiyoso was then serving as the Jakarta military commander. Megawati's show of support for Sutiyoso severely irked supporters who had suffered in the tragedy, and so turned them against her.

Less than 100 people showed up at Sunday's commemoration at the PDI headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta, during which participants staged a free speech forum to lash out at Megawati and other members of her current PDI of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) central board.

The event started at around 10am with only 70 victims, their families and sympathizers present. They marked the commemoration with a traditional rice cone (nasi tumpeng) ceremony. There was no ritual flower service for the killed victims. Banners seen among the participants carried slogans against Megawati and PDI Perjuangan, deriding her for having used the tragedy's victims as her "political offering" to gain the presidency.

Haryanto Taslam, former PDI deputy secretary and currently one of her staunchest critics, urged Megawati never to forget the bloody incident seven years ago. "We also demand Megawati's government to investigate the tragedy thoroughly and bring all the suspects to court," he told the crowd, reported Antara.

Chairman of the commemoration committee Petrus Kurniawan blasted the ongoing trial of five suspects as an "orchestration", because the defendants were merely field operators, not the masterminds behind the attack. The five defendants include two former military aides to Sutiyoso, Col. Budi Purnama and First Col. Suharto. The three others are all civilians -- Mochamad Tanjung, Jonathan Marpaung and Rahimmi Ilyas.

Remembering Black Saturday

Jakarta Post Editorial - July 28, 2003

In the early hours of July 27, 1996, several hundred people belonging to a splinter faction of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), allegedly backed by the military, attacked the PDI headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta, brutally assaulting supporters of the legitimate leader of the party, Megawati Soekarnoputri.

The bloody riots that ensued quickly spread to other parts of the city, leaving five people died and at least 149 injured. Another 23 people disappeared during the violence and remain missing today, according to the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). That is why July 27, 1996, is remembered as Black Saturday.

To better understand the event, it is helpful to recall what was happening during those years. During the mid-1990s, Megawati, the eldest daughter of then-disgraced founding president Sukarno, was elected chairwoman of PDI in a congress in Surabaya, despite efforts by the Soeharto regime to forestall her election. Still, the Soeharto government refused to recognize the decision of the Surabaya congress and began to plot how to remove Megawati from the chair.

A new congress was accordingly convened in Medan, during which Soerjadi was elected chairman of the PDI. The party's democratically elected chairwoman, Megawati, and her supporters not surprisingly refused to acknowledge the Medan congress, and persisted in claiming Megawati as the party's legitimate leader. The Megawati camp continued to occupy the party's national headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro, where almost daily free speech forums critical of the Soeharto government were held, right up until the brutal attack of July 27, 1996.

On the occasion of the second anniversary of the attack, several months after the downfall of president Soeharto, Megawati told 30,000 cheering supporters that "the truth cannot be hidden and will finally prevail. That day will forever be part of the nation's history"! She also lashed out at the Habibie government, which had banned her supporters from holding the commemoration at Senayan stadium in the center of the capital, forcing the party to move the event to her home in Kebagusan, South Jakarta.

Black Saturday, then, is a milestone not only in the history of the Republic, but also in the political career of Megawati. The "free speech forums" from June to July 1996 on the premises of PDI's headquarters contributed substantially to the reawakening of the people, who for decades had been oppressed by the Soeharto regime. This began the snowballing of popular movements, which eventually forced Soeharto from the Presidential Palace. At the same time, almost overnight, it made Megawati a living hero -- a symbol of the oppressed, a leader who could bring democracy back to the country, who could give sovereignty back to its rightful and legitimate owners, the people of Indonesia.

Seven years have passed since the brutal attack, and it has been two years since Megawati was elected Indonesia's fifth President, and democracy is muddling along up an unclear path. Sovereignty has not been returned to its legitimate owners, but instead has become subject to political jousting between the executive and legislative branches of the state.

No less seriously, there has been no serious follow-up to the Komnas HAM report on the attack, even though seven years ago chairwoman Megawati urged the government to look into the matter. There were arrests in the first few weeks after the assault, however not of the attackers but of the supporters of Megawati, more than 120 of whom were detained for months without due process of law.

The government reluctantly set up a National Police team to investigate the attack after the Komnas HAM report was released. But every dossier submitted by the team was rejected by the prosecutor's office. In July 2000, the National Police team was replaced by a joint military-police team, comprising 70 members from the Military Police, military prosecutors, the Jakarta Police detectives unit and the National Police. This joint team handed over its dossiers to the prosecutor's office last year. None were approved.

The team named 10 military suspects, including former Jakarta Military chief Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso and 12 civilian suspects. Sutiyoso was reelected governor of Jakarta recently, ironically thanks to the political support of President Megawati, who dismissed one of her own recalcitrant city councillors for opposing Sutiyoso.

Looking back through Indonesia's history, the Black Saturday tragedy is sadly not an isolated event. Moreover, it seems that this is not just a problem of upholding justice. Disappointing as it may be that President Megawati has turned out to be no better than her predecessors in upholding justice, promoting democracy and respecting people's sovereignty, the average Indonesian has to admit that our value system is vague concerning the basic tenets of human life.

Probably because Indonesia is such a populous country, Indonesians tend to look at people in terms of quantity. In this case, the fact that five people were killed and 23 went missing easily becomes less relevant as millions more Indonesians are still alive. This argument is easily moved even further into a justification for killing people, hundreds or thousands of them, "for the sake" of 220 million other Indonesians -- especially if those being killed are perceived as criminals, traitors or other evildoers.

But closing the book on Black Saturday would not only be a betrayal of the people's expectations regarding democracy, justice and sovereignty; it would also confirm our disrespect for the basic values of individual human life.

Environment

'1,000 trucks with illegal logs go to Malaysia each week'

Jakarta Post - July 28, 2003

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- Kalimantan loses at least 1,000 truck loads of illegal logs every week or about 10,000 cubic meters in the last two months, says a forest ministry official.

"Those trucks are certainly carrying logs from our national parks including Betung Kerihun National Park on the border of Indonesia and Malaysia. The trucks easily pass through our country's check points to Malaysia," Koes Saparjadi told reporters here over the weekend.

The director general for forest protection and conservation at the Ministry of Forestry said on Friday that the ministry could not confiscate the trucks as it only had the authority to arrest them within the forest. The smuggling causes millions of dollars in losses to the government, Koes said.

He said the illegal logs were mainly those locally known Meranti logs and estimated the losses caused would amount to Rp 1 billion (US$117,000) per week. Koes said if his ministry failed to stop the trucks within the national parks, tax and customs office and the immigration office had the authority to stop and detain them as they crossed the border.

Malaysia has seemingly not taken any measures against the truck owners, who are Malaysians, he said. The only thing he would be able to do because of the legal limitations, he said, was to increase monitoring against illegal loggers while they were still in the country's forested areas.

Some of the ministry's forest rangers have acquired supernatural powers that enable them to detect illegal loggers who are said to be able to make themselves disappear using black magic, he added.

Illegal logging in Indonesia's rain forests and national parks has been a major headache especially after the deterioration of law and order when the Asian economic crisis hit the country in mid 1997.

Some 43 million hectares of its 120.35 million hectares of forest have been devastated by illegal logging, with a degradation rate of 2.1 million hectares per year. The illicit activities have inflicted losses of Rp 30 trillion per year to the country, more than enough to subsidize fuel prices. The fuel compensation funds for this year stood only at Rp 4.4 trillion.

A report last year said that Malaysia, China and Japan were the top three recipients of Indonesia's illegal logs.

The Ministry of Forestry has said that the illegal loggers had formed mafia-like international networks in Indonesia and that their operations were hard to track down. Illegal loggers could face a maximum sentence of 10 years imprisonment and a fine of Rp 200 million as stipulated by the 1990 Law on Conservation.

Koes went on to say that this week, ministry officials would leave for South Korea to talk about a possible agreement to prevent illegal logs from Indonesia from entering South Korea.

Last year, the government signed an agreement with Malaysia, whose plywood industry is said to rely on illegal logs from Indonesia. The government has also signed an agreement with the United Kingdom and the European Union to boost efforts to protect the forests and curb illegal logging activities.

Islam/religion

Megawati denounces Muslim militant dogma

Reuters - August 1, 2003

Muklis Ali and Dean Yates, Jakarta -- Indonesia's president denounced on Friday what she called the "blind fanaticism" of Muslim militants accused of the Bali bombings, describing it as a "terrifying threat".

In rare remarks about Islam and terrorism, Megawati Sukarnoputri told Indonesia's parliament in an annual progress report such a threat had to be cut off at its roots.

She also acknowledged there had been "mistakes and violations" during a fresh military offensive in Aceh, but heaped praise on the soldiers who launched the offensive in May and said they were winning the war in the separatist province.

Referring to the October 12 Bali blasts that killed 202 people, mainly foreigners, Megawati said Indonesia was not only a target of terror, but also home to those behind attacks.

"Like it or not, believe it or not, from the cracking of this terror act we comprehend that our country not only has become a target of international terrorism but also is a source of a part of the plotting, perpetrating and supporting actors," she said.

"The number of people involved in this terror act is not many but their blind fanaticism to an extreme dogma ... has truly made this domestic branch of the international terror movement a terrifying threat." She did not openly name the Southeast Asian militant network Jemaah Islamiah, blamed for the attacks and linked to al Qaeda.

The 700-member People's Consultative Assembly was holding its annual session at the parliament complex. It comprises the 500- seat parliament and 200 additional representatives. SECURITY IMPROVING Megawati said that after five years of crisis, the world's most populous Muslim nation had held together and was making progress in improving security and reviving the economy.

Indonesia recently warned that Jemaah Islamiah, which wants an Islamic state in the region, might be planning more attacks.

The perpetrators of the Bali bombings had mistakenly linked themselves to Islamic teachings, Megawati said. She said Islam and the Indonesian Muslim community in general had no connection to what she called their "acts of terror".

Most Indonesian Muslims are moderate, but until now Megawati has been mostly reluctant to take on militants because she is vulnerable to criticism from conservative Muslim politicians.

Indonesia has arrested 30 militants over the Bali attacks. The first verdict in trials of suspects, that of a man called Amrozi who faces death, will be handed down next Thursday.

Megawati did not detail specific progress in Aceh, but said her decision to declare martial law for six months was taken with a "heavy heart". She did not want this prolonged, she added. "The areas that were controlled by the armed separatist movement are slowly but surely being rehabilitated and put back under under the control of the Aceh government," she said.

Megawati said she had noted calls for more peace talks with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), but reiterated there would be none until the rebels -- whom she accused of committing crimes against humanity -- gave up their 27-year fight for independence.

Megawati defended her record after two years in office, accusing critics of reducing Indonesia to an object of ridicule. She has returned political stability to Indonesia although still has many critics who accuse her of doing little to tackle key woes holding back investment such as corruption. During her rule, the rupiah has strengthened and the stock market has risen.

Many political analysts tip her as the favourite to win Indonesia's first direct presidential election next year.

[With reporting by Achmad Sukarsono.]

Military ties

Australian defence-Kopassus ties questioned

ABC World Today - August 1, 2003

Eleanor Hall: Australian Defence analysts and Indonesia watchers are raising concerns today about the merits of proposed joint- exercises involving Australia's Defence Forces and Indonesia's still controversial special forces, or Kopassus.

Australia's Army Chief has just concluded talks with Indonesia's Defence Minister in Jakarta, in which proposals for joint exercises on counter-terrorism and people smuggling were raised.

But even though there was no definite commitment to the exercises and the Indonesians say no timetable was discussed, concerns remain in some circles about Australia providing training assistance to an Indonesian force which has been linked to serious human rights abuses. Michael Vincent reports.

Michael Vincent: Australian defence officials have very real concerns about Indonesia's ability to respond to terrorist threats, specifically a hijacking, according to senior Indonesian specialist, Professor Harold Crouch, from the ANU (Australian National University).

Harold Crouch: The particular scenario that I heard was what would happen if, say, terrorists hijack a Qantas plane in Bali, well, for example. In that case, Australia couldn't do anything about that without the cooperation of the Indonesian security forces.

Now, technically in Indonesia internal security is a question for the police but the police would not have much capacity to deal with that sort of scenario and really, the only force in Indonesia that could deal with it is the Kopassus.

Michael Vincent: In other words, Australia has no choice but to build ties with the discredited organisation. A force Professor Crouch estimates is made up of 5,000 to 6,000 members.

But Kopassus does have its hands dirty. Recently implicated in the killing of a West Papua independence leader and a long list of other human rights abuses across the Archipelago. Military Analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Aldo Borgu.

Aldo Borgu: We are dealing with a very shady organisation and, in many respects in the past, Kopassus has been more part of the problem than part of the solution.

Michael Vincent: What do you mean by that?

Aldo Borgu: Certainly their activities in human rights abuses in Timor, West Papua, in Aceh. Certainly their political links, as far as basically with parts of the Suharto regime and the like, means that it's certainly been viewed with suspicion even within Indonesia and there has been a number of efforts to try to reform the organisation.

Michael Vincent: Do we know of any links Kopassus may have with Muslim extremists in Indonesia and potential connections to Jemaah Islamiah?

Aldo Borgu: Look, certainly nothing that's come to anyone's attention that would raise any concerns but I don't think you can rule out that possibility. I mean, given their role within the political sphere, their role certainly in terms of supporting elements of the Suharto regime, it's certainly not out of the question to suggest that at some point in time those sort of links might not come to the surface.

Michael Vincent: Despite its record and the risks involved in sharing counter-terrorism skills with Kopassus, other defence analysts believe it's better to engage with them and hope to change them than let ties lapse.

And there's political reasons for that as well. Aldo Borgu says there's a long-standing view from within Defence headquarters in Canberra that Kopassus is the training ground for Indonesia's best and brightest military officers. And the Indonesian military elite has a substantial number of ex-special forces soldiers. But Professor Harold Crouch says that is no longer the case.

Harold Crouch: I think that was the argument that used to be put during the Suharto period, especially the late Suharto period when many of the top Indonesian officers did in fact have Kopassus background and were considered to be the best and brightest and all that sort of thing.

But since then Kopassus has damaged its own reputation in Indonesia. A lot of this after the fall of Suharto, all sorts of human rights abuses and that sort of thing came into the public debate and even in Indonesia itself many people are very wary of Kopassus, including people in the military itself.

So at present the Commander of the Armed Forces is not a Kopassus person. The Chief of the Staff of the Army is not a Kopassus person. So, in fact there are a lot of senior officers nowadays who are not Kopassus.

Michael Vincent: Does that extend to regional commanders?

Harold Crouch: I'm not sure of all of them, but generally the role of Kopassus has become much more limited. So, I would think it's not a good idea to be too closely associated with Kopassus.

Michael Vincent: But you believe there is a practical element, a practical reason, which deals more with security for Australian nationals?

Harold Crouch: Yeah, and that's a very limited sort of training. Now that's, I mean, I can see the argument for, I can see the argument against, but there's a limited case for that. A more general engagement with Kopassus, I would say at this stage it ... that should not happen.

Eleanor Hall: Indonesian specialist, Professor Harold Crouch, from the Australian National University, speaking there to Michael Vincent.

Indonesia, Australia exercises on again

Sydney Morning Herald - August 1, 2003

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Australia has moved to resume contentious joint military exercises with the Indonesian Army's special forces.

After a meeting in Jakarta yesterday between the Australian Chief of Army, Lieutenant-General Peter Leahy, and the Indonesian Defence Minister, Abdul Djalil, a spokesman for Mr Djalil told journalists that although no time or place had been agreed, "there is a desire to do joint exercises".

The spokesman, Abdul Ajis Manaf, said Australia had raised the issue, adding "it was not for the first time". He said the talks involved proposals for joint exercises in anti-terrorism and people smuggling, the two areas where Australia most needs help from its near neighbour.

Mr Manaf said the Indonesian Government had also asked Australia to help convince Western nations, especially Britain, that it was not breaching an agreement with Britain forbidding the use of its weapons against civilians. Jakarta has been accused of using British-made equipment including Hawk jets and Scorpion tanks against civilians in its renewed military assault on separatists in Aceh province.

"Everyone knows Indonesia is not allowed to use the combat equipment [bought from Britain] to do with a civilian dispute," Mr Manaf told the Detik internet news service. He did not say how Australia might satisfy itself that Indonesia was using its weapons in accordance with the conditions imposed at the time of sale.

Soon after the new military operation began in Aceh, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, Tapol, wrote to the British Foreign Office complaining that Hawk jets were being used in "clear breach of assurances ... that British equipment would not be used for internal repression or counter-insurgency operations."

Yesterday's meeting was the latest step in a process begun by Australia's Defence Minister, Robert Hill, last year to resume closer ties with Indonesia's military after the Bali bombings. Since then, Australian officials had visited Indonesia twice to discuss closer military co-operation in counter terrorism.

Australia used to conduct joint operations with Indonesian soldiers, particularly members of the Kopassus special forces, but these were stopped after the massacres in East Timor in 1999. Kopassus's reputation for serious human rights abuses in Aceh, Papua and East Timor means any resumption of joint exercises will be controversial.

However, Kopassus is the army unit mainly responsible for counter-terrorism, and Senator Hill has argued that if Australia is going to improve Indonesia's expertise in that area it has to work with Kopassus.

Mr Manaf said Kopassus had not been specifically mentioned at the meeting, although a spokeswoman for Senator Hill agreed it would inevitably be involved. "The minister has said it would be of a counter-terrorism nature," she said.

US not decided on aid, despite reports: officials

Agence France Presse - July 31, 2003

The US State Department has insisted it had made no decision on whether to send training aid to Indonesia's military, despite reports that it wants to release 400,000 dollars to armed forces tainted by human rights concerns.

"At this point we're consulting with the Congress regarding the disbursement of fiscal year 2003 international military education and training funds for Indonesia," said State Department spokesman Richard Boucher. "After the consultations are complete, we'll decide whether to move ahead with the courses for Indonesian military personnel," he said.

The Washington Post on Wednesday reported that the administration wanted to send 400,000 dollars to the Indonesian armed forces.

Survivors of an ambush in which two American teachers and an Indonesian colleague were injured in the US-owned Freeport copper and gold mine in Papua province last year have urged the US government not to send the funds until the Indonesian government cooperates with an FBI probe into the case.

Police in Papua have said a witness linked Indonesian special forces soldiers to the killings. The military has blamed a group of separatist rebels.

The US administration halted most military contacts with Indonesia over the 1999 bloodshed in East Timor and says they will not be restored until soldiers are held to account for abuses.

The US House of Representatives recently approved an amendment to deny Indonesia military assistance funds under 2004 spending bills. International Military Education and Training (IMET) funds would be withheld "until the Indonesian government decides to cooperate with US investigators and provide credible and honest answers about the attack," according to Republican Joel Hefley, who sponsored the measure.

The resumption of the IMET programme was proposed last August by visiting US Secretary of State Colin Powell as a first step towards restoring some ties. Indonesia is seen as an important partner in Washington's war on terror. But the Papua killings occurred just weeks afterwards.

US ambassador to Jakarta Ralph Boyce said last month that Indonesia's failure to hold its military accountable for rights abuses is a "continuing concern" as the country moves towards greater democracy.

Opinion: Impunity in Indonesia

Washington Post - July 28, 2003

Russell Feingold -- Last month this newspaper printed a powerful article by Dana Priest relating the story of an ambush last summer in Indonesia that left three dead, including two American schoolteachers.

Although police reports indicated that the Indonesian military was very likely involved in the attack, the investigation was turned over to that same military. Not surprisingly, the Indonesian military proved unwilling to implicate itself and unwilling to cooperate with the FBI.

The Priest article quoted Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Daley as saying that "the preponderance of evidence indicates to us that members of the Indonesian army were responsible for the murders in Papua."

It also tells the story of one of the ambush victims, Patsy Spier, who lost her husband, Rick, in that attack of August 31, 2002, and who was seriously wounded herself. I have met with Patsy Spier and have heard her story and her plea that the US government deny Indonesia access to a small military assistance program known as IMET -- International Military Education and Training -- until the United States gets full cooperation in investigating these murders, and until those responsible are held accountable for their actions.

This request, which has been echoed by other survivors, is a modest one. Indonesia has not received IMET assistance for a decade, because its military has a long history of abusive practices. But IMET is an extraordinarily popular program within the Pentagon, and over time the conditions for resumption of assistance have been weakened or abandoned.

IMET is not intended to deliver any benefits to our national security today. It is always explained as a program intended to create bonds that will be useful years later, when officers who were exposed to American training at early stages of their careers rise to positions of authority with a special understanding of the United States.

In fact, justifications for IMET often suggest that we are hoping to develop a cadre of future leaders who will "be on the other end of the phone" in times of crisis. This may be true. But it is hard to forget that when East Timor burned in 1999, Indonesia's senior military officials, including alumni of the decades-long US IMET effort in Indonesia, weren't terribly interested in taking our calls.

There appears to be no interest in meaningful reform within the Indonesian military. At this point, commitment at the highest levels is what it takes to turn this relationship around. In May I offered an amendment to the Foreign Assistance Authorization Act when the Senate Foreign Relations Committee took up this important bill. My amendment stated that no taxpayer dollars would be used to provide IMET to Indonesia in 2004 until the president had determined that the government of Indonesia and the Indonesian armed forces had begun taking effective measures, including cooperation with the FBI, to bring to justice those responsible for the August ambush.

Because I appreciate the complexity of our bilateral relationship, I took care to ensure that nothing in the amendment would restrict ongoing counterterrorism training or any other element of our extensive training and military contacts with the Indonesian armed forces. My amendment met with no opposition in committee, and the House of Representatives recently approved a similar amendment, authored by Rep. Joel Hefley (R-Colo.).

But now the administration is taking precisely the opposite approach and apparently intends to release IMET assistance to Indonesia for the current year. There must be real consequences for the murder of American citizens.

Frankly, the IMET program, worth $400,000 in 2003, is insignificant in comparison with the magnitude of this outrage. I believe that this issue should trigger a top-to-bottom review of our bilateral relationship with Indonesia and a fundamental change in approach.

But at the very least, we should start with a clear and unambiguous signal. The administration's signal is clear -- but it is the wrong one. It is poised to signal that the United States is willing to conduct "business as usual" with forces that may have conspired to murder Americans, and "business as usual" with forces that have obstructed the US investigation into those murders. I fail to see how such a signal could possibly make Americans more secure.

[Russell Feingold is a Democratic senator from Wisconsin.]

Economy & investment

Economists say Mega's policies fail to push growth

Jakarta Post - August 2, 2003

Jakarta -- The economic policies taken by the administration of President Megawati Soekarnoputri have failed to push for the higher economic growth needed to create more jobs, economists say.

University of Gadjah Mada (UGM) economist Revrisond Baswir said that the government's tight fiscal policy aimed at strengthening the rupiah and lowering inflation and interest rate have not translated into higher economic growth as investments remain scarce.

"The government's economic policy is moving in the wrong direction, because it is not in favor of providing the basic needs of the people like food and jobs," he said.

"Macroeconomic stability is important, but what's more important is to open up plenty of job opportunities, in which the government has failed because of its tight fiscal policy," Revrisond said, pointing out that the government's tight budget had limited spending for stimulating the domestic economy.

He was responding to Megawati's speech delivered at the start of the Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), in which she said that the economy this year would grow at a slower rate of 3.66 percent compared to the initial projection of 4 percent, as industries had yet to recover from the impact of the 1997-1998 economic crisis.

Megawati did not elaborate on this, although she told lawmakers that her government had managed to stabilize the macroeconomic condition, as reflected in the stronger rupiah, benign inflation and lower interest rate environment.

Last year, the economy also grew by 3.66 percent. Experts have said that to create enough jobs for the millions of unemployed, the economy must grow by at least 6 percent per year. The Asian Development Bank earlier predicted that this year's economic growth would likely reach around 3.4 percent, due to a combination of external and internal uncertainties.

Meanwhile, economist Sri Adiningsih said that macroeconomic stability had not translated into higher economic growth because the government had failed to resolve the various uncertainties faced by businesses such as legal uncertainties, rampant corruption and labor conflicts. "Now the priority should be to improve our investment climate, thus increasing our global competitiveness," Sri said.

Megawati, however, acknowledged that corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) still flourished despite relentless campaigns against the practices, and therefore posed a danger to the economy.

"Up to certain degree, the surge in foreign and national debts and the collapse of our banking system [during the crisis] were directly related to KKN practices. It is ironic that ... KKN practices now occur collectively among certain politicians, in particular those sitting in regional legislative bodies," she said.

Revrisond also strongly criticized the government's privatization drive and asset sales program, because it was a serious threat to workers who may lose their jobs. He explained that the sale of various assets, which have contributed to the inflow of dollars and to strengthening the rupiah, was forced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), whose main interest was only to see that the country repaid its foreign debts.

But the IMF representative, David Nellor in Jakarta applauded the government's fiscal policy, saying that the government remained on track to achieve its full-year budget target, important to maintain macroeconomic stability.

Indonesia on track to achieve budget target: IMF

Jakarta Post - August 1, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesia is on track to achieve its full year budget target, the International Monetary Fund's country representative David Nellor, said Friday.

The projection comes after the government reported a realized deficit in the first half of only Rp 2.5 trillion (US$295 million), he said.

"I think the situation is very much on track and that's encouraging because that would help macro-economic stability," Nellor told reporters after attending the opening of the annual session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

Nellor said the government has made progress in tax collections. "They are working hard and showing strong effort," he said.

The government said Thursday that realized tax revenue for the first six months to June reached Rp 108.8 trillion or 42.8 percent of the budget target, while non-tax revenue totaled Rp 28.2 trillion or 34.3 percent of the target. Due to slower budget spending, the realized deficit in the first half was only 7.3 percent of the full year target of some Rp 34.4 trillion, or 1.8 percent of GDP.

The government has targeted full year revenue of Rp 336 trillion and expenditure of Rp 370.5 trillion.

Jakarta's copyright laws still lack teeth

Straits Times - July 31, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Indonesia's new copyright laws promise a tough bite. They give law enforcers the right to crack down on pirated contraband and may improve Jakarta's standing with the United States and other source countries of software and entertainment products.

But a survey of areas in Jakarta where vendors of such goods usually conduct business shows the regulations that went into effect on Tuesday may still lack some teeth.

It remains unclear how seriously the authorities will exercise their new muscles. Even Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra has said enforcement of the new regulations would be "problematic".

The situation is a key one for Indonesia given the US government's assertion that Jakarta has not done enough to combat piracy of intellectual property, and is thus vulnerable to trade sanctions and other punitive measures.

Industry experts said more than 80 per cent of all CDs, VCDs, DVDs, computer software and videogame discs sold and used in Indonesia are pirated. Manufacturers of such products are said to lose hundreds of millions of dollars yearly from the proliferation of pirated goods in Indonesia alone, and billions of dollars globally.

Laws, no matter how tough they seem on paper, are no good if enforcement is lax or non-comprehensive, or if officials are susceptible to bribes.

Vendors like Mr Andi Sujana, whose kiosk in a South Jakarta mall sells the latest Hollywood blockbusters in pirated DVD format for about 25,000 rupiah each, said the ball is in the authorities' court.

He said: "Our products are popular. Westerners also buy here, and they buy lots. We'll close for a while. If the police are serious, we'll stay closed. But if it's anything like in the past, then we should be selling again in a month."

Until now, Jakarta's police have conducted highly publicised raids after which they may burn seized items. But copies of Pixar's Finding Nemo or Microsoft's Windows often end up back on the shelves after vendors "settle up" and get their goods back.

Street vendors are even brasher, saying the authorities will only raid people who sell in established locations and are surrounded by many other similar shops. Some interviewed by The Straits Times said they are safe as long as they keep a low profile.

Ms Sri Warjono, who with the help of her eight-year-old son minds one such stall on the side of a busy Central Jakarta thoroughfare, said: "The police won't bother me. There are only a few of us around here. It is easier for them to raid in Glodok." She was referring to an area of Jakarta where hundreds of stalls have sprung up over the past few years, all of them offering pirated video and music discs.

Another difficulty for the authorities is the fact that many poor Indonesians make their living from this illegal trade. There is always the potential of a riot should the cops insist on crashing the party, especially if the targets are small traders.

Brigadier-General Edward Aritonang, deputy spokesman of the National Police, has this in mind when he told reporters on Tuesday that cops would focus on big-time producers and distributors of pirated materials instead of on "the little people". He said: "We're not being discriminatory. We just don't want riots in the streets. Our priority is middle- and upper- class traders."

Indonesia scales down relationship with IMF

Radio Australia - July 30, 2003

Reports from Indonesia say the government is set to drastically scale down its five year link with the International Monetary Fund. Jakarta will leave the IMF umbrella, but retain a partial relationship with the international lender with what's called post-programme monitoring. The partial relationship means Indonesia could pay off IMF loans over the rest of the decade.

Presenter/Interviewer: Graeme Dobell

Speakers: Dr Chris Manning, Australian National University

Manning: The pressures are quite substantial and I think most likely the post-programme monitoring option will be the one that they take, that is they go out of the IMF programme, but still have a continued relationship with the IMF in terms of regular assessments of their programmes, albeit programmes that the Indonesian government have worked out themselves.

Dobell: How big an impact is that if they turn away from the IMF, they're then committed to pay back of billions of dollars out to 2010. What sort of impact does that have on the Indonesian economy?

Manning: Carefully scheduled I don't think it's going to have a big macroeconomic impact. It will mean that the government will have to focus more attention on some of the privatisation programmes, it will mean I think more attention to exports and to issues that relate to making sure that economic growth doesn't dip too low.

Dobell: And not able to blame the IMF for hard decisions anymore, the IMF has been a very handy boogeyman for the Indonesian government for nearly five years now?

Manning: Yeah there's a fairly good chance I think that Indonesia will take ownership of their reform programmes, that vigorous debates within cabinet will probably support the Minister of Finance against some of the more interventionist or perhaps what you might call populist ministers, and that Indonesia will more or less keep on the same track it's been on now. And perhaps in the medium term indeed we might see some more positive developments, some sense that ok, now we've really got to take some steps to increase economic performance, and they'll be an increasing group of people who will support that.

Dobell: Without the IMF in the ring though, does that mean that protectionist sentiments, nationalist sentiments, and the interests of politicians looking to be elected will actually have a greater impact on the way Indonesia thinks about its economy?

Manning: I think those debates will become more visible, more open, more public and it's quite likely that some of those nationalist sentiments will prevail in the shorter term. But in the medium term some of those mistakes will hit the economy hard. I mean the Indonesian economy is basically open, it's porous, you can't extend protection very far, everyone knows there's very little capital has come back and if doesn't come back from overseas, either Chinese or foreign, the economy is not going to grow beyond about three to four per cent. That means education is not going to improve a lot, and health the same, that some of the really endemic problems are not going to be solved.

Dobell: Without the IMF do you see Indonesia bumping along that poor economic performance road, only getting three or four per cent, more subject to shocks?

Manning: Probably short term those debates may well be one with people who by sort of the Rizal Ramli camp who want less involvement with the international community. Though I should point out that the debates are not over basic ideological differences in economic strategy. Rizal Ramli is not a protectionist in the sense of you know he's going to put tariffs up to 100 per cent on most consumer goods. He's not going to do that and he's never suggested he should do that, but what he's wanted is an Indonesian development programme that is decided by Indonesians, that is implemented by Indonesians, that's not dependent entirely on foreign advice and foreign capital. Since there's been very little investment coming in anyway that's not really a radical departure from what's been going on in the past several years.

Indonesia's hypermarkets pinch locals

Asia Times - July 29, 2003

Tony Sitathan, Jakarta -- Just as they have in the developed world, big-box hypermarkets, which are taking over the top end of the retail trade, are causing severe dislocations in the rest of Indonesia's food chain, from smaller supermarkets down to wet markets to the warungs where housewives sell cigarettes and candy out of their living room windows.

Certainly, the hypermarkets are growing fast. They have become Asia's new hobbyhorse, self-service retail outlets so big that with as much as 50,000 square feet under a single roof they look like warehouses on the outside. On the inside, they sell everything from steaks to sandals, televisions to toothpicks, garden tools to sports equipment.

Indonesia's Investment and Banking Research Agency says 11 foreign retailers have set up operations in Indonesia since 1998, with total retail outlets increasing from 780 outlets in 1998 to around 1400 outlets in 2002. In fewer than five years Carrefour, the French retailer, has opened 11 stores, especially in Jakarta. Giant has so far established two outlets in while local incumbents like Alfa, Goro and Makro plan to double their presence in Indonesia before 2007. PT Hero Supermarket Tbk, also the owner of Giant and Guardian Pharmacy and considered the country's largest food and beverage retailer, intends to acquire Tops super market chain, with 22 outlets, for Rp111 billion (US$13.5 million) making it one of largest midsized chains, with 111 outlets throughout Indonesia.

There is also a trend for hypermarkets, with larger discounts and promises of a one-stop shopping experience, to mushroom in major cities. It is estimated that hypermarkets will control close to 38.5 percent of the retail market space by 2005 while supermarkets and department stores are expected to contract to 29.6 percent from 32.9 percent, Mini-markets are expected to expand to 4.7 percent from 4.2 percent as consumers use them as pantries for day-to-day incidental shopping.

It is problematical whether Indonesia is experiencing a retail consumer boom. Certainly it hardly looks like it on the strength of its consumer spending, which has averaged increases of little over 4 percent annually over the past three years and appears set to rise by less than 5 percent in 2004. In addition, there are ominous indicators from such things as falling motorcycle sales that indicate the consumer might already be running out of gas.

At the same time, Indonesian tourism has been hit hard, first by the bombing of two nightclubs in Bali in 2002 that killed 180 mainly western tourists, and by the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) epidemic that struck Southeast Asia. In addition, Indonesia's rupiah is the only currency in the region to rise markedly against the US dollar and the Asian countries that are closely tied to it, making it more expensive to holiday there.

Indonesia was also hit harder than any other Asian country by the 1997-1998 financial crisis, with its gross domestic product (GDP) dropping by 13.1 percent -- a fall so steep that social stability was threatened and the Suharto government fell after 23 years in power. Despite lots of government cleanup initiatives, its banking system is still mostly filled with dud loans to derelict companies.

So if the rising volume of complaints is any barometer, the hypermarkets are cannibalizing consumers from their smaller, less tidy and more expensive competitors.

The small and medium businesses that have been dwarfed by hypermarkets and midsized chains like Hero and Alfa are worried about the growing competition they face. Some of these local retailers are demanding that the government impose zoning laws to regulate both foreign and domestic retailers from overcrowding an already saturated marketplace. For instance the National Committee for Healthy Competition (KPPU) has prevented the Indomart chain from establishing new outlets near smaller independent retail players called 'warungs.'

While the zoning laws are yet to be implemented, there has already been a fair amount criticism as to how the government would implement a fair zoning system similar to Europe's, which has a business zone system that was imposed several years ago after small traders and mom-and-pop shops complained about unfair practices of giant hypermarkets in their location.

"Indonesia is unlike Europe or even certain countries in Europe. There are regional autonomy laws that have to specify the role and function of each municipality and province as well as the central government, said Benny Siddharta, a Jakarta lawyer. "Even the Jakarta Municipality in the past has been unable to regulate a sensible zoning system between local domestic players and foreign-owned hypermarkets. It becomes even more complicated when Indonesia is supposed to follow in the tracks of the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (AFTA) that is supposed to open up the local protected retail markets to foreign competition. Finding that balance between foreign investments and local interests is a difficult proposition for the government," he said.

Even the government has admitted that the opening up of the retail sector to foreign investors is partly due to International Monetary Fund (IMF) pressure. However should the Indonesian government decide not to renew its agreement with the IMF then there would be more flexibility within the ranks of the government to create a more level playing field for those in the retail sector argued a government official that is in charge of regulating the retail sector of Indonesia.

"Although there are some benefits, we have realized that it takes time to study some of the pros and cons of opening up the retail market too quickly that made it rather too easy for foreign investors to conduct business in Indonesia," said an official from the People's Representative Council. "Now, under the regulations, we have issued another similar decree where foreign investors need to work closely with local retailers so as to help all retailers become self-sufficient. That was the aim and the initial intention although sometimes implementation of retail systems may differ from the blueprints."

Antok Indrayano, who shops at Carrefour at least four times a month, said that he used to frequent smaller traditional retailers but found it more convenient with the use of credit card purchases as well as having a family outing at least once every week.

"I shop in Carrefour for my groceries since it's easy to find everything in one location instead of spending time wandering to smaller retail outlets or wet markets. Also the convenience of using my credit card has made it easier to manage my household expenses," he said. Some smaller retail outlets do not provide any facilities for payments via ATM cards or by credit cards and rely only on cash.

Antok is emblematic of much of the rest of Asia, where consumers share a unique set of circumstances -- rising economic growth, stable incomes, falling birth rates and household sizes, and high savings rates. Asian and global trade patterns are being altered by World Trade Organization rules, opening the doors for western exporters. Even at a time when the rest of the world looks perilously near a clash between the United States and most of the Islamic world and economic conditions are unsettled at best, Asia's borders are more fixed than in decades, with the exception of some adventurism on the part of North Korea.

A generational shift is under way as well. The traditional family is breaking down so that no longer are three generations living under a single roof. Household formation is rising faster than population growth. Governments are increasingly attempting to switch from export-led economies to consumer-led ones. Nonetheless, Indonesia's stock market has been responding to these and other issues including rising exports, growing nearly 25 percent in local currency terms and 34.1 percent in US dollar terms since the beginning of the year, and putting discretionary income into consumers' hands to spend where the stores are air- conditioned, there is leisure to make shopping an entertainment experience -- and the prices are higher.

IMF welcomes decision to enter post-program

Agence France Presse - July 29, 2003

Jakarta -- The International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Tuesday welcomed Indonesia's decision to end its five billion dollar IMF assistance program and to enter into post-program monitoring next year.

"We also welcome the intention to sustain reform efforts. We will continue to conduct dialogue," IMF country representative David Nellor told AFX-Asia in an interview.

He said such a decision reflects the success of the government's economic program in the past few years under IMF assistance. "This [decision] reflects substantial improvement in Indonesian economic performance over the last couple of years and reflects the success of the program the fund is supporting," Nellor said. It can now raise funds in the normal way via the capital markets or issuing sovereign paper, Nellor said.

By entering the post-monitoring program, Indonesia will repay debt according to the normal agreed schedule. The IMF's five billion dollar assistance program will expire by the end of this year. By then, Indonesia would have a total outstanding debt to the IMF of around 9.8 billion dollars that can be repaid over seven years until 2010, Nellor said.

Nellor said that under post-program monitoring, the IMF would continue to send missions to Jakarta to exchange views on economic policy but there would be no formal program or financial support. "It is simply an exchange of views or dialogue."