News & issues

Separatist protest mars Susilo visit to New Zealand

Jakarta Post - April 7, 2005

Rendi A.Witular, Wellington -- President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono began his two-day visit on Wednesday to New Zealand aimed at boosting trade and regional security, amid two separatist protests against Indonesia that marred his arrival.

During their talks, Susilo and New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark agreed to improve bilateral cooperation in economic issues, trade and combating transnational crimes.

"The meeting with the President was very constructive, with a number of outcomes. We would like to focus our relationship more on economic and trade issues as well as on transnational crimes," Clark told a joint news conference with Susilo.

In the economic sector, Clark said New Zealand and Indonesia agreed to seriously follow up the existing joint Trade and Economic Commission to formulate effective and practical ways to boost trade activities.

Although geographically Indonesia is located near New Zealand, trade and economic activities between the countries were fairly insignificant, with Indonesia ranked only 16th in last year's list of New Zealand's largest partners -- even smaller than Malaysia, which ranked 12th.

Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirajuda said the commission was scheduled to meet in November to lay the ground for more serious trade and economic talks.

The two countries are also willing to initiate direct flights to help support the mobility of businesspeople and tourists.

They signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at preventing people-smuggling and trafficking. The MOU includes a plan to step up cooperation between the Indonesian and Zealand police forces. A joint declaration to fight terrorism and improve interfaith dialog was also signed. In the field of education, New Zealand pledged to boost its scholarships for Indonesians to study in the country.

Susilo meanwhile expressed his disappointment to Clark over two separatist protests in Wellington, which marred the first day of his visit. "Clark apologized, but said she could not ban freedom of expression," Minister Hassan said after the Indonesian and Zealand leaders' meeting.

As Susilo walked into parliament upon his arrival in Wellington, two Green Party lawmakers waved flags urging independence for Papua and Aceh province, where separatist rebels have long been fighting for a separate state.

The flags, waved by the two protesters -- Green Party co-leader Rod Donald and rastafarian MP Nandor Tanczos, were of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Free Papua Organization (OPM).

The lawmakers also called for the prosecution of Indonesian Military personnel involved in gross human rights abuses in the two provinces and East Timor before the latter voted to break away from Indonesia in 1999.

"We are pleased that the New Zealand government won't be reinstating a military cooperation and free trade agreement with Indonesia until the violator of human rights is brought to justice, and Aceh and Papua become independent," said Donald. The issue of military ties with New Zealand was not discussed during Susilo's visit.

New Zealand police officers briefly spoke to the lawmakers but refrained from taking action to end their peaceful protest.

In response, Hassan said Indonesia understood the New Zealand government's stance since both New Zealand and Indonesia were democracies.

In the joint media conference with Susilo, Clark reiterated her government's support for Indonesia's integrity and said special autonomy granted to Aceh and Papua was the best solution to address the separatist problem.

A similar demonstration also erupted involving dozens of people, during a state dinner hosted by the parliament in honor of Susilo. Protesters carried banners with anti-Indonesia slogans.

At the same place however, dozens of Indonesians living in Wellington as well as locals staged a rival protest in support of the integration of Aceh and Papua with Indonesia. While the pro- separatist supporters cursed Susilo, the pro-integration protesters sang the Indonesian national anthem and other songs.

A student who joined the pro-Indonesia protest accused the Green Party of paying demonstrators to protest against Susilo. "I know they were paid because one of my college friends told me that the Green Party gave him NZ$30 to join the protest," argued the Indonesian student.

Journalists protest assault

Jakarta Post - April 6, 2005

Samarinda (East Kalimantan) -- More than 50 print and television journalists gathered on Tuesday in front of Samarinda City Hall to protest an alleged assault on a Kaltim Post journalist by employees of the city's Sanitation and Gardening Agency.

The protesting journalists demanded that tough action be taken against those involved in assaulting Agus Susanto.

Agus was allegedly attacked by four sanitation agency employees while covering an event at the residence of the Samarinda mayor. Agus, who often wrote critical stories about the handling of garbage in the city, suffered a minor facial injury in the incident.

Police have detained four suspects and are still investigating the alleged assault, said Samarinda Police deputy chief of detectives, Adj. Comr. Novi Irawan.

Evidence points to tsunami after all

Sydney Morning Herald - April 1, 2005

Seattle -- Evidence has emerged that Tuesday's massive earthquake off Indonesia generated a significant tsunami.

American scientists who arrived on the scene yesterday said a tsunami estimated at almost half the size of the one that struck Thailand on December 26 hit some areas along the north-west coast of Sumatra.

"We're getting reports of about four metres in certain areas," said Bruce Jaffe, a US Geological Survey tsunami expert, who is co-ordinating the team from California.

A military official in the area, Major-General Endang Suwarya, told Indonesian media that a tsunami destroyed many buildings on the islands of Simeulue and Banyak.

Australian Marcus Keeshan, who was on a boat near the quake epicentre on Tuesday, said there appeared to be tsunami damage at Singkil on Sumatra's west coast, where locals had described a two-metre wave. "It had pushed inland half a mile," said Mr Keeshan.

Initially, it was reported that no significant tsunami had been spawned by the quake. This puzzled many experts, who said such a large, undersea subduction quake almost always produces a dangerous tsunami.

"A wave that size can easily kill people," said Frank Gonzalez, head of tsunami research for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration in Seattle, and one of those who expected evidence of a tsunami to eventually emerge from this event.

The scientific survey team plans to study many tsunami-damaged parts of the Sumatran coastline that have not yet been analysed.

Of great interest to all on the team is confirming preliminary reports of unimaginably monstrous wave heights -- up to 30 metres -- produced just south of Banda Aceh in the Boxing Day tsunami. (With Liz Gooch)

Aceh

Gender imbalance in Aceh after Tsunami

Radio Australia - April 7, 2005

Indonesia's Aceh province has just marked 100 days since the Tsunami last December in which more than 120,000 Indonesians died. Oxfam International says of those killed, 80% were women and this has created a new gender imbalance in Aceh.

Presenter/Interviewer: Huey Fern Tay

Speakers: Ahmad Humam Hamid, sociologist, Syah Kuala University, Aceh; Ali Khan, spokesman, CARE International; Salma Safitri, aid worker, Solidaritas Perempuan

Tay: The Boxing Day tsunami struck on a Sunday when the women were at home looking after the children and their husbands either out working or running errands. Most of the women didn't know how to swim or climb trees -- skills that could have helped them survive the forceful waves. As a result, four times as many died in the disaster.

So when it came to food distribution, where women were the usual recipients, it clearly became apparent to Ali Khan a worker with the international aid agency CARE, that a different approach was going to be needed.

Khan: Even when you start looking at food distribution and who is coming to the distributions and who's not, and when you asked where the women were because the preference was to distribute to women, you quickly realised that the women weren't around; and that we were going to be flexible but to also meet the needs.

Tay: So how will your agency change the way you help tsunami survivors in Aceh rebuild their lives?

Khan: The children that have been left behind do need to be socialised into society again so that burden of socialising the children is going to fall on the men, so support systems for men are going to have to increase tremendously. Another aspect of it is also the women survivors, what they have been injuring and suffering. There have been many problems surrounding the aftermath of the tsunami.

Tay: One of those problems are allegations of sexual abuse and harassment in the packed refugee camps, risks increased by the lack of privacy. Local women's group Solidaritas Perempuan says there aren't any signs conditions are improving. Aid worker Salma Safitri explains. Salma: Some refugee camps only have two or three toilets for more than 100 people in those refugee camps and only one of the toilets are closed, I mean have a door. So women can't use the toilet so they wait until dark, until night when dark then they use the toilet. So we make report to the authorities to get help to them.

Tay: Since you've informed the authorities about the conditions, have they done anything about it?

Salma: Well sometimes yes, sometimes no. Too many institutions are willing to work in Aceh but we felt there's not enough coordination between them. In some areas that our military says this is Free Aceh Movement area, the basic needs of the women are difficult to send there.

Tay: Despite aid distribution being impeded by government restrictions on movement Aceh's women are continuing with their lives, taking on the additional responsibility of caring for both the men and children in their neighbourhood. While some of the men are sharing the workload, sociologist Ahmad Humam Hamid from Aceh's Syah Kuala University, says don't count on a total role reversal.

Humam: In a traditional way all the kids might be sent to the mother of either parents, husbands or wives, but again it is the women who will take care of all of the kids. So don't expect to see a house father.

Tay: So how can this imbalance be corrected?

Humam: I did talk to the villagers whose villages were affected by the tsunami and they lost all their females. And they wanted to build their own village again. And then when I asked them when are they going to get married, you know what they said? They said "we'll ask our wives to go with us", to stay in the husband's village, whereas in the past it could go the other way.

Aceh forum urges revision of blueprint

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Jakarta -- An Acehnese forum here on Friday criticized the newly issued blueprint for the reconstruction of Aceh, calling it incomplete.

The blueprint required major revisions in order for the reconstruction work to focus on human development, added the Aceh Recovery Forum (ARF) for 10 working groups in the province.

They said the reconstruction master plan, which was recently handed over by Vice President Jusuf Kalla to the Aceh provincial administration, was far from comprehensive since it concentrated too much on physical buildings and little else.

"Aceh has been in dire need of reconstruction since it was devastated not only by the recent strong earthquakes and tsunamis but also by a prolonged conflict. Therefore, the reconstruction plan should be revised to focus on holistic development to pursue a comprehensive recovery," Umam Hamid, a spokesman for the ARF's working groups, announced during a press conference.

He said the government should use the reconstruction as momentum to promote reconciliation of the decades-old separatist conflict and to win Acehnese hearts by repairing all infrastructure damaged during the war.

"Besides the recent disaster that killed more 230,000 people and damaged thousands of houses, mosques, school buildings and other key infrastructure, thousands of other people had also been killed and thousands of houses and schools were destroyed as a direct result of the conflict across the province," he said.

Umam stated that 40 percent of around four million people in Aceh remained poor because of the prolonged conflict.

He also said the master plan did not have a comprehensive spatial planning component on how the province should be rebuilt based on sustainable development and mitigate environmental damage.

"The master plan is too pragmatic, and makes the assumption that the problem will be resolved with the reconstruction of environmentally friendly houses in the affected areas," Umam said.

The reconstruction, expected to take up to 10 years, could cost over Rp 67 trillion (US$7.2 billion), most of which would come from international donors.

Syahrizal, who deals with funding matters, said the master plan failed to regulate how the rehabilitation and reconstruction work, slated to start in early June, would be supervised, since most of the money was from donor countries.

"The master plan should require the establishment of an independent team to audit and supervise the reconstruction work to minimize possible financial leakages and to ensure transparency in the funding," he said.

He added that the plan should also clearly stipulate that some of the reconstruction funds should be allocated for small- and medium-sized enterprises to help address Aceh's poverty problem.

Rizal Sukma, a military observer with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), said the reconstruction funds should not be used to purchase military equipment, even though many military assets were also damaged during the disaster.

"Aceh has no account for military equipment and assets damaged during the disaster and according to Law No. 34/2004 on Indonesian Military. The procurement of military equipment is conducted through the state budget," he said.

According to Umam, State Minister for National Development Planning Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who also chairs the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas), agreed in a meeting with the 10 working groups that the master plan needed revisions due to its weak points.

"We hope the government will listen to the people's aspirations, so the reconstruction work will establish a permanent and comprehensive solution for Aceh," Umam said.

Too many chiefs complicate aid audit

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2005

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) said on Thursday it was facing difficulties in auditing the use of humanitarian funds in Aceh due to the presence of more than one authority in charge of the funds.

Speaking to reporters after meeting with Vice President Jusuf Kalla to discuss the issue, BPK chief Anwar Nasution said that there were "too many rulers" in tsunami-hit Aceh during the humanitarian relief phase.

He pointed to the Office of the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare, the military, and the provincial administration, all of which have been using the emergency funds without proper coordination.

"There is Alwi Shihab, there is the civil emergency administrator, there is Bambang Darmono, there is the deputy governor. There is a problem with coordination," he said.

Alwi is the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare mandated to handle the humanitarian operation in Aceh following the Dec. 26 tsunami, while Bambang is a major general who is an assistant to the military chief on welfare issues. Considering that Aceh is under a civil emergency administration amid decades long conflict between the military and local rebels, the military has strong power in the province. The deputy governor of Aceh also has administrative power (the current governor is on trial on corruption charges) after the government granted the province special autonomy.

"Aceh is not only suffering due to the tsunami but also conflict. This is complicated. There are too many rulers," Anwar said.

According to Anwar, there should be only one leader in charge of distributing the funds to make a credible audit and to make sure that the aid from the donors goes into the right hands.

"Don't forget, international confidence in us is very low," he said, adding that additional funds from donors for the reconstruction of the badly damaged province would depend on whether the country could show to the world that the funds were not being misused.

The government has been under strong pressure particularly from the international community to ensure that the massive amount of humanitarian financial aid dedicated to Aceh is not abused.

BPK has so far recorded over Rp 40 trillion (US$4.33 million) in aid funds distributed to Aceh. The funds consisted of some Rp 39 trillion from foreign donor countries, Rp 163.9 billion from state-owned enterprises and Rp 894.38 billion from the public.

The government has allocated some Rp 45 trillion for the reconstruction of Aceh.

Elsewhere, BPK also complained that the government's financial report on the use of humanitarian funds in Aceh was not made in accordance with existing accounting standards.

Anwar Nasution said that the poor quality of the report would make it difficult for the agency to conduct a proper audit on the use of the funds.

The former top official of Bank Indonesia said that so far BPK had only received a report from the Office of the Coordinating Minister of People's Welfare.

Anwar also said that BPK would open an office in Banda Aceh so they could start conducting the audit work. The auditing team is expected to work for one year.

West Papua

Papuan's concerned about new military commands

Kompas - April 4, 2005

The decision to establish a KOSTRAD headquarters in Timika and to station three new battalions in Papua is likely to upset public opinion. In this era of special autonomy, people want attention to be paid to improving welfare and the quality of life, not another army HQ or more battalions.

A member of the provincial assembly, Paskalis Kosay said he supports any moves by the armed forces to strengthen security. However, locating a KOSTRAD HQ in Timika and stationing three new battalions in Wamena, Timika and Merauke, bringing the total up to six battalions at a time when special autonomy is being developed, will undermine the observance of human rights and the rule of law. This will only intensify the trauma about past military violance during the days when Papua was a military operations zone (DOM). The three battalions already stationed in Papua, along with the resort military commands, are more than enough to cope with security matters, he said.

Petrus Ell, coordinator of Kontras Papua said the allocation of additional TNI units will add to the worries of the people who for years have been treated very unfairly by members of the armed forces. This includes a number of kidnappings by members of the armed forces, notably that of Theys Hijo Eluay, and legal processes which lack transparency and have caused widespread dissatisfaction.

'All religious leaders, community leaders and traditional leaders in Papua have proclaimed Papua as a zone of peace, and this has been announced in all the churches and at every important meeting. The general public respect this declaration, with the result that Papua has remained calm. Why do we need KOSTRAD and more battalions here,' he said.

On a number of occasions, the commander of the provincial military command, KODAM XVII/Trikora, Major General Nurdin Zainal, has said that the armed separatists in Papua amount to not more than 100 people, armed with a few weapons that they have seized from police and the army.

The key to improving stability and security in Papua is to improve welfare.

The struggle being waged by some groups in society to secede from the Unitary Republic of Indonesia is solely for the purpose of securing better living conditions.

Papuans only need a limited number of army or police forces to safeguard the territory. The presence of soldiers or police who understand nothing about the customs and traditions of the Papuan people often creates new problems.

Meanwhile, the Trikora military commander, Major-General Nurdin Zainul said that Papua still needs many battalions to safeguard a territory that is three and a half times the size of Java and which has a 700-kilometre border with Papua New Guinea, stretching from Jayapura to Merauke. He said that before being sent to Papua, the troops are told about the culture, traditions and special characteristics of the Papuan people.

[Slightly abridged translation from Tapol.]

More Papuans HIV positive

Jakarta Post - April 4, 2005

Jayapura -- The number of people with HIV/AIDS is on the rise in Papua, with around 500 people testing positive for the virus every year.

Latest data from the Papua province health office in March this year showed that 1,874 people were HIV/AIDS positive, an increase from the 1,749 people in December last year.

"If there's an addition of 125 HIV positive people in three months, it means 500 in a year. That's an official figure. But if we use the theory that claims for every known HIV positive case there are 100 unknown, it might mean 5,000 HIV positive cases a year," said Suwardi Redjo, head of communicable diseases subdivision at the Papua health office on Saturday.

Of the official figure of 1,874, 1,131 were HIV positive and 743 had full-blown AIDS. Most of them were between 20-29 years of age (785), 30-39 years (451), 15-19 years (165) and 40-49 (161).

Church leader pleads for Papua

Sydney Morning Herald - April 3, 2005

A West Papuan church leader has urged the federal government not to turn a blind eye to human rights abuses in his homeland as it contemplates a new security pact with Indonesia.

The call from West Papua Baptist Church President Reverend Sofyan Yoman comes as Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono arrives in Canberra for his first visit to Australia.

Rev Yoman criticised a ground-breaking security treaty Australia is preparing to sign with Indonesian and which is likely to be endorsed when Prime Minister John Howard meets with President Yudhoyono.

It is expected Australia will formally recognise Indonesia's territorial integrity and oppose any independence movements as part of the treaty.

Instead, the federal government should be prioritising "human integrity" over territorial integrity, the church leader said in Melbourne. "They should be saying 'we support human rights and integrity',' he said.

Rev Yoman said investigations by his church showed the Indonesian military has been siphoning off money from the province's Special Autonomy Fund.

The Indonesian military (TNI) had been extorting the money -- a total amount of 2.5 billion rupiah ($A338,000) -- at the local government level to fund its operations.

Rev Yoman said the regional government had announced it had spent approximately 19 billion rupiah ($A2.56 million) to pay for medicine and food but there was no evidence of that at the village level.

"We are suffering but the government is not giving us the food or medicines.' Rev Yoman said international donors to Indonesia such as Australia should pressure Jakarta to open a dialogue with the independence movement, the OPM.

As well, Australia should be pushing its new ally to investigate the corruption claims and secure access for human rights officials to visit areas where recent military operations have occurred.

He said the federal government should regard West Papua as a neighbour since it was close physically, shared a Christian culture and even had similar fauna such as kangaroos.

"They are dancing while Christian people are suffering in West Papua. We are neighbours. Why are they blind men?" A continuing military offensive in the Puncak Jaya area of Indonesia's easternmost province had destroyed villages forcing up to 6,000 people to flee, Rev Yoman said.

The military's strategy was to kill people by forcing them to face hunger and disease in the forest rather than shooting them outright, he said.

"They create a stigma by saying the OPM are staying in this village. The military create the problem themselves. They come and the people run to the forest and the military burn the houses and damage the gardens and kill the pigs. It's the new system." Rev Yoman also warned that Islamic militia groups, backed by the military, were spreading through the province.

Earlier this month the Indonesian army announced a new 15,000- strong division of its crack Kostrad troops would be formed and sent to the restive province.

The poorly-armed OPM has fought Indonesian rule since Jakarta annexed Papua in 1962 and backed the takeover with a referendum in 1969 widely seen as rigged.

Rape of a nation

Ecologist Magazine (UK) - April issue, 2005

Paul Kingsnorth -- Nona Kogoya was two years old when she died. She had been a normal, healthy young girl; but that was before the soldiers came.

In February Nona's village, in the highlands of New Guinea, was attacked by heavily armed Indonesian soldiers. The soldiers came without warning, running from home to home, firing their automatic rifles at random and dragging civilians, including Nona, from their thatched huts. Then they set fire to the houses. Nothing was spared: even the church was burned to the ground. As the houses burned, the soldiers trampled the villagers' crops -- their only source of food for the coming year -- and, to ensure that no hope was left, impounded their livestock.

Terrified, the villagers ran for their lives into the forest. They kept running for days, and they stayed there for weeks. They were safe from the soldiers, but they had no shelter, and had to survive on what food they could find in the forest. Nona, unsurprisingly, fell ill. The soldiers had the forest surrounded, and wouldn't let anyone take food, supplies or medicines to the refugees.

On 10 February Nona died and was buried in a shallow grave in the forest. She was not the first innocent child to die in West Papua, and she will not be the last.

What happened in Nona's village was not an isolated incident: it has been repeated across the highlands of West Papua for months. Indonesian soldiers have been burning villages, attacking civilians, raping women and killing men in a widespread and planned military operation. As you read this, at least 5,000 refugees are living precariously on the slopes of cold mountains and in deep forests, hiding from the army.

International observers, journalists and aid workers are banned by the Indonesian government from getting into the country.

It is a huge, horrific and deliberately planned attempt to cow and terrify an entire population. But you would be forgiven for not having heard anything about it. The world's media didn't report it. The world's politicians, so concerned about human rights abuses under Saddam Hussein and North Korea's Kim Jong Il, said nothing.

You would be forgiven, too, for not having heard of West Papua, the country in which these atrocities are taking place. For the Papuan people, this is par for the course. They have got used to the fact that the ongoing genocide of their people and their nation is routinely ignored by the rest of the world. For the soldiers and politicians of Indonesia, the nation that has occupied West Papua, against the will of its people, for almost half a century, this was just the way they like it.

What the Indonesian military is doing in the Papuan highlands is known as a "destabilising operation". It has happened many times before, and it works like this: first, the special forces of the Indonesian military, Kopassus (known as "Indonesia's SS"), murder some innocent civilians: in this case a number of priests and schoolteachers. Then, Kopassus issues a statement claiming that Papuan rebels fighting for independence from Indonesia were responsible for the killings. Finally, the soldiers enact a bloody price on the civilian population in revenge for the killings that they themselves carried out. The result, at least in theory, will be a terrified population, too scared to stand up to the occupying forces of a brutal foreign army.

This is Indonesia's secret war: a war carried out by a sophisticated modern military machine against a tribal people with little more than bows and arrows to defend itself; a war for gold, timber and cultural supremacy; a war that will go on until the world wakes up to the horrors that happen every day in the highlands of this forgotten nation.

West Papua, the western half of New Guinea (the world's second largest island), is one of the most remarkable places on earth. Between them, its million or so inhabitants, who live in tribal communities in largely untouched rainforest, speak around 500 separate languages. It is home to hundreds of unique species, including the bird of paradise and the tree kangaroo. Though nominally a part of the Dutch East Indies during the 19th century, Dutch New Guinea, as it was then known, was left virtually unmolested until the middle of the 20th century. Then, life for its people was to change swiftly, brutally and for ever.

After WWII the Dutch East Indies became a new nation state: Indonesia. But the Dutch wanted West Papua to become independent. The Melanesian, animist Papuans, they argued, had nothing in common with the Asiatic, Muslim Indonesians. They should have their own country. The Indonesians, in turn, insisted that West Papua was theirs.

On 1 December 1961 the Dutch, in a defiant gesture, ceded independence to West Papua. A new Papuan flag, the Morning Star, was raised as West Papua's people proclaimed their freedom. Celebrations were to be short-lived. The UN, under pressure from the US, Indonesia's newest ally, refused to recognise the new nation, and in 1962 an Indonesian invasion force parachuted into the Papuan rainforests.

The UN intervened and promised the Papuans a referendum on independence, but Indonesia objected. The "savages" of Papua, said the Indonesian government, were too backward to cope with democracy. Instead, Indonesia would choose 1,022 "representative" Papuan leaders and ask them which they wanted: an independent West Papua, or absorption into Indonesia.

In 1969, as the UN looked on, Indonesian soldiers instructed the Papuans to choose. Some had been warned that their tongues would be cut out if they voted for independence. Others had been told in graphic detail what would happen to their wives and children if they made the wrong decision. None of them did. Unanimously, they voted for West Papua to become Indonesia's 26th province.

This process, which the UN proceeded to rubber-stamp, in one of the most shameful moments of its history, was known as the "Act of Free Choice". Papuans have referred to it scornfully ever since as the "Act of No Choice." It was to open the door to the most brutal period in Papuan history.

Under their new dictator-president, general Suharto, Jakarta embarked on a campaign to "Indonesianise" its new province and to wipe out Papuan culture. Hundreds of thousands of Indonesians from Java were moved to West Papua, often against their will, and dumped in "transmigration" camps carved out of the rainforest.

Raising the Morning Star flag, singing Papuan songs, wearing traditional dress, and even talking in public about independence were banned.

Those who resisted this ethnic cleansing were murdered, tortured or "disappeared" with a horrific ferocity. Rebels were shot in front of their families, tortured to death in prison cells, thrown from warships to the sharks in the Pacific or dropped from helicopters back onto their villages as a warning to others. Officially, more than 100,000 Papuans have been killed by the Indonesians since occupation; unofficially, the figure is said to be as large as 800,000.

Visit Papua and trek into some of the more remote communities, and almost everyone you meet will have a story to tell about the suffering they have seen or endured. When I visited the country in 2002, I was told of massacres and assassinations, shown huts where torture had taken place and streets where demonstrators had been gunned down. The people talk about it as if it were part of everyday life; it is.

Why does Indonesia bother? In a word: resources. For West Papua is a literal goldmine, which the Indonesians, with the help of some of the world's worst corporations, have been exploiting for decades.

Even before it took control of West Papua, Indonesia had been negotiating with the US mining company Freeport, which wanted to open up what looked like a vast copper deposit in West Papua. In 1969 Freeport moved in. In, too, came the Anglo-Dutch oil company Shell, and a clutch of other mining and oil prospectors. The Indonesian government, thousands of miles away in Jakarta, laid out some maps of West Papua on a table and drew lines on them to designate the forestry "concessions" (taking up much of Papua's vast rainforest, second in size only to the Amazon) that it was going to hand out to logging companies.

The notorious case of the Freeport mine is the best example of how corporate exploitation is affecting the people of West Papua. Freeport's Grasberg gold mine contains the largest gold reserves, and the third-largest copper reserves, anywhere on the planet. It is both an engineering marvel and an act of breathless colonialism: the company has, literally, sliced the top off a previously inaccessible mountain, a mountain that was home to the mother goddess of the local tribes, thousands of whom were forcibly evicted from their land by the company.

The Grasberg mine produces more gold in three months than most gold mines produce in a year. It provides a fifth of Indonesia's entire tax base and accounts for half of West Papua's GDP. By the end of Grasberg's life, Freeport expects to have dumped three billion tons of waste rock into the valleys surrounding the mine: that's twice the volume of earth extracted during the construction of the Panama Canal. It has, according to observers, damaged 30,000 hectares of rainforest in the last three decades, and every day it dumps up to 200,000 tons of mine waste, laced with acid and heavy metals, into the sacred Aikwa river, from which local people used to drink and fish. All of this without one single Papuan giving permission for it to happen; and all of this made possible only by a ring of Indonesian soldiers guarding the mine from the original owners of its stolen land.

But Indonesia has not had everything its own way. Since the beginning of the occupation, the Papuan people have been resisting. And in recent years that resistance has grown to the point at which, with international help, the Papuan struggle could, at last, begin to succeed.

The first stage of Papuan resistance was the creation of the OPM, or Free Papua Movement, a guerrilla army formed in 1970. Small, determined and hopelessly outgunned, the OPM has nevertheless kept the flame of freedom alive for 35 years. Recently, much to the chagrin of the Indonesian government, that flame has been fanned by the arrival of a new generation of independence campaigners.

Many of these came out of a daring mass meeting held in 2000, known as the Papua Peoples' Congress. The year before, Suharto had been toppled as president of Indonesia, and a new climate of openness seemed possible. That year, for the first time in three decades, the Papuans had celebrated their "independence day", 1 December, and raised the Morning Star flag without an ensuing massacre.

At the congress, 3,000 delegates, some of whom had hiked barefoot through the mountains for weeks to get there, created a new organisation: the Papua Council. Made up of 500 tribal leaders, the council was exactly what the Papuans had never had: a respectable, non-violent lobby group calling openly for independence.

At the same time, other peaceful pro-independence groupings -- Demmak, a pan-tribal coalition, AMP, a student organisation, and others -- sprang into life. The OPM declared a ceasefire, in solidarity with them.

Papuan human rights workers began issuing reports critical of Indonesia. And for the first time, Papuan leaders were travelling the world, openly calling for independence. Indonesia's secret war was being exposed to the light.

It couldn't last. Despite its nominal new status as a "democracy", Indonesia's attitude to "separatists" in its midst has not changed. Senior military and police figures who had been responsible for so much bloodletting in the recently independent Indonesian province East Timor were brought in to deal with the Papuans. Kopassus got down to doing what it does best: murder, rape and torture.

In November 2001 the leader of the Papua Council, Theys Eluay, was abducted and murdered by Kopassus.

Demmak was banned and its leader, Benny Wenda, arrested, imprisoned and tortured. He might have suffered the same fate as Eluay had he not managed to escape and flee to Britain, where he has now been granted political asylum. Student demonstrations were broken up and their leaders arrested. John Rumbiak, West Papua's leading human rights advocate, received so many death threats that he fled to New York, where he now lives in exile. One Papuan leader who was beaten during interrogation by Indonesian police later reported the words of his tormentors. "We have experience in operations in East Timor", they told him. "Be careful -- we will shoot you all -- We will shoot you and your lawyer -- We are not afraid."

But perhaps the Indonesians are afraid. Officially the government line on West Papua remains defiant and consistent. "Like any other country," said Indonesia's then president Megawati Sukarnoputri last year, "we will not and never will let any group or movement break up our unitary state. This is a non-negotiable principle." Since then, Indonesia has elected a new president. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono isa former general who spent some of his formative years suppressing rebellion in East Timor. Yudhoyono, unsurprisingly, is no keener on Papuan independence than his predecessors have been. He does know, though, that Papuan anger is real -- and growing.

Hence Indonesia's recent decision to grant the Papuan people something called 'special autonomy': a small degree of control over their resources and government.

It was hoped that this would dampen down demands for independence, but every representative Papuan organisation has rejected it as inadequate and redoubled its calls for freedom. Indonesia has brutalised the Papuans for too long for them to be fobbed off now.

Yet despite this, there are increasing signs of hope. Exiled Papuans are spreading the word around the world. Websites are springing up, presenting evidence smuggled out from West Papua about what is happening within its borders. Solidarity meetings are being held in Europe, the US and Australia. International NGOs like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are focusing on West Papua as never before.

Here in Britain a new national campaigning organisation, the Free West Papua Campaign, will be officially launched this month, with the support of MPs from all political parties and activist groups all over the UK. The campaign's aim is to expose what is happening in West Papua and to battle on the national and international stages for what every Papuan group is now calling for: a re-run of the previously rigged UN vote on their independence; a chance for their voice to finally be heard.

For a long time, Papuan leaders have been saying that "West Papua is the new East Timor", which eventually succeeded in winning independence from Indonesia. For years this seemed a far-fetched claim. Today, it seems highly likely. Slowly but surely, the Papuans are bringing their case before the world. What they need now is for as many voices to join them as possible, as they call for the freedom they have been denied for so many years.

Corporate plunder

West Papua is rich in resources, and some of the world's biggest corporations are profiting hugely from them. Despite their public statements about 'corporate social responsibility' and 'environmental sustainability', all of them seem happy to operate in a country in which tribal people are violently suppressed by an occupying power.

Here are some of the guilty parties. If you want to write to any of them and ask them how they justify operating in West Papua, their email contacts are listed below. Please send copies of any replies to friends@freewestpapua.org.

BP

BP is preparing to open a liquefied natural gas extraction plant in West Papua's Bintuni Bay. BP says it is concerned about human rights and the Papuan environment. But it also says it may use Indonesian soldiers as "security" for its project: a sure-fire recipe for oppression. Ask BP's CEO Sir John Browne to explain himself: brownej@bp.com.

Freeport McMoran

Operates the world's biggest goldmine in the Papuan highlands, with a history of corruption, environmental destruction and human rights abuse as long as the list of Papuan dead. Freeport pays the Indonesian military millions of dollars a year for providing its "security". CEO Richard Adkerson should be taken to task: richard_adkerson@fmi.com.

Rio Tinto

The British mining company owns a 40 per cent stake in Freeport's Grasberg mine in West Papua. Ask CEO Leigh Clifford how he justifies his part in the genocide of a people: leigh.clifford@riotinto.com.

Rolls Royce

Rolls Royce does not operate in West Papua itself, but it does sell military aircraft engines to Indonesia. The aircraft they power have been used to strafe Papuan villages. "We aim to meet society's expectations by setting a high standard of business conduct and personal behaviour," says Rolls Royce's website. Ask Sir John Rose, Rolls Royce's CEO, how he squares this circle: john.rose@rolls-royce.com.

BAE Systems

Formerly British Aerospace, BAE has been a long-time supplier of military aircraft to the Indonesian regime. Write to CEO Mike Turner at mike.turner@baesystems.com.

Military ties

Sudarsono: 'A good soldier is worth a thousand clever men'

Tempo - March 29-April 4, 2005

Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono was on a mission impossible that cold wintry week in Washington, DC, on March 12-19, when temperatures hit close to zero degrees Celsius. His objective was to thaw military relations between Indonesia and the United States.

The US had halted its International Military Education and Training (IMET) program to Indonesia since 1992. It was in reaction to their assessment of the TNI's (Indonesian Military) excessive brutality in the Santa Cruz incident of November 1991 in Dili, East Timor, which killed 56 East Timorese. This reputation remained, even though Indonesia underwent radical changes: Suharto stepped down, triggering reforms that sidelined the military's political role. "We are in an image war," said Sudarsono.

Changing the image of the TNI is the ambition of 63-year-old Sudarsono. As a former Deputy Governor of the National Defense Institute, he does not consider it fair to back the TNI into a corner while it lacks resources to improve its professionalism and its soldiers' welfare. He feels Indonesia is fortunate to remain united, despite an armed forces that must exist with a bare minimum.

Sudarsono was Defense Minister twice: today and once under President Abdurrahman Wahid. Perhaps because of his wide network of friends among the military, Sudarsono is known as a civilian with much empathy towards the military.

During the 1998 reform movement, he said Indonesia needed a military leadership-a view that brought him protests. Today, in the midst of bickering political parties and civilian politicians, he is still convinced that a military leadership is much needed. "The proof is that in the latest elections, the people voted in a president from the military," he said.

Tempo reporters Nezar Patria, Arif Zulkifli and photographer Bernard Chaniago met with Sudarsono last Thursday at his Defense Department office. Clad in a brown suit, this former dean of the Political Science Department of the University of Indonesia, looks as dapper as he did when he was the idol of female students. The difference now is that he looks tired all the time, following a stroke a few years back. Following are excerpts of a two-hour interview:

What exactly were you doing in the United States?

I explained the TNI's position within the process of consolidating democracy in Indonesia. I said, the TNI, particularly the army, plays a very important role, although officially it can no longer be involved in politics. The general framework of political life in Indonesia is still weak, especially among the political parties, civil society, the NGOs and the media.

What was their reaction?

They understand that the presence of the TNI behind the scenes is still needed because the TNI is the only institution that can be present on a national scale.

Are there signs of the arms embargo being lifted?

The first phase is the IMET program, about education and training. I said that TNI officers sent over there do not need to get degrees. Perhaps in the early ranks they could be given a maximum of five months so their career is not affected.

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice announced the resumption of IMET before you left for the US. So your presence there was just to reinforce it?

Condoleezza's statement is an executive decision which still needs the support of the House of Representatives and the Senate. I met two critical senators from the Democratic Party, Senator Patrick J. Leahy from Vermont and Senator Russell Feingold from Wisconsin. The two are the most critical yet the most lacking in knowledge about the situation here. I explained that the Indonesian soldier's monthly salary is no more than US$70. Our budget is only half of our minimum requirements-US$2.1 billion, when we actually need US$5.2 billion a year. I described the TNI as the best underpaid defense forces.

From the executive side, whom did you meet?

I met with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Deputy Secretary of State, Robert B. Zoellick.

What other criticisms did the US Congress have of Indonesia?

Two issues: the first is still on the 1999 Timor Leste case, which they regard as a gross violation of human rights by the TNI, especially six senior officers. Secondly, the case of the Timika shooting in August 2002, where two Americans were killed.

On the Timor Leste incident, what was your explanation?

First, I said that the process of justice is not a case of impunity, because the five officers are currently appealing their verdicts. To honor our legal system, we cannot intervene.

On the Timika case?

I told them an arrest warrant on Antonius Wamang (a member of the rebel OPM group suspected of killing the two Americans-Ed.) had been issued by the Police Chief. We have also worked with the FBI on this. We just need to arrest that man. I said this was difficult because Wamang is thought to have crossed the border into Papua New Guinea.

So Patsy Spiers, wife of one of the Timika victims, has been the most vocal critic of Indonesia...

She has already stated that she understood and that she appreciated the efforts of President Yudhoyono to track this case down. I was also tasked with presenting her with a letter from the president. But because she was then overseas, I left the letter with the Indonesian embassy.

Other than human rights cases, what else is the focus of the US Congress?

They asked for transparency and cooperation from the TNI-owned foundations. I told them I was in the process of listing again all of TNI's businesses. I have met twice with the Justice and Human Rights Minister to review businesses and the military foundations. We will look at the legal aspects and the Finance Minister will evaluate its revenues to the state. Together with me, the two ministers will list the data until this coming October. When that is done, the Minister for State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) will pre-select the ones which need to be data-processed and which to discard.

While the process continues, the TNI is operating as usual?

Yes. So it is still not yet under the SOEs Department's authority. Only after all is completed, can the holding company under the SOEs Department be formed, with their inputs. Hopefully, by October, they can be released.

For as long as its existence, the SOEs Department could never untie itself from the interests of political parties. Aren't you worried that the TNI businesses will be fought over by people?

With an inter-departmental team, the SOEs Department will be balanced by the Defense Department and the Finance Department. As the national treasurer, the Finance Minister is responsible. TNI is an asset of the state. Legally, Justice Minister Hamid Awaluddin will be regulating them.

So far, the TNI businesses have benefited only the generals and not the privates.

Yes, so far profits of this SOE have been going upwards. That is why legal documents are needed. We try to check who was the commanding general there.

Is there resistance from the TNI?

So far it hasn't been open resistance. Perhaps, if there are any, it's because they don't know what the plan is from this inter- departmental team.

Back to the US, what is their reasoning for not lifting the embargo?

In the image war, the TNI has been backed into a corner by the media. The image of the TNI is cruel: repressive and brutal. I try to explain that was the action of a number of units, of a small group of people. It's not fair to judge the entire TNI.

In the US you made a statement on Christian NGOs having to leave Aceh because the majority population are Muslims. What's the story?

At the time I was being asked by the Washington Post and Washington Times reporters. I told them Pak Alwi Shihab (People's Welfare Coordinating Minister) was working on reviewing the number and mandates of each NGO, outside as well as from inside, to prevent chaos.

So, what is the problem with Church-oriented NGOs?

As a province strong in Islam, one must consider local sensitivity with regards to Church-based NGOs. Otherwise, it can become a domestic political problem because the government will be seen as allowing Christianization activities to flourish. I said, besides assistance from the West, we also got help from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. So the religious people who care about Aceh will be better balanced.

The latest issue is that you were being persuaded by the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) to expel Church-based NGOs?

I said that one of the director-generals in the Defense Department is indeed assigned to look after local volunteers in Aceh, including the FPI. I was questioned by the US press whether radical Islamic groups would be allowed into Aceh. I said no. There is a bit of confusion in [the US press] on the name of volunteer groups channeled by the Defense Department and those who came alone.

What did you say about Aceh to Congress?

I told them the helicopters and the floating hospital from the US really provided much help. There is a picture of an American marine saving a mother in an embrace. That picture had incredible impact, uniting two differing cultures.

One is Eastern and Islam, the other is Western and Christian. They were very happy. So, there is some benefit from the tsunami after all. A disaster can project a positive image of the TNI and unite East and West, Indonesia and the US.

Is there a chance the arms embargo will be lifted?

Everything depends on our economic growth.

You mean, even if the embargo were lifted, we actually do not have the money to buy the weapons' spare parts from the US?

Yes. Our budget is very small. I must share it with other departments. But I have spoken to the armed forces commander and the TNI Chief of Staff on the need to revive the system affected by the embargo. When the embargo is lifted we can buy two units of fighter planes every year, so that a full squadron can be achieved in five years' time.

What is the fate of the fighter jets bought from the US?

We bought 12 F-16 fighter jets; two of them have crashed. Only four planes are in a condition to fly. So the other six must be maintained and revived. If the problem is still with the US Congress, we will have to turn to Sukhoi. That's the way it is with the ships too. We will just move to the Netherlands, Korea or Japan.

It seems the Ambalat conflict has been an eye-opener: if war breaks out, we cannot do much?

That's correct. During the six-year crisis people have begun to read about the low readiness capacity of the TNI. That readiness level is 40 percent of the minimum requirement.

How do you see the soldiers today?

I imagine how they would be if we gave them enough wherewithal. But with half a budget, we cannot hope for the ideal. I said, one good soldier is worth a thousand clever man. If one soldier performs well, then one thousand clever people will not be able to pressure him into committing human rights violation. But if he is involved in just one incident, then one thousand people will talk everywhere, from Indonesia to the US Congress, and on to the European parliament.

The Army Chief of Staff said he will increase the number of territorial commands from 12 to 22?

As long as the transition period produces upheavals. There are many problems of poverty which can trigger such upheavals. So these territorial commands are needed to help domestic security problems. Like the experience at Poso and Ambon, the civilians and the police alone are not enough, so that the TNI troops were brought in.

The Defense Department approves the increase in territorial commands?

In principle I agree, although this is not popular among the administration and the NGOs. But I said, you can debate over the issue when the civilian structure is strong. If civilians can overcome such problems, the TNI will surely pass the command over to the civilians.

You are now worried about its excesses?

This is the request from the civilians themselves. It's a case of the chicken and the egg. If the chicken is undeveloped, the egg can't produce a civilian leader that has stature. So the only hope is in the army. Even that on the assumption of calculated presence.

In the context of reducing the TNI's role, how do you see the current TNI leadership? Will the replacement of Army Chief of Staff General Ryamizard Ryacudu-known for his 'militariness'-be enough?

Ryamizard is a nationalist who is proud of his job of protecting the country. He told me, he was not anti-US, but he didn't like American hegemony. I explained that it was not only in Indonesia and in Britain that people didn't like the US. The new Army Chief of Staff, General Joko, is also a nationalist.

What about TNI Commander in Chief, General Endriartono Sutarto?

As he told me, he is a realist. General Sutarto and I agree on pushing the civilians, but the civilians themselves must get their act together. The important thing is not to change the country's fundamentals. It's been proven that General Sutarto was courted by political parties during the 2004 General Elections, but he refused them. This proves he respects civilian supremacy.

Compared to yourself, is General Sutarto more optimistic with regards to civilian supremacy?

He looks more optimistic. He has hopes that supremacy can be achieved, but that it needs patience.

Why do you give the impression of greatly supporting the military?

Look at the most factual proof out of the recent elections: SBY won. I think SBY's election is a message from the people that after the six-year experiment with democracy, we need someone who can bring peace, respect and stability.

Sidebar: Juwono Sudarsono

Place & Date of Birth: Ciamis, West Java, March 5, 1942

Education: Law Faculty & Mass Communications, University of Indonesia, Jakarta (1965) Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, the Netherlands (1969) University of California, Berkeley, USA (MA, 1970) London School of Economics, UK (PhD, 1978) Georgetown University, Washington DC, USA (1985)

Career: Professor, University of Indonesia (1988-to date) Deputy Governor, National Defense Institute (1995-1998) State Minister for the Environment (1997-1998) Education & Culture Minister (May 1998-October 1999) Defense Minister (October 1999-August 2000) Indonesian Ambassador to UK (2003-2004) Defense Minister (2004-to date)

Human rights/law

More named in the murder of rights activist Munir

Radio Australia - April 6, 2005

Indonesian authorities have named two more Garuda crew members as suspects in the case of the murdered human rights activist, Munir aboard a flight on the national airline last year. The two, who have not been arrested, are being questioned by police about the food served to Munir who died as a result of arsenic poisoning while travelling to Amsterdam. A Garuda pilot, Polycarpus has previously been charged with conspiracy to murder and falsifying documents. The high profile case is regarded by Indonesian society at large as a test of the new government's democratic credentials.

Presenter/Interviewer: Karon Snowdon.

Speakers: Rachland Nashidik, Executive Director of Munir's human rights group, Imparisal.

Snowdon: Its D-day for the powerful Indonesian National Intelligence Agency, the BIN. The fact finding team of police and civil rights groups which has the President's blessing to investigate Munir's murder is meeting with BIN's Chief, Syamir Siregar.

He will be asked to not only apply the considerable investigative powers of BIN to the case but to pursue it to the end. Siregar has denied BIN had any involvement in the killing, but has said he would investigate if evidence emerged.

Rachland Nashidik is part of the Fact Finding Team.

Nashidik: We want to hear his committment that he's going to help this fact finding team and the police in concluding the case of Munir.

Snowdon: BIN has more expertise than the police in such matters, a legacy of its role as Suharto's watchdog, In addition, two of its members are considered by the fact finding team to be possible suspects.

One, Major General Muchdi Purwopranjono, was replaced as the deputy director of BIN just last week. The official reason was that it was a normal operational change of the guard.

A few weeks ago the entire board of directors of the national airline Garuda was also sacked and any connection with the investigation denied.

Major General Muchdi is also the former head of the Army Special Forces, Kopassus, a post he was removed from following an investigation into the 1998 kidnapping and torture of pro- democracy activists, 13 of whom are still missing, believed dead.

Indonesia's most prominent human rights activist, Munir had tirelessly pursued those he thought responsible for this and other abuses.

For his efforts, he had been threatened and attacked but in September on a Garuda flight to Amsterdam where he was to undertake university studies he was finally silenced. An autopsy by Dutch authorities found he was poisoned with arsenic.

Rachland Nashidik, who replaced Munir as Director of the organisation he founded, Imparsial, says the police investigation has just started to touch on the most important aspect -- those who ordered Munir's death.

Nashidik: Its a long way to go actually, still a long way to go.

Snowdon: So you're meeting with the head of the Intelligence Service to secure his committment to fully pursue this case?

Nashidik: Yes.

Snowdon: But it could possibly lead them to investigating one of their own, and you expect cooperation?

Nashidik: Well that's one of the consequences that they have to face.

Snowdon: Munir of course was very well known but why do you believe he was a target now?

Nashidik: There were very strange things happening to him before he was murdered actually. Those facts that we have found are very convincing for us to believe that he was a target of the intelligence services.

Snowdon: What sort of things were happening to him?

Nahsidik: Well the way he was murdererd itself was very strange, right? And it is also at the same time common in intelligence operations.

Snowdon: Common in military operations did you say?

Nashidik: In military and intelligence operations.

Snowdon: The committee has reported directly to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who says he's committed to uncover the truth. Rachland Nashidik says the case is most important test of Indonesia's new democracy.

Nashidik: If we cannot solve this case if we cannot find the murderer, the people who give (the) order to kill Munir then Indonesia is not changed. It is still the same as before.

Snowdon: And was Munir's death, did it come as a shock to people that such a high profile person could be murdered in this way? And are other activists fearful that even these days, what was common in the past to some extent is still possible in Indonesia?

Nashidik: This case should be the last case in Indonesia. And whoever give order to kill Munir they want to make us scared. We are not scared, we show to the murderer they cannot walk free after this that we can, we could, we are able to investigate them using the State's powers.

Inquiry unearths conspiracy to murder rights activist

World Socialist Web Site - April 2, 2005

John Roberts -- Despite its limited character, the official investigation into the murder of Indonesian human rights activist Munir Said Thalib last year has exposed evidence indicating a high-level conspiracy in what has all the hallmarks of a politically-motivated assassination.

Last September 7, Munir died in agony from a massive dose of arsenic on Flight 974 from Singapore to Amsterdam, three hours from its destination. The flight, operated by Indonesia's state- owned national airline Garuda, originated in Jakarta.

A series of unexplained delays and bureaucratic wrangling held up the release of the Dutch autopsy report for two months. Public outrage over the death compelled Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to appoint a 12-man fact-finding commission, including human rights activists, to investigate the murder.

An interim commission report released last month implicated at least five Garuda officials and employees in the crime. Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budharia Priyanto was charged on March 18 with premeditated murder after five days of interrogation and faces a possible death penalty.

Along with Pollycarpus, the airline's former president director Indra Setiawan, security head Ramelgia Anwar, the secretary to the chief pilot Rohainil Aini and vice president for human resources Daan Ahmad have been named. All deny any involvement.

The commission also found "strong indications" that two as-yet unnamed members of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) were involved in the conspiracy.

Police believe that the poison was administered to Munir in his in-flight meal. Despite never having met Munir, Pollycarpus made a number of phone calls to him before both men joined the flight in Jakarta. The Garuda pilot swapped seats with Munir, taking Munir's economy class seat 40G and placing Munir in business class seat 3K, where he was given his deadly meal.

The reasons for Pollycarpus's trip appear to be bogus. At first, Garuda officials claimed that the pilot was being sent to Singapore to check on in-flight service for training purposes. The reason was then changed to checking the landing gear of a Boeing 747-normally the job of Singapore-based mechanics and engineers. Pollycarpus did not fly Boeings but European Airbus 330 aircraft. Moreover, he left Singapore on the first flight back to Jakarta the following morning.

Garuda head Setiawan issued a letter on August 11, 2004, appointing Pollycarpus as an aviation security officer. Police found that Pollycarpus was not qualified for the position. It was also the first time that the airline's president director had ever been directly involved in such an appointment.

Another letter dated September 4, authorising Pollycarpus's trip, was signed by airline security head Anwar. According to police, however, the document was written on September 15 and signed on September 17-10 days after the murder. On March 23, the fact- finding commission told police that airline vice-president Daan Ahmad had probably drawn up this letter.

The paper trail included a letter by Garuda secretary Aini authorising Pollycarpus's flight arrangements although she had no authority to do so. Under police questioning, she admitted that all three letters were doctored.

What is known about Pollycarpus, who was born in Papua, indicates that at the very least he has been on the fringes of the murky world of Indonesian security forces. Munir's civil rights associates claim that the pilot has connections with BIN and flew missions in Papua and East Timor.

A Sydney Morning Herald report noted that Pollycarpus was in East Timor around the time of the 1999 violence against pro- independence reporters and met notorious pro-Jakarta militia leader Eurico Guterres. Pollycarpus has hired Guterres's lawyer, Suhardi Sumomulyono, to represent him.

An article by Canada's West Papua Network reported that an Indonesian journalist Muhammad Rusmadi recognised Pollycarpus. The pilot had offered to take him to meet separatist GAM (Free Aceh Movement) rebels during fierce fighting around the town of Lhokseumawe in Aceh late in 2003. Rusmadi refused the offer.

The lack of any direct motive on the part of Pollycarpus or Garuda officials strongly suggests a broader conspiracy. Apart from never having met Munir, the pilot had no other direct connection to him. No one has indicated why top Garuda executives would want Munir dead.

The Indonesian military, on the other hand, had every reason for killing Munir. The activist had been a marked man for some time. As well as threats and attacks on his office, at least one previous attempt had been made to kill him using a bomb. He had a reputation inside Indonesia and internationally for investigating human rights abuses by the security forces.

Munir first come to prominence in 1998 for exposing the Suharto regime's abuses and was in the forefront of detailing the military's crimes in East Timor, Papua and Aceh. He founded two civil rights groups, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) in 1998 and the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial).

At the time of his death, friends believe Munir was preparing a report on corruption in relation to the military's operations and civic programs in Aceh. There is no indication that he was investigating Garuda or any of its operations.

The fact-finding commission has already tentatively pointed the finger at BIN, whose head at the time of Munir's murder was former general Ahmad Hendropriyono. Hendropriyono, an officer in the notorious Kopassus special forces, was a commander in South Sumatra in February 1989 when troops stormed a village in Lampung Province, killing more than 100 men, women and children.

Current BIN director Syamsir Siregar has insisted that there is no legal proof of BIN involvement in the Munir murder. But as Imparsial director Rachland Nashidik, a member of the fact- finding commission, commented to the media: "Garuda doesn't have any reason to murder Munir. The question is: who has the power to use Garuda for their own benefit?... Let's hope the investigation doesn't stop with [Pollycarpus's] arrest."

The indications are that the inquiry will be limited. Civil rights activist and friend of Munir, Smita Notosusanto, resigned from the fact-finding team because the terms of reference were too narrow. The commission has no power to interview government officials, including BIN officers.

Munir's widow Suciwati has criticised the Indonesian inquiry. In Geneva on March 23, she appealed to the UN High Commission on Human Rights to put pressure on the Indonesian government for a full and open inquiry. The appeal brought an immediate rebuke from Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, who declared that the affair was a domestic matter.

Indonesian authorities appear to be dragging their feet in obtaining crucial evidence from the Netherlands, including police interviews with passengers and crew from Munir's flight. The Indonesian attorney general's office is yet to reassure the Dutch government that the death penalty will not be applied to anyone convicted over the murder.

If BIN or the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) were involved, it is one more indication of a return to the brutal methods of the Suharto junta. While the generals were compelled to take a step back after Suharto's fall from power in 1998, there have been no fundamental changes to the TNI in the past seven years. In fact, helped by the complicity of so-called reformers like Megawati Sukarnoputri, the TNI has been asserting its interests in an increasingly aggressive fashion.

Under Megawati's presidency, for instance, Kopassus carried out the blatant murder of Papuan leader Theys Eluay in November 2001. Local Kopassus soldiers were convicted of the murder but received light sentences and no senior officers were investigated. The TNI is certainly capable of orchestrating the murder of a civil rights activist who had exposed its corrupt and brutal practices.

Dutch parliament supports investigation of Munir case

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Eva C. Komandjaja, Jakarta -- The Dutch parliament on Thursday pledged to push its government to closely observe the ongoing investigation of the murder of prominent Indonesian human rights activist Munir.

Two members of the Indonesian Human Rights Working Group, Rafendy and Choirul Anam, along with Munir's wife, Suciwati, met with members of the Dutch parliament recently to discuss the progress of the Munir fact-finding team's work.

"They [members of parliament] have expressed their support for the team by pressing the Dutch government to monitor every step taken by the Indonesian authorities to bring those responsible for the murder to justice," Rafendy Jamin, the coordinator of the Human Rights Working Group told The Jakarta Post by telephone from the Netherlands.

Rafendy also said that the commission was willing to establish regular contacts with the team and to attend the trial of Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, the sole suspect in the murder case.

Munir was poisoned to death on board a Garuda plane during a flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam in September last year.

The coalition also held hearings with the Netherlands Forensic Institute and the Indonesian Embassy on the same day. "The Institute has expressed its willingness to be called in to testify to avoid any misinterpretation on their forensic report," Raffendy said.

Munir's body was examined by experts from the institute, soon after his body arrived at Schiphol airport, Amsterdam. The forensic team found 465 milligrams of arsenic in his body. However, certain body organs belonging to Munir have not been handed over to the authorities in Indonesia because of the lack of proper storage equipment in this country.

Separately, a member of the fact finding team, Usman Hamid, who is also a coordinator of the Indonesian Committee for Missing Persons, Kontras, said that the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) had, for a second time, canceled a scheduled meeting with the team. There have been indications that certain BIN officials were involved in the murder case.

Usman also said that the team would urge police investigators to conduct a reenactment now that they had a suspect. "We've talked to the new Garuda president director, Emirsyah Satar, and he said that he would arrange for us to do the reenactment if the police investigators could give them an exact schedule," Usman said.

However, he added that no formal letter had been sent to the police investigators about the plan.

He also said that the team would be given access to the reports drawn up by the Dutch police after their initial investigation of the poisoning aboard the Garuda plane that landed at Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday handed over the documents after they were transferred from the Indonesian Embassy in the Netherlands last week. "The document is now being translated so we can only wait until that process is over. Then we can read and study it," Usman said.

Reconciliation & justice

Refuses visas to UN appointed commissioners

Radio Australia - April 7, 2005

Jakarta has denied visas to three commissioners appointed by the United Nations to review the justice process in Indonesia and East Timor. The three experts from Fiji, India and Japan were to review Timor war crimes prosecutions and assess why a 1999 Security Council Resolution to try those accused of war crimes failed.

Presenter/Interviewer: Bruce Hill

Speakers: Imrana Jalal, human rights advisor at the UN-funded Pacific Regional Rights Resource Team in Suva; Dr Richard Chauvel, Victoria University

Hill: United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, announced in New York earlier this year that he was appointing a commission of experts to review Timor war crimes prosecutions and assess why a 1999 Security Council resolution to try those accused of war crimes has failed.

He named the three experts as Justice Prafullachandra Bhagwati of India, Professor Yozo Yokota of Japan, and Shaista Shameem of Fiji. Indonesia won't let them in though and Doctor Richard Chauvel an expert in Indonesian affairs at Melbourne's Victoria University says that's not surprising.

Dr. Chauvel: It underlines for us just how sensitive the issue of East Timor's separation and the events that surrounded that remains for Indonesia and for the Indonesian elite and its domestic politics.

We've seen in the last few days in Canberra and Sydney just how far President Bambang Yudhoyono has brought Indonesian policy in terms of a rapprochement with the Australian Government and with Australia more generally. But the issue of bringing those responsible for what happened in East Timor in 1999 to justice in Indonesia or within an international context is a step beyond that. I don't think the composition of the UN team has got anything to do with it.

It may have ramifications for Indonesia's relations with Fiji, but the person could have come from outer Mongolia. I don't think it would have made any difference.

Hill: Imrana Jalal, a former Fiji Human Rights Commissioner and currently human rights advisor at the UN funded Pacific Region of Rights Resource Team agrees that Doctor Shameem coming from Fiji has nothing to do with Indonesia refusing her a visa. She says in the context of international relations though, such an action will be regarded as quite serious.

Jalal: Rarely do countries deny the office of a High Commissioner the capacity to allow their representatives to move into a country. So it's quite serious in UN terms, particularly because Indonesia is a member of the United Nations and it will be seriously frowned upon. I mean you know the United Nations doesn't work by reprimanding its members, but there are ways that that refusal will be used to publicise Indonesia's human rights record.

For example, when a country refuses to allow a particular representative of the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights to come into the country, the implication is that the reason for the visit in the first place is justifiable. So in a sense Indonesia is saying to the international community at large we have something to be worried about.

Hill: Doctor Shaista Shameem has been refused entry into Indonesia in her capacity as United Nations special rapporteur and not in her capacity as the Director of the Fiji Human Rights Commission. But is this in any sense a Pacific issue?

Jalal: I'm one of those people who views Timor Leste as a Pacific country. I know that geographically that's not correct. But certainly in terms of context and terms of level of development, in terms of how the people feel about themselves, I regard it as a Pacific Island nation. And there are moves for East Timor Leste to enter the forum group, which is a Pacific Island regional grouping.

Hill: But could this impact on diplomatic relations between Fiji and Indonesia?

Jalal: Well, I wouldn't go so far as to say that it would affect relationships, but certainly it would be frowned upon by the Fiji Government that one of its citizens is being denied entry into Indonesia and for all the wrong reasons.

The reason it would not have an impact on diplomatic relations is that human rights is not necessarily high on the agenda of any Pacific Island country. Perhaps the Fiji Government might be minded to write a letter to the Indonesian Government expressing its disappointment that one of its citizens was denied entry to Indonesia. But I don't think it would have any long term impact, no.

Labour issues

Sampoerna workers concerned about their fate

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

ID Nugroho, Surabaya -- Lina's nimble hands, as if programed, were busy packing a stack of hand-rolled cigarettes, her left hand positioning a piece of paper between a wooden device for the soft pack of the Dji Sam Soe kretek cigarettes and her right hand feeding the cigarettes horizontally into the pack.

After that, she swiftly reached for a flat bamboo stick smeared with starch and applied it to the top part of the pack to seal the pack.

"Now, it's ready for sale," she said with a laugh, followed by giggles from a few of her colleagues. The pack of cigarettes is placed in a wooden box stacked neatly in front of her working table. The manual packing goes on and on at a fast pace. "My hands have eyes and the procedure won't go wrong," she told The Jakarta Post jokingly recently. The workers giggled again.

Lina's task, is a routine activity in the production division in one of PT Hanjaya Mandala Sampoerna's cigarette factories in East Java.

There are about 27,000 workers employed in three large factories founded by the Sampoerna family in the cities of Surabaya and Pandaan in East Java.

The Indonesian cigarette company produces millions of cigarettes daily in a modern as well as traditional way.

PT HM Sampoerna has become the topic of public discourse recently in relation to its bold move of selling 40 percent of its stake to PT Philip Morris Indonesia (PT PMI), a subsidiary of the giant Philip Morris International Inc. which produces the Marlboro and L&M cigarettes.

Philip Morris has also offered to buy the remaining shares, including 52 percent in public shares at Rp 10,600 (US$1.10) each. Philip Morris will fork out Rp 48 trillion for the total shares of PT HM Sampoerna's if a deal is struck.

Continuous media coverage on the acquisition, has caused concern among workers at PT HM Sampoerna. "We are certainly worried, but actually, it is the concern of the bosses up there," Yanti told the Post.

Workers are worried that a change in management may be detrimental to them. "Who's not worried about a new employer," quipped Yanti.

Yanti has been working there for 17 years and her monthly salary is her sole source of income. "I started working here as a menial worker in 1988 until I reached my position which is quite pleasant now. I felt a bit worried after hearing the news," said the supervisor who lives in East Surabaya.

Unlike Yanti, Lina has high hopes in Philip Morris in terms of improving the welfare of the workers. "We certainly want improvement, such as a salary increase," she said. Lina and the thousands of workers start work at 6 a.m. and finish work at 5 p.m. daily. Workers like Lina have to meet a target of packing 2,000 packs of cigarettes a day.

"I have to work fast," she said. If the target is reached, she can earn Rp 800,000 per week or Rp 2.4 million a month. "It seems big, but it is not actually. The cost of living in Surabaya is higher than the salary I receive. I have to send home some money too," said the mother of four children who has worked at PT HM Sampoerna for 13 years.

Minister of Industry Andung A. Nitimiharja is convinced that the presence of PT Philip Morris will not bring change to employment conditions. "I guarantee that not one of the workers will be laid off," said Andung in Surabaya. Philip Morris representatives had pledged that no workers would be laid off during the meeting with Vice President Jusuf Kalla and Andung in Jakarta.

PT HM Sampoerna spokesman Yudi Rizard compared the takeover to purchasing a car. "When they saw the 'car' owned by PT HM Sampoerna in immaculate condition, and decided to buy it, why would they modify the car?" asked Yudi.

War on terror

Over 100 bomb threats received since Embassy attack

Jakarta Post - April 4, 2005

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- The city police have received over 100 reports of bomb threats since the Australian embassy bombing that killed 10 people last September, an officer has said.

City police spokesman Sr. Comr. Tjiptono said Sunday that the police had received bomb threats to malls, office buildings and hotels since September last year, but nothing had materialized so far.

"We receive reports of bomb threats almost every day, and we are kind of getting used to them," he told The Jakarta Post when asked to comment on newspaper reports that Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), which has been blamed for a series of terrorist attacks in the country, was preparing a new wave of attacks here.

Christians across the country celebrated Easter this year under heavy guard following warnings from several embassies that bomb attacks might be launched by the terrorist group during the holiday.

The Jakarta Police deployed more than 16,000 personnel, equal to two-thirds of its total force, to provide security for the nearly one million Christians who celebrated Easter in Jakarta's more than 1,000 churches.

Earlier, the US Embassy had issued a travel warning its citizens to avoid the World Trade Center in Mangga Dua, North Jakarta, from March 11 to 14.

Police combed the area quickly, but they found no signs of a bomb. Meanwhile, shoppers stayed away from the center.

The British and Thai Embassies were forced to suspend their operations following bomb threats they received via text messages in February. The messages were apparently sent by a girl to prevent her boyfriend, a police guard at the Thai embassy, from going home in East Java.

"We are afraid that bomb threats are now being used to gain certain advantages, including for personal, business or political gain, but as police we must check every possibility," said Tjiptono.

"We have checked all the places that have been threatened but have found nothing to date. Our intelligent reports also have nothing to say about a new threat. However, we will continue to be alert and gather information," said Tjiptono, referring to a recent report in Singapore's Straits Times daily that JI members were now planning renewed bomb attacks in Jakarta.

JI is al-Qaedah's Southeast Asian regional terrorist group and has been blamed for a string of terrorist attacks in the region, including the Bali bombings on Oct. 12, 2002, and the JW Marriott Hotel attack in Jakarta on Aug. 5, 2003.

National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar has repeatedly warned that JI could launch further bomb attacks across the country, especially as both of its top bomb experts, Malaysians Azahari bin Husin and Noordin Moh. Top, are still at large.

Politics/political parties

Megawati's reelection a setback for reform

Jakarta Post - April 7, 2005

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- The reelection of Megawati Soekarnoputri as leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) during the party's congress in Bali last Thursday reinforces the proposition that after more than six years from the fall of the Soeharto dictatorship, democracy has not yet entrenched itself into one of the key institutions that is supposed to uphold its existence.

It also serves as a bitter reminder to those true champions of democracy within the party that they still have a long way to go.

Megawati was elected as party leader for the third time in a row, in a contest stripped of any possible competition. She was re- elected simply because there were no other candidates.

In the run-up to the congress, party members were constantly told that she was the only credible figure that could lead this populist, nationalist-oriented party.

Speculation was rife prior to the congress that PDI-P branches were coerced into nominating Megawati in exchange for certain rewards.

When the party congress was finally convened, all stops were pulled out to ensure her re-election, reducing the significance of the Rp 11 billion (US$ 1.15 billion) event to that of a rubber stamp.

In the early stages of the congress, the party's central board pushed for a bloc vote mechanism for the leadership election. The mechanism was finally endorsed by representatives from the PDI- P's provincial and regental branches, with the exception of the 24 participants representing Papua.

Then came the most severe blow to democracy within the party: Megawati was declared leader of the party after the bulk of local party representatives accepted her accountability speech, despite the fact that she failed to guide PDI-P to victory in the legislative and presidential elections last year, as mandated by the party in its 2000 congress.

All congress sessions were cut short, preventing delegates from taking part in thorough and quality deliberations on matters related to bread-and-butter issues. A session held to discuss Megawati's accountability speech clocked in at only 10 minutes.

What transpired during last week's congress was reminiscent of the patrician political playacting of Soeharto, who was re- elected President unopposed every five years like clockwork, for the entire 32-years of his tenure. Every time a presidential election was due, the elderly autocrat would "refuse" to be nominated. Leaders of the three legal political parties of that time along with Soeharto-appointed representative from the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) would queue up at his private residence to express their support for his next five-year term and to "beg" him to become President again.

This last congress will establish the PDI-P as one of the few political parties that have failed to modernize and shift away from dependence on charismatic leadership in order to sustain their existence.

The congress failed to usher in the transformations that could have led to the emergence of a modern political party that banks on its structure and political programs to prosper rather than the shallow charisma of its incumbent leader. Instead, PDI-P moved further away from such a possibility.

Megawati is now viewed by too many PDI-P members as being the sole representative of the party.

All her high-handed "prerogatives" remain intact, and she is liable to use them whenever necessary, just like when she appointed her younger brother Guruh Soekarnoputra as head of the culture department, a move that could be viewed as settlement of a family feud.

At the early stage of the congress, Guruh declared that he would challenge Megawati for the party's leadership with the backing of a reform group. However, he made an inexplicable, last-minute decision to join Megawati's camp.

But should the affairs of a national political party be a family concern?

Little known Soetrisno elected to leads PAN

Jakarta Post - April 11, 2005

Suherdjoko, Semarang -- Businessman Soetrisno Bachir took over the National Mandate Party (PAN) leadership on Sunday from founding chairman Amien Rais, as the party seeks to modernize itself.

Birthday celebrant Soetrisno, Amien's preferred successor, won the mandate for 2005-2010 period after securing 745 of 1,410 votes (52.8 percent), outdoing closest rival Fuad Bawazier (551 votes).

Unlike Amien, people have hardly heard of Soetrisno despite his successful business ventures in shrimp farming, real estate and investment, under the Ika Muda Group and later Sabira Group.

People only remember Soetrisno, who was born on April 10, 1957, as one of PAN's main donors in the 2004 election, when the party ranked sixth in terms of votes. It secured 53 seats in the House of Representatives.

Soetrisno was quick to put the see-saw rivalry behind himself, saying he would involve all his contenders and senior members in the party central board.

"I will not place party seniors below me. They will act as party advisors," he said.

Soetrisno's ascendancy marks an era when the party plans to bank on a professional to head the party in line with modern organization principles. "PAN has been led by a charismatic figure. The party members and central board relied much on him. As a modern party, PAN must now depend on a strong system under a collective leadership," he said before his election.

While congratulating Soetrisno, Fuad said he would not accept any offer for a position on the central board from Soetrisno.

Fuad, a finance minister under former dictator Soeharto, expressed disappointment with the election which he said was unfair.

"Soetrisno's triumph will bring trouble within the party. The election was problematic from the start," he said. He added some participants of the congress had been summoned and told to vote for Soetrisno by people in the party whom he refused to identify.

Fuad expressed concern that the Soetrisno-led PAN would come under the shadow of a certain group within the party.

The politician was apparently referring to Amien, who according to analyst Fachry Ali would maintain his stranglehold on the party despite his no longer being its leader.

"I guess Amien endorsed Soetrisno because Amien still wants to have a strong influence in the party. He doesn't want the party to be too independent, which means Soetrisno will continue to consult Amien in the future," he said.

Amien will continue serving as party advisor.

PAN, Fachry added, remains dependent on Amien, which was why the party members voted for Soetrisno.

Minister of Transportation Hatta Radjasa dropped his bid for chairmanship post and expressed his support for Soetrisno.

Hatta's resignation sparked protests from his supporters who had since Saturday encouraged him to stay in the race. A woman even cried and yelled into the microphone.

"I stepped down after discussing the matter with my supporters and colleagues. I decided that I would focus on my job in the Cabinet. We can serve anywhere, including in the Cabinet," Hatta said.

Soetrisno's election served as a consolation for Muhammadiyah, the country's second largest Muslim organization from which PAN derives much of its support.

"The success of Soetrisno is a half victory for Muhammadiyah, as it will depend much on the composition of the new central board and his position vis-a-vis us in the coming year," said Syafrudin Budiman, a leader of the Muhammadiyah Youth Force, Soetrisno is a former Muhammadiyah treasurer.

A group of younger members of Muhammadiyah plan to form a party, citing disappointment with PAN.

End of family feud caps rift-ridden PDI-P congress

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Dwi Atmanta, Denpasar -- It was a Hollywood film type of happy ending for most of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) members attending its second national congress here, which concluded on Thursday night.

Not only did the party keep leader Megawati Soekarnoputri's top post intact after months of moves to unseat her in the name of reform, but they were awarded with an extra two days of leisure on Bali as well.

The cheerful closing ceremony saw Megawati's supporters join the choir group in singing one of local boyband Jikustik's top tunes. "I'm still here due to my faith in Mbak Mega," they sang.

The floor burst into boisterous applause when Megawati announced the appointment of her brother Guruh Soekarnoputra as the party's deputy leader for educational and cultural affairs, effectively settling the family feud that had haunted the congress.

Tension had marked the congress as the reformist camp tried to pit Megawati against Guruh. But the showdown never came about after the latter made a last-minute jump onto the bandwagon of the majority who wished to retain Megawati.

Guruh's refusal to attend separate gatherings organized by the reform-minded faction dealt the dissenting group a major blow. Guruh suggested that the splinter group's idea of holding a breakaway congress should be scrapped and they should fight for reform from the inside.

With the party back in business, the demand for sweeping reforms remain an uphill challenge the party must respond to.

Former deputy leader Roy B.B. Janis said the congress demonstrated the party's reluctance to reform itself and, therefore, he feared it would slump further to a point of no return.

"No changes were made during the congress, even though everybody knows there is something wrong with the party, as shown by how we've suffered six defeats in a row," he said.

Roy was referring to the party's failure to win the legislative election, the first round and the second round of presidential elections, the House of Representatives and People's Consultative Assembly speakership posts in addition to a considerable number of Regional Representative Council seats.

"Judging from pre-congress targets, PDI-P has failed to make substantial changes. Instead the party maintains an atmosphere in which all members depend on one individual and shrug off the need to build a strong system," he said.

The congress was held when the party was embarking on a recovery program that was aimed at winning back people's trust.

Former treasurer Noviantika Nasution shared Roy's disappointment with the way the congress was organized. She said the congress was plagued by a number of serious violations of the party's statutes, which she termed "the seven sins".

All delegates to the congress, she said, had to go through approval procedures by the organizing committee, although the statutes agreed upon in the 2000 congress, spelled out approval of the schedule and agenda of a congress only. Each delegate had the right to vote and speak according to the statutes, but the congress adopted a bloc vote and introduced spokespersons who represented their respective delegates during debates.

The other "sins" were that participants received materials only one day before the congress began, there was no discussion of the accountability report as it was never sent to the regional branches and party executives chaired the sessions (the sessions should have been led by speakers elected during the congress).

Noviantika suspected the failure to adhere to the statutes stemmed from an intense anxiety among certain people over the move to challenge Megawati in the race for the party's top post.

"Even without these violations, we have no doubt that Megawati still would have won. But what happened was outrageous. We have nothing to be proud of when we go beyond the guidelines that we had agreed upon," she said.

Noviantika, who has been with the party for more than 15 years, emphasized that it was the first time every that the party leaders betrayed the statutes.

Those violations were also the reason why the reform group opposed the congress. The dissenting group is now contesting the legitimacy of the congress in court.

PDI-P's new secretary-general Pramono Anung Wibowo described the tension as "the flowers of democracy" as the party respected pluralism of views and opinions.

Political parties eye coalition

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2005

Jambi -- Sixteen small parties are eyeing the possibility of a coalition after a Constitutional Court ruling allowing small parties to nominate their own candidates during the direct election of local government chief executives.

M. Rum, an executive with the Nationhood Democracy Unity Party, said that following the recent ruling his party had discussed the possibility to forming a coalition ahead of the election with a number of other parties, including the Democratic Party and the Prosperous Justice Party.

According to the new ruling, a coalition will be valid if the number of votes garnered by all the parties in the coalition amounts to more than 15 percent of the total votes cast in the general election. Before the ruling, only parties that had seats on the relevant local councils were eligible to nominate candidates for the direct local elections.

PDI-P reelects, Megawati unanimously

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2005

M. Taufiqurrahman and Dwi Atmanta, Denpasar -- Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) leader Megawati Soekarnoputri was unanimously reelected for another five-year term on Thursday, two days before the party's national congress was scheduled to close in Bali.

She clinched reelection after a plenary session agreed on new statutes stipulating that a party member could be nominated for the top post if she or he had the support of 25 percent of the delegates, and would automatically be declared the PDI-P leader if she or he secured the support of 75 percent of the delegates.

Earlier in the congress, the majority of delegates, comprising the heads of provincial and regency PDI-P chapters, accepted Megawati's accountability report and nominated her as the lone candidate for the leadership post.

With her unanimous victory, Megawati now has a free hand to pick PDI-P's new central board, expected to consist of no more than 33 people.

Megawati's victory was greeted by a chorus of approval from the delegates after they endorsed the new statutes during the plenary session, chaired by Frans Lemburaya.

"Those against Megawati's leadership, get out of the room," one of the congress participants shouted after Frans banged the gavel, making official Megawati's reelection.

The congress was scheduled to conclude on Saturday, but with discussions in the commission meetings completed on Thursday, some congress participants began to pack their bags.

Megawati, who was first elected in 1993 to lead the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), will lead the PDI-P at least through 2009. She was reelected after being declared fit to run for a sixth-consecutive term based on the new statutes, which say that candidates for the top post must have been party members for the past five years and have never breached any party regulations.

Less than an hour after her reelection, Megawati stepped outside the congress venue at the Grand Bali Beach Hotel to greet supporters who had maintained a vigil in front of the hotel for the past four days.

In keeping with her usual reticence, Megawati did not address her supporters.

The victory was seen as a foregone conclusion, despite attempts by hundreds of party members to form a breakaway congress to protest what they called violations of party statutes.

Pundits predicted Megawati would retain her position unchallenged, simply because there were no alternative leaders within the party.

Insiders said Megawati was initially reluctant to lead the PDI-P for another term, but her inner circle persuaded her to join the race.

A reform-minded group within the PDI-P opposed Megawati's reelection, saying her leadership was responsible for the party's losses in the 2004 legislative and presidential elections.

The reform group convened outside the Grand Bali Beach Hotel and planned to form a splinter central board. However, they ruled out the possibility of setting up a new party. The group issued a statement saying the congress "was illegal".

Commenting on Megawati's reelection, a member of the reform group, Sukowaluyo Mintohardjo, said the outcome was no surprise. "I am not surprised to hear the result. But we stand by our claim that the congress is illegal and therefore the reelection of Megawati is also illegal." The reform drive in the party fizzled out as it became clear they would be unable to push through any of their demands. After a brief meeting on Wednesday, the group issued a resolution to set up a 29-member team to form a new national party leadership. The group is also contesting the legitimacy of the congress in the courts.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

25 people arrested for illegal logging

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2005

Jambi -- The Jambi provincial police have named 25 people as suspects for their alleged involvement in illegal logging in the province. They were arrested during a number of police operations in three regencies of Jambi this month, said Jambi Provincial Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Djoko Turrochman on Thursday.

Five out of the 25 suspects are believed to have been the main perpetrators while the remaining 20 played various subsidiary roles, including working as truck drivers, boat captains and porters. During the operations, the police confiscated 186.8 cubic meters of wood and 1,933 logs. They also seized 12 trucks, two tug boats and one barge from the suspects.

They have been charged with violating the 1999 Forestry Law, which carries a maximum sentence of 10 years in jail.

Indonesia wins a round against corruption

Asia Times - April 1, 2005

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Judges at the South Jakarta District Court have jailed a swindler for life for his part in the embezzlement of Rp1.2 trillion (US$126 million) from state- controlled Bank Negara Indonesia (BNI). The sentence -- the only salutary life sentence to be issued during President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration -- comes as a major boost to the credibility of the president, who has vowed to fight corruption and boost investment in the country.

On Wednesday, the panel of judges, presided over by Judge Roki Pandjaitan, found Adrian Waworuntu "legally and convincingly guilty" of the criminal act of corruption by receiving Rp1.2 trillion from fictitious letters of credit. The judges also ordered the defendant to pay a restitution of Rp300 billion to the state and fined him Rp1 billion.

Only days after being installed as president, Yudhoyono urged Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh to handle major outstanding court cases quickly, including cases of graft, and reportedly asked for periodic updates on the status of major cases, such as the BNI fraud.

"I fully trust you to deal with such cases completely, and you have to trust me as well," Yudhoyono reportedly told Saleh.

The scandal at BNI, the country's second-largest bank in terms of assets, first made headlines in October 2003. The bank's Kebayoran Baru branch in South Jakarta had granted export credits to subsidiaries of the Gramarindo Group, a group holding company partly owned by Waworuntu, using 41 letters of credit (L/C) issued by banks in Kenya, Switzerland and the Cook Islands as collateral.

The bills attached to the L/Cs were fictitious, as the goods were never imported, but the branch went ahead anyway and disbursed the credits, between December 2002 and July 2003, without conducting any formal assessments or checks.

No shortage of laws

Numerous existing laws allowed police, prosecutors and judges to go the last mile in pursuing the case. They include Laws No 3/1977, 31/1999 and 20/2001 on corruption, article 263 of the Criminal Code on document forgery, Law No 10/1998 on banking and Law No 15/2002 on money laundering.

Pandjaitan, reading from the verdict, said the judges had decided to impose the heaviest possible sentence as the defendant's acts had "severely hurt the country's economy and the nation's morals".

"Those people involved in corruption should be punished as severely as possible because the act of corruption has been proven to turn the country poor," the judge said.

The credits went to PT Petindo and the Gramarindo Group. PT Sagared is the holding company for all the subsidiaries of the Gramarindo Group. The subsidiaries implicated in the scandal are PT Bassomasindo, PT Bhinekatama Pacific, PT Gramarindo Mega Indonesia, PT Magnetique Usaha Esa Indonesia, PT Triranu Caraka Pasifik, PT Pan Kifros, PT Ferry Masterindo and PT Metrantara.

The court said Waworuntu had acted as an investment consultant for Gramarindo and these subsidiaries. He also held shares in some of them, though the companies were seen simply as fronts for the grand scam. When the verdict was announced, Waworuntu looked shocked and said he would appeal. His lawyer, Yan Juanda Saputra, accused the judges of ignoring the facts presented during the case and merely siding with the prosecution. Safety in Singapore

The main suspect in the case, Maria Pauliene Lumowa, is still at large. Lumowa, a Dutch citizen and a commissioner at Gramarindo, left the country before the investigation began and is reportedly living in Singapore.

The government is unable to bring her back into the country because Indonesia does not have an extradition treaty with Singapore. The chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), Taufiqurrahman Ruki, had earlier called for an in absentia trial for Lumowa so the government could recoup the bulk of the money. He argued that by holding such a trial the government would have a legal basis for an immediate move to seize all of Lumowa's assets, including the flow of funds on her behalf.

"It seems the efforts to get her back here are difficult as she is not an Indonesian citizen, but we could ask for an in absentia trial that will provide a legal base to seize her assets," Ruki said.

Unproven political aspects

Alleged political dimensions to the case surfaced just as campaigning for last year's presidential election got under way. Rumor had it during that time that three presidential candidates from the opposition Golkar Party received money from individuals implicated in the scandal.

Golkar Party chairman at the time, Akbar Tanjung, coordinating minister for people's welfare Jusuf Kalla, now the country's vice president, and the new leader of the Golkar Party, General Wiranto, all denied the allegations.

A letter leaked to the press written by Edi Santoso, foreign customers' division head at BNI's Kebayoran Baru branch, stated that, together with suspected business persons, Santoso had met with Wiranto to discuss the general's plan to run for the presidency. Wiranto quickly denied this, saying he did not know Santoso and had no relations with any of the suspects in the BNI case.

Help readily available

Waworuntu was first detained last year, but was released when state prosecutors rejected the initial dossier presented against him by police as incomplete. He later managed to sneak out of the country and fled to the United States, despite a travel ban imposed on him, raising suspicions that high-ranking police officers were involved in his escape.

Brigadier-General Samuel Ismoko, head of the fraud squad, was removed from his post in October after media reports that he had taken a bribe worth $20,000 from Waworuntu to help the latter flee the country. Later that month Waworuntu surrendered to police in the North Sumatra capital Medan, after being on the lam for more than a month.

Earlier, a police disciplinary hearing had imposed a one-year suspension on Ismoko for giving special treatment to several suspects in the BNI case. But the hearing was unable to prove that he had accepted a bribe.

Not the first, nor the last

The South Jakarta District Court has so far convicted 11 of 19 suspects in the case. Waworuntu is the ninth to be jailed. Among the others are Ollah Abdullah Agam, Aprilla Widata and Adrian Pandelaki, all of whom were sentenced to 15 years in prison; Richard Kountul received 10 years; and Titik Pristiwati was sentenced to eight years. BNI's Kebayoran Baru branch head Koesadiyuwono received a 15-year sentence, while Santoso, like Waworuntu, was sentenced to life.

Last November another defendant, John Hamenda, a director of PT Petindo, was sentenced to 20 years in jail and fined Rp1 billion. Trust financial and legal magazine was fined Rp1 billion (nearly $115,000) by the Central Jakarta District Court for discrediting Hamenda and his company in an article published in its October 1-7, 2003, edition titled, "A gang of thieves hits state Bank Negara Indonesia".

Hamenda's conviction followed a string of earlier verdicts handed down to bankers and others who were implicated in cases for misusing state funds. Last July, for example, two former branch managers of another state bank, Bank Rakyat Indonesia, and two businessmen were sentenced to jail after being declared guilty in a $21 million scandal. In the same month, the Central Jakarta District Court also sentenced Yosef Tjahjadjaja to 11 years in prison for his part in a state-owned Bank Mandiri loan scandal that involved Rp120 billion of state funds.

On track

Notwithstanding the widely acknowledged improvements in Indonesia's banking sector since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the fact that this particular embezzlement crime, made possible by help and cooperation from bank insiders, stemmed from a lack of supervision of just two individuals -- one of them the branch manager -- highlights the continuing need for oversight, supervision and risk management in Indonesia's banking system.

The Yudhoyono administration has committed to continuing to reform the country's financial sector, including improving its regulatory framework. Such reform, however, will take time.

Although pledging to bring the country's endemic corruption to an end may capture the public's imagination, it will take more than just one such example of severe punishment under the Yudhoyono administration to restore police and judicial credibility in the eyes of the world, let alone among Indonesians themselves. Yet if other large-scale, high-level corrupters are to be vigorously prosecuted and, on conviction, given severe sentences, Indonesia's perception in international eyes as a corrupt country may soon be on the wane.

This could generate positive spin offs for trade, tourism and investment for a country led by a president who swept to victory with one of the strongest mandates of any recently elected democratic world leader.

[Bill Guerin , a Jakarta correspondent for Asia Times Online since 2000, has worked in Indonesia for 19 years in journalism and editorial positions. He has been published by the BBC on East Timor and specializes in business/economic and political analysis in Indonesia.]

Local & community issues

New protest sparks up in Kampar

Jakarta Post - April 8, 2005

Puji Santoso, Kampar -- New rounds of protests have broken out in Kampar regency on Thursday following a report that a minister had given his approval for ousted Kampar Regent Jefri Noer to resume office. The protesters came from two different camps; one group supporting the minister's decision, the other opposing it. Each group consisted of around 20 people.

The protest began in the morning as councillors at Kampar regental council were holding a meeting to discuss a report concerning the minister's decision.

Fearing possible violent clashes, police personnel ordered pro- Jefri protesters into the council building, while their rivals were ordered to stay put outside.

Meanwhile, in the plenary meeting, councillors decided to oppose the minister's action, and re-endorsed their earlier decision that led to the Kampar Regent being ousted from office. "The result of the meeting will be conveyed to the Minister of Home Affairs Mohammad Ma'ruf," said councillor Syafrizal.

Pro-Jefri protesters stayed put inside the council building until the afternoon.

Jefri was dismissed by the regency council last year after it passed a motion of no confidence against him.

The ousted regent's troubles began last year after he ordered a senior teacher out of a meeting after the man questioned him about the low education budget in the regency.

Viewed as arrogant, Jefri soon faced massive protests by students and teachers. The protests shut down much of the regency and gained national attention.

A year after the dismissal, a senior official at Riau provincial administration, who requested anonymity, suddenly reported that the Minister of Home Affairs had issued a decree stating that Jefri could resume office on Thursday.

Former governor's cars protested

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Jambi -- Dozens of students claiming to be from the United Regional Students Movement have urged the Jambi administration to investigate the ownership of two luxury cars still being used by former Jambi governor Zulkifli Nurdin.

"It's not proper for a former governor to still be using a state-owned vehicle," the students spokesman, Muklis, said on Friday. He said that the two cars, a Jaguar and a Land Rover, should be returned to Jambi provincial administration.

"The two cars are being used for personal reasons because he's no longer serving as governor," said Muklis, claiming that he saw the cars parked at a Jambi province lodge in Jakarta.

Meanwhile, acting Jambi governor, Sudarsono, said the car's ownership had been approved by the Jambi provincial administration.

Health & education

Records show more poor entitled to health subsidy

Jakarta Post - April 8, 2005

Jakarta -- A new survey shows that the amount of poor people in the country was 66 percent higher than was earlier predicted. Why? It emerges that the country's poor couldn't afford to be counted in the last survey -- because it was too expensive.

The result of the latest -- and free -- income survey has prompted the Ministry of Health to quickly ask for more funds to be allocated for its health subsidy.

The new data compiled by state health insurance company PT Askes and local administrations showed there were 60 million people eligible for the government's scheme extended to those hit the hardest by the fuel price hikes -- not the 36 million recorded by the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) last year.

The new figure accounts for more than a quarter of the country's population.

"While previously we relied on BPS data for the number of poor people, now PT Askes and the local administrations compile and validate the lists in the field," Minister of Health Siti Fadilah Supari said.

In response to increased number of poor, the health ministry plans to set aside Rp 3.7 trillion for their insurance fee under the Health Care Program for the Poor.

Last year, the government spent Rp 2.1 trillion on health subsidies for low-income groups.

The state categorizes people as poor if they earn only $1 or less a day, while the United Nations Development Planning sets the benchmark at $2 or less.

Under the Millennium Development Goals, Indonesia is required to halve the poverty rate by 2015.

Fadilah said the number of poor people had risen because many people were left unrecorded last year since they had to register and pay administration fees to obtain health insurance cards.

"If they had to pay for the cards, how can the poor afford to have them?" she said. "Now, they are not required to register and we will come to them instead." The Institute for Development of Economy and Finance (Indef) reported that last year only 26.53 percent of the cards issued were given to the poor, partly due to an inaccurate database. Corrupt officials manipulating the system is the other well-known reason why few of the target population were given cards.

PT Askes operational director I Gede Subawa said the company had completed a national master file on the number of poor people, which was currently in the process of validation through field surveys with the assistance of local administrations.

He said the health insurance cards, previously valid for the whole family, would henceforth be valid for one person only and would bear the holder's photograph taken during the field survey.

A card-holder will be eligible for free health care in government-run community health centers (Puskesmas), including hospitalization in third-class wards in public hospitals.

"We hope that the distribution will be completed by June," he said, adding that 18 million cards are ready for distribution.

Subawa said for those who had not yet acquired the new cards could instead use the old ones, or a clarification from local neighborhood units about their poor status.

Since the health subsidies are in the form of insurance, aside from waiting for claims from health centers and hospitals, PT Askes will pay Rp 1,000 per person monthly, multiplied by the total number of poor people, Subawa said.

However, PT Askes is still waiting for payment of the premium from the government.

"We hope that some Rp 1 trillion of the premium will be paid this month (April)," he said, adding that the company had so far spent Rp 30 billion to cover claims made by health centers and hospitals.

Indonesia fast becoming Asia's ashtray

Asia Times - April 4, 2005

Richel Dursin, Jakarta -- Campaigners against smoking are pressuring the Indonesian government to embrace an international anti-tobacco treaty and warn that if it fails to do so the country could fast become the "ashtray of Asia".

"It is a matter of urgency for the Indonesian government to accede to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control [FCTC]," said Mary Assunta, chairperson of the Framework Convention Alliance -- an umbrella group of more than 200 anti-smoking organizations from across the world.

Indonesia, the world's fifth-largest consumer of tobacco after China, the United States, Japan and Russia, is the only country in Asia that failed to sign the World Health Organization- sponsored treaty that became a binding law on February 27.

Signed by 168 countries and ratified by 61 nations, the FCTC is the first legal initiative that attempts to control the use of tobacco on a global scale.

The treaty requires participating states to outlaw tobacco advertising and sponsorship, demand that tobacco companies cover at least 30% of every cigarette pack with health warnings, ban the use of euphemistic adjectives like "light" or "mild" to describe cigarettes, and increase tobacco taxes to an optimum level, making the retail price of tobacco high and not affordable.

The FCTC also stipulates that participating states ban smoking in all public places. In Indonesia, only the Jakarta administration has enacted a city ordinance banning smoking in public areas, though the ordinance will not come into force until early 2006. In other parts of the country, smoking is a norm.

"If Indonesia does not accede to the FCTC, we will take legal action against the government," warned Tulus Abadi, coordinator of the Indonesian Consumers Organization. "Indonesia's failure to adopt the FCTC is a violation of human rights and the country's constitution," Abadi said in an interview.

The Indonesian Consumers Organization has given the government until May 4 to meet its demand to accede to the international treaty.

Anti-smoking campaigners argue that the Indonesian government will be "left out" and will not be able to participate in the meeting of parties in Geneva next February if it refuses to comply with the FCTC. "The Indonesian government will not be able to tap into a global fund from the FCTC" to combat smoking, said Abadi.

Last year, former health minister Achmad Sujudi was about to sign the treaty but was prevented from doing so by high-ranking authorities. "Obviously, the government gave in to the pressure from tobacco companies, which argued that it is not necessary to sign and ratify the FCTC," Abadi revealed.

But Herman Soetardja, head of the drug abuse prevention division of the Office of the Vice President, said Indonesia did not sign the FCTC because of the country's political situation.

"At that time, we were busy with the legislative and presidential elections," he said.

To date, five ministries -- manpower and transmigration, agriculture, trade, industry and finance -- continue to oppose the adoption of the FCTC, as they claim the treaty would harm the country's tobacco industry, which is a major employer.

Tobacco excise charges contribute greatly to the state's coffers. Last year alone about Rp30 trillion (US$3.3 billion) was raked in by the government.

"The government only thinks of money it can get from tobacco companies. It does not think of the health of its people," Indah Suksmaningsih, chairperson of the Indonesian Consumers Organization told Inter Press Service. "The government should consider that its citizens have the right to clean air."

As part of their efforts to convince the Indonesian government to agree to the FCTC, anti-smoking campaigners have sought the help of political figures and religious leaders. One of the messages being conveyed to politicians is that supporting the FCTC will "increase their popularity".

The recent acquisition of a 40% stake in Indonesia's second- largest cigarette producer, PT Hanjaya Mandala Sampoerna by US- based tobacco giant PT Philip Morris for $2 billion, has given anti-smoking lobbyists all the more reason to increase their pressure on the government to adopt the FCTC

According to these activists, the weak enforcement of laws in Indonesia is the major reason Philip Morris chose to invest in Indonesia. "Philip Morris was not stupid when it decided to invest in Indonesia because here it can do what it cannot do in other parts of the world," said Suksmaningsih. "Using the Sampoerna name, Philip Morris can operate and market its products virtually without restrictions on advertisements, nicotine and tar content."

But Soetardja of the Office of the Vice President pointed out that Indonesia is "happy" and at the same time "worried" over Philip Morris' decision to invest in Indonesia. "There is a clear indication that transnational companies will go to a country where the enforcement of [smoking] laws is practically nil," Soetardja said.

As it appears now, Indonesia is moving backward while its neighbors, particularly Thailand and Singapore, are moving forward in the implementation of tough anti-smoking provisions.

"Smoking makes the poor people in Indonesia poorer," said Anhari Achadi, adviser to the minister of health on health services for vulnerable communities. "The country's poor people waste their money on cigarettes instead of buying food.".

Results of a study conducted by the National Institute of Health Research and Development showed that in 2001 the amount spent each month by individual smokers in Indonesia amounted to Rp166,500 ($18) -- an equivalent to wages for 25 days of work based on the regional minimum wage in Jakarta.

Last year, about 215 billion cigarettes worth a total of $8.5 billion were sold in Indonesia, which claims to have about 141 million smokers, with analysts predicting that that number is likely to increase by at least 5% this year.

"To reduce the severe health and economic impact of tobacco use, the government should implement the cost-effective policies on national tobacco control as suggested by the FCTC," said Achadi. (Inter Press Service)

More Jakarta residents lack access to health services

Jakarta Post - April 4, 2005

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- Poor Jakarta residents cannot look forward to improved access to affordable health care after the central government decided to exclude the capital from a subsidized health care program.

The central government had originally allocated Rp 14.9 billion (US$1.6 million) to subsidize medical services for poor Jakarta residents following the 29 percent increase in fuel prices on March 1.

Minister of Health Siti Fadilah Supari recently announced, however, that Jakarta would not receive the money.

"Minister Fadilah said Jakarta would most likely not receive assistance for health services," the assistant to the city secretary for people's welfare, Rohana Manggala, said over the weekend.

Rohana did not give a reason for the decision, but hinted that it may have something to do with the city's allocation of Rp 100 billion in the 2005 budget to provide affordable health care for the poor.

She said the central government's decision meant at least 227,134 poor city residents would have no access to affordable health care.

The city administration estimates that about 3.5 million of Jakarta's 12 million residents are in dire need of subsidized health services.

"According to our estimate, the Rp 100 billion we allocated will only be able to reach 1.7 million poor residents, leaving some 1.8 million others without access to more affordable health care," she said.

Governor Sutiyoso said he would ask the health minister to reconsider and release the funds for the city.

"I have ordered my subordinates to get a clarification directly from the minister. I think poor Jakartans deserve the assistance since they also feel the bite of the fuel price increases," the governor said.

In addition to health assistance funds, the central government is deliberating fund allocations for other sectors such as education, food and small and medium enterprises, in an effort to offset the higher fuel prices.

"Bappenas [Office of the State Minister for National Planning] is still discussing detailed allocations," Jakarta City Planning Board head Achmad Hariyadi told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

The latest data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) shows that the number of residents living below the poverty line increased 18 percent to 370,898 people (91,468 households) last year, from 314,702 people (80,961 households) in 2003. East Jakarta saw the highest increase at 85 percent, from 55,491 people in 2003 to 102,957 in 2004.

Central Jakarta, where numerous multinational companies, government offices and embassies are located, also saw a sharp 58 percent increase in the number of poor residents, to 68,599 last year from about 45,328 in 2003.

BPS defines someone as poor if he or she meets at least three of eight criteria, including: living in a dwelling that is less than eight square meters in size; living in a dwelling that has a dirt floor instead of tiles or cement; having no access to clean water; having no access to a toilet; living in a house with walls made of plywood or cardboard.

Aid & development

Government calls on NGOs to obey prevailing rules

Jakarta Post - April 4, 2005

Jakarta -- The government has called on local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to obey the laws governing the establishment of such groups, and has asked foreign NGOs to obtain official permission to carry out work in the country.

The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights and the State Secretariat made the appeal during a discussion on Thursday hosted by the Japan International Cooperation Agency's NGO-Desk in Jakarta, saying this would make it easier for the government to administer NGOs. "Ever since the reform movement began, many non-governmental organization have been established. The problem is, many of these groups have deviated from the initial purpose of their establishment," said Budiharjo, a senior official at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.

"They were supposed to be non-profit organizations, but in reality many of them have become money-earning institutions. The law on foundations was issued to correct these flaws," he said.

Law No. 16/2001 governing the establishment and legality of foundations was amended last year by Law No. 24/2004, which among other things added articles on the payment of salaries to the staff and management of NGOs.

Budiharjo said the amendment was aimed at affirming the non- profit nature of foundations, while at the same time ensuring their public accountability.

He said both laws obliged foundations to register with the ministry after obtaining legal documents, such as an official letter of domicile issued by the local subdistrict head and a tax registration number.

"I am aware that many foundations do not abide by the regulations. But the law gives them five years to adapt," he said.

Rizal Basri, head of the Foreign Technical Cooperation Bureau at the State Secretariat, emphasized that foreign NGOs also had to comply with the regulations set out by the government.

"Foreign NGOs that want to work in Indonesia should report to the State Secretariat. This is aimed at coordinating communication among the various government institutions and regional administrations that will deal with their work," Rizal said during the discussion.

He said special treatment would be given to workers of foreign NGOs who reported to his office.

"They will get a duty free card to buy goods in Indonesian stores or supermarkets without being charged a value added taxes," he said, adding that abolishing such facilities would be the only sanction given to foreign NGOs that violated registration procedures.

Rizal said the registration procedures were also established to prevent foreign NGOs from engaging in harmful or negative activities in the country.

"I have received a report that a foreign NGO has raised funds in Indonesia by selling merchandise. That is not what they said they would do here. Their initial intention was to assist Indonesians, not raise funds," he said without identifying the organization.

Armed forces/defense

Critics caution over rise in military spending

Jakarta Post - April 5, 2005

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Critics of the military are worried that the government's proposal to increase the defense budget this year would be used to expand the Army's much-criticized territorial function.

The Ministry of Defense has proposed to the House of Representatives a Rp 5 trillion (US$538 million) increase in the 2005 defense spending from the current Rp 21.6 trillion.

Meanwhile, the Army is planning to establish 22 new territorial commands nationwide; develop three new military commands in Riau and Bangka-Belitung, and Merauke in Papua; and a new division of its Strategic Resort Command (Kostrad) in Sorong, also in Papua. The plan was unveiled by Army Chief of Staff Lt.

Gen. Djoko Santoso during a recent meeting with the House of Representatives Commission I on political, security, and foreign affairs.

Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono seemed to support the plan, saying the expansion was crucial to help ensure security in the country.

But human rights activists Usman Hamid and Zoemrotin K. Soesilo were concerned the move would hamper the process of democracy in the country and allow the Army to further strengthen its role in the business sector.

"The presence of more territorial commands will have three consequences: First, it will endanger the democratization process. Second, it will ensure the military continues its [illegal] timber business. Thirdly, it will mean we will continue to be unable to prevent rampant human rights abuses from taking place," Usman said.

Military analyst Andi Widjajanto from the University of Indonesia said that the Army's plan to develop more territorial offices was against the military's internal reform drive.

"If the Army is concerned about the development of defense capacity, it must develop its strike force units in several strategic areas instead of establishing (territorial) institutions that have a structure parallel with civilian administrations," Andi said.

The Army's plan to set up new military base in Papua comes amid an ongoing investigation into the involvement of TNI officials in illegal logging and timber smuggling in the province.

The investigation comes after a report made by the London-based Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) and the Indonesian environmental group Telapak last month that accused security officers and government officials of being involved in the smuggling of 300,000 cubic meters of timber a month from Indonesia (mostly Papua province) to China.

The two NGOs identified the Sorong, Manokwari, Fak Fak, Nabire and Serui regencies in Papua as the main illegal logging hotspots, from which the logs are shipped to the Chinese port of Zhangjiagang.

A report by an internal TNI investigation team obtained by The Jakarta Post shows that the Army, the Navy and police officers are all involved in the logging. According to the report, the several timber companies in Papua are engaged in "a coordination" arrangement with TNI officers, police personnel, customs officers and forestry officials, who are paid between Rp 50 million and Rp 500 million.

"This coordination is a various levels, from the commander in charge of the Navy's ships, commander of the Navy's sea defense area, the operational assistant to the Navy's eastern fleet, the Navy's eastern fleet commander to the Navy chief's operational assistant," the report says.

In the police, the funds are also distributed at all levels; from police precinct commander to the Papuan police chief, it says.

Spokespeople from the security forces could not be reached for comment.

Activists criticize latest TNI moves

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Human rights activists criticized on Friday the Indonesian Military (TNI)'s recent promotion of senior Army officers close to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and several allegedly linked to human rights violations. They said the promotions were a setback to TNI's reform efforts.

The activists pointed to the appointment of current Iskandar Muda Military Command head Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya, who leads the military operation to crush separatist rebels in Aceh, as the Army's new deputy chief of staff.

Rusdi Marpaung of rights watchdog Imparsial accused Endang of creating a "horizontal conflict" in Aceh during two years of military operations since 2003. He alleged that Endang had ordered the marking of houses belonging to families and relatives of Free Aceh Movement (GAM) members and branded them "public enemies".

He was referring to the military's policy of marking with red paint the houses of anyone linked to GAM rebels. This policy violates the 1949 Geneva convention, which says military offensives must not target civilians or public buildings such as houses, mosques and cultural centers, Rusdi said. "It was under Endang Suwarya's command that no fewer than 663 Acehnese civilians were killed," he said.

Acehnese sociologist Otto Syamsuddin Ishak from Syahkuala University said Endang's branding of the relatives of GAM members as "public enemies" had caused social disintegration among the Acehnese. He said this policy resulted in even Acehnese children to be considered enemies of the state and society.

This so-called isolation policy has hurt civilians because they are obliged to report daily to the nearest military post or face sanctions, Otto said.

"If a military man like Endang -- who lacks sensitivity and has systematically destroyed the social structure of Aceh -- is promoted to a three-star Army general, I think there is no hope for the country to stop the various rights abuses in Aceh and other conflict areas," he said.

In a round of promotions announced on Wednesday, Endang was named the Army's deputy chief of staff. His position as chief of the Iskandar Muda Military Command will be taken over by Maj. Gen. Syafiuddin Yusuf, the current head of the Udayana Military Command overseeing West Nusa Tenggara and Bali.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's brothers-in-law, Brig. Gen. Pramono Eddy Wibowo, was appointed deputy commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus), while Maj. Gen. Erwin Sudjono was named to head the Tanjung Pura Military Command overseeing Kalimantan.

Current TNI spokesman Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin will reportedly be made a three-star Army general, and there are rumors he will be made the new secretary-general of the defense ministry.

"We cannot ignore the fact that Sjafrie allegedly played a key role in many rights abuses, ranging from East Timor, the 10-year military operation in Aceh known as DOM, the 1998 shootings at Trisakti University and the May riots," Otto said.

Responding to the criticism, Sjafrie said: "Everybody has the right to express their opinions. Let them talk, but I will remain silent."

Foreign affairs

Yudhoyono: Political chameleon with a mixed record

Australian Financial Review - April 6, 2005

Andrew Burrell -- John Howard gushes that he is an "impressive man" of "immense grace and character" who represents Indonesia's "future, not its past". If only Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Indonesian president who ended his two-day visit to Australia yesterday and pledged a "new era" in bilateral relations, were that easy to categorise.

The former general is feted by the West as the best thing in years to have happened to Indonesia's democratic transition, its economic development and ability to combat terrorism.

While this may all turn out to be true, it also seems an odd reading of a man who once staunchly defended Soeharto's dictatorship, dithers endlessly over key decisions and refuses to even acknowledge that Jemaah Islamiyah exists in Indonesia for fear of offending his fellow Muslims.

The real story so far is that after almost six months in office, Yudhoyono is still a mass of contradictions, many reflecting tensions in Indonesian society. His record in power is mixed: full of rhetoric and good intentions, but lacking many practical achievements.

Howard may see his new friend as a reliable partner for Australia and a staunch defender of democracy, but a closer look at Yudhoyono's career over the past decade reveals a man who will sway with the political breeze.

He rose to power last year by skilfully promoting himself as a reformist and an outsider who would tackle vested interests, but he is no genuine cleanskin.

In fact, he is almost unique in Jakarta for having happily operated at the apex of power in both an autocracy and a democracy. Back in 1999, he served as the Indonesian military's powerful chief-of-staff of territorial affairs during one of the most shameful periods in the institution's history: the army- backed slaughter in East Timor.

Yudhoyono's nationalistic streak reared its head when he protested about world opinion turning against Indonesia over East Timor and played down the atrocities being committed there. "I am worried of opinion being formed in the international community that what happened in East Timor is a great human tragedy, ethnic cleansing or a large-scale crime, when in reality it is not," he said.

A search back through the 1997 archives also reveals -- somewhat uncomfortably for a man who went on to become Indonesia's first directly elected president -- that he spent much of that year publicly defending Soeharto's brutal regime against complaints by pro-democracy activists. In late 1997, he repeatedly denied the need for any political reform in Indonesia and spoke of the need to counter various "threats to stability" against the regime.

Even recently, Yudhoyono's real views on democracy and human rights have appeared contradictory.

While he makes all the right noises when speaking to journalists or addressing well-heeled foreign audiences, at times he sounds like the Soeharto-era general he once was.

"Democracy, human rights, concern for the environment and other concepts being promoted by Western countries are all good, but they cannot become absolute goals because pursuing them as such will not be good for the country," he told Islamic scholars last year, before his election victory.

Yudhoyono came to power last October promising firmer leadership and a more aggressive stance on tackling problems such as rising unemployment, corruption and terrorism.

He started poorly by stacking his cabinet with compromise candidates and non-achievers, and has since failed to deliver on campaign pledges to quickly repair the investment climate or to arrest "big-fish" graft suspects. In fact, he has made only one truly bold political move so far: his decision to cut costly fuel subsidies and raise petrol prices, although even then his senior ministers had to practically force him into it.

Yudhoyono also told a Western reporter soon after being elected that he would conduct a "review" of whether JI existed in Indonesia and would then decide whether the organisation should be officially banned. It should come as no surprise that nothing has since happened on that front.

When he served as security minister he refused to formally outlaw JI or to close the small number of Islamic boarding schools that serve as its training ground, for fear of inflaming Muslim sensibilities.

More recently, he has pandered to the hardline Islamic elements in his own cabinet by publicly complaining about women who show their bare navels on television.

Thankfully, his comments met with ridicule in the mainstream press, who urged the president to focus on more urgent matters.

Yudhoyono is a skilful, honest politician who possesses a remarkable intellect and will doubtless develop into a better president than all or most of his predecessors. But countries such as Australia should follow the lead of the Indonesian people themselves, and lower their expectations of what he is capable of achieving.

Papuan separatists unfazed by Australian declaration

Radio Australia - April 5, 2005

Separatist leaders from the Indonesian province of West Papua say they are not troubled by Australian Prime Minister John Howard's latest statement that Australia will recognise the territorial integrity of Indonesia. Mr Howard reiterated the policy on Monday as part of a joint declaration on partnership with the visiting Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Presenter/Interviewer: Paul Allen

Speakers: John Howard, Australian Prime Minister; Andy Ayamiseda, West Papua People's Representative; Richard Chauvel, Head of Australia Asia Pacific Institute

Allen: Australian Prime Ministers have said this before, and on Monday, current Prime Minister John Howard said it again. Australia supports the territorial integrity of Indonesia, and won't back any separatist movements.

Howard: I made it very clear to the President that Australia fully respects the territorial integrity of the Indonesian republic, that is a given our relationship. It has long been the position of the Australian Government that in relation to such issues as the Papua secession movement and also in Aceh we respect Indonesia's integrity, and that is something that is mentioned in the over arching agreement.

Allen: Andy Ayamiseda, of the West Papua people's representative office in Vanuatu, is neither surprised nor disappointed by this official lack of support for the independence movement in the Indonesian province.

Ayamiseda: It doesn't bother us. We have been struggling for the last four decades without any assistance of anybody, so it doesn't really bother us whether he (Howard) recognise or not.

Allen: Mr Ayamiseda has every reason to be relaxed about Prime Minister Howard's approach. Australian Governments have made these statements before, and then later done the complete opposite. Here's Richard Chauvel, head of the Australian Asia Pacific Institute.

Chauvel: I think the difficulty from the Australian Government's point of view is that the frequency of the statement has been inversely related to the degree to which it's been believed. That relates very much to our role in 1999 with respect to East Timor. Prior to '99 it had been the oft stated and formally stated position of the Australian Government and successive Australian Government's that we supported Indonesian sovereignty in East Timor, and in Indonesian eyes, until it came to the crunch that support evaporated.

Allen: Chauvel doubts many of West Papua's more realistic independence leaders will be very surprised by Prime Minister Howard's latest restatement of Australia's respect for the territorial integrity of Indonesia. But he believes a similar reversal of policy to what happened with East Timor will be much tougher in West Papua.

Chauvel: In this case west Papua is another ballgame. West Papua in Indonesian eyes is a much more integral and important part of Indonesia than East Timor ever was. not only much more important economically, more resource rich than East Timor, but Indonesia fought the Dutch for some 12 or 13 years in the 1950s and early 60s in their eyes to regain of control of West Papua.

Allen: But the determination of West Papua's independence leaders does not seem to have lost any momentum. West Papua people's representative Andy Ayamiseda expects his movement to win the day, regardless of what the Australian Government says.

Ayamiseda: We believe that all the Australian people's heart are with us despite government's position. Australian people are fairly fair in their judgement, and any violation that occurred in East Timor us happening in West Papua, and eventually things will go that way. Our international diplomacy is very advanced. There is no way Indonesia is going to stop this diplomacy.

Australia-Indonesia pact paves the way for closer ties

The World Today - April 5, 2005

Reporter: Tanya Nolan

Tanya Nolan: The Australia-Indonesia relationship has been tense at best since East Timor's transition to independence.

Things have improved slightly since the Boxing Day tsunami and the Nias earthquake, which has seen Australia commit money, aid and resources to help the country rebuild.

But this week's visit by the Indonesian President has seen a very different tone emerge, one of a deepening commitment and respect on both sides.

The signing of the Joint Declaration has laid the groundwork for future bilateral agreements, on security and trade, and heralds a new era of cooperation between Australia and Indonesia.

So is this the beginning of something special or just a normalising of previously tense relations?

To talk about this I'm joined by two long-time Indonesia- watchers, Professor Harold Crouch from the school of Pacific and Asian studies at the ANU (Australian National University), and Max Lane, a researcher at the Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation studies at Wollongong University.

What's emerged from President Yudhoyono's visit so far has been described as a significant reinvigoration of Australia/Indonesia relations.

Harold Crouch, before his visit, you warned not to expect any special from our relationship with SBY. Have you changed your opinion?

Harold Crouch: Well, I think what I was meaning is that we shouldn't think of ourselves as having a sort of special relationship with Indonesia compared with other countries, that Indonesia would somehow feel that Australia was its main partner. I think Yudhoyono will probably be next going to other countries saying very similar things, and so he should in my opinion.

Tanya Nolan: Max Lane, should we be careful in how we view this? Is this just a normalisation process for a relationship that's been strained since the period of East Timor's independence?

Max Lane: Well, probably from the Australian Government's point of view they see it as moving towards normalisation, but of course we have to remember that especially with the security pact this means increasing cooperation with an armed forces which is still actively engaged in a war in Aceh, and is still being accused regularly of pretty gross human rights violations.

And in some ways it's only normalisation -- if you want to put that aside -- it's the sort of normalisation that existed in the period leading up to the 1999 in East Timor.

Tanya Nolan: That security arrangement and the Joint Declaration, I want to touch on those issues in a little while, but Howard Crouch, you've also said "don't get elated about the highs in our relationship, they will not eliminate the lows," that we should just be striving to prevent permanent damage being done to this relationship.

But the tone of this visit seems to be very different. SBY (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) awarding medals of honour to the nine Australian defence personnel who died in Nias, that would have been unthinkable post-East Timor, wouldn't it?

Harold Crouch: Yeah, indeed. I mean, I think it's on a high now, but I think if you look at the past unexpectedly issues arise all the time. Just consider one possible case and that is in Bali.

If this young lady is found guilty and happens to get a death sentence I would think there'll be... there won't be much elation about that, and you know, I'd hope that the two leaders and the rest of the Government can do something about that so that it doesn't upset the relationship entirely, and I think that should be the key goal of all these agreements is to establish some sort of network of cooperation that will allow us... we enjoy the highs, but we'll also avoid the worst of the lows.

Tanya Nolan: Well this isn't just about two leaders making friends, is it? As you both mentioned they have to ensure that public opinion is on their side. And that could be put at risk, Max Lane, couldn't it, if Australia's faced with the choice of who to support if the Indonesian military goes in to actively suppress any independence movement in Aceh or West Papua?

The performance of TNI in these regions often enflames anti- Jakarta sentiments through human rights abuses and the such. Do you think Australia has backed itself into a corner in this Joint Declaration?

Max Lane: Well, I think the Australian Government is backing itself into that kind of corner. I think people need to realise that even though the Indonesian Armed Forces has been forced to retreat from the kind of involvement and participation that it had in political life under Suharto, in some areas such as Aceh and Papua, it still basically runs those regions as a quite brutal dictatorship, and I think both within Indonesia and eventually amongst the Australian public, the Australian Government's support for cooperation with that kind of army will become an issue.

And I think it will be an issue, as I said, not just in Australian public opinion, but also with Indonesian public opinion as well.

Tanya Nolan: And do you agree with Harold Crouch about the Schapelle Corby trial? If she does in fact get convicted, could that further damage the public relations image that Australians have of Indonesia?

Max Lane: I'm sure it will, I'm sure it will. It's... especially... you know, we all share the same sort of uh... there's a lot of suspicion or people not really convinced about the nature of the evidence presented and so on, so that's already planting doubts, and then secondly, no doubt there'll be a media (inaudible) around it as well, so I'm sure it will be a negative thing in terms of public relations.

Although it's clearly not something that's as fundamental to the nature of the relationship between ordinary Australian people and ordinary Indonesian people.

Tanya Nolan: Harold Crouch, how great are the risks to this relationship?

Harold Crouch: It depends on when you think ahead, what could happen. The point that Max made a moment ago about the Indonesian Army is not just possibly engaged in war in Aceh and Papua, it actually is.

I think, now what is the significance of... there's no security pact yet, and I suspect there won't be an actual pact or treaty, it'll be some sort of understanding or agreement, and it really depends a lot on the actual nature of that agreement.

Before East Timor in 1999, Australia was giving training in... jungle warfare training for example was being held in Australia for Indonesian trainers, actually. Now that's the sort of thing that would add to the Indonesian military's capacity to repress rebellion and so on.

On the other hand, you can also have, as we have right now, Indonesian officers attending staff colleges and that sort of thing in Australia. So it depends a lot on the nature of the military cooperation.

If it's in staff colleges I have no objection to that at all, but I think we should not be engaged in providing training and so on for the Indonesian military of a sort that aids it in its repressive activities.

Tanya Nolan: And Max Lane, just one final comment from yourself?

Max Lane: Yes, I think it's not really a question of the nature of the training, it's that... the issue for most Indonesians relates to the whole legitimacy of the Indonesian armed forces, while it retains its current leadership, its current character and its current mentality.

There are many people in Indonesia who've actually been earning... people who are still in the leadership of the armed forces were put on trial for human rights abuses, and I think that the problem is that in their eyes, any cooperation with the Indonesian military actually is saying to the world that the Indonesian armed forces has changed its character and now has some kind of legitimacy as an untainted institution in Indonesian society.

I don't think that's the common view in Indonesia, and certainly Australian Government policy will be alienating itself from this prevalent view in Indonesian society.

Tanya Nolan: Gentlemen, I had so many more questions to ask you, but we've run out of time. Thank you very much for your time.

Max Lane there, a researcher at the Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation studies at Wollongong University, and apologies for that dodgy line. And Professor Harold Crouch from the school of Pacific and Asian studies at the ANU, thank you both.

Indonesia, Australia announce 'new era of relations'

Agence France Presse - April 4, 2005

Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hailed a "new era" of relations with Australia here as a spate of shared tragedies brought the once-rival neighboring nations closer together.

Following talks with Prime Minister John Howard, Yudhoyono announced that he would press his fellow Southeast Asian leaders to accept Australia into Asian-bloc talks later this year.

Yudhoyono and Howard also issued a joint declaration on a "comprehensive partnership" under which they agreed to negotiate a new security agreement to protect both countries and to boost air and maritime cooperation.

The Australia-Indonesia summit came two days after nine Australian navy and airforce personnel died in a helicopter crash while on a humanitarian mission to Indonesian villages stricken by a powerful earthquake last week.

Yudhoyono told a lunch in Canberra that he was "utterly devastated" by the accident and that all those travelling on the Sea King chopper, including two soldiers who were injured, would receive "medals of honour".

Australia also played the leading role in rushing aid to Indonesia following the devastating December 26 earthquake and tsunami which killed more than 220,000 Indonesians, pledging a billion dollars (760 million US) in assistance.

Prior to the tsunami, the two governments worked closely to track down Islamic militants behind a string of bombings, the worst of which in Bali in 2002 killed 202 people, 88 of them Australian.

Howard said these shared tragedies had contributed to a "very strong personal commitment" between himself and Yudhoyono to strengthening the often tense relationship between the countries.

"Tragedy has brought our two countries together in recent months but before the terrible tsunami tragedy overwhelmed the province of Aceh, there had already been many positive developments in the relationship of our two countries," Howard said.

"We are both committed to the strengthening of the partnership and the friendship between our two countries," he said.

Yudhoyono echoed the desire to improve ties between the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation and Australia, often seen as an outsider in Asia.

"I strongly hope that my visit here will affirm the importance of Australia to Indonesia and will help usher in a new era of bilateral relations," Yudhoyono said.

In a sign of his enthusiasm for the relationship, the Indonesian leader vowed to back Australia's bid to be accepted into the East Asia Summit to be held in Malaysia in December.

"I stressed the importance of Australia's close engagement with the region, and I reiterated Indonesia's support for Australia to join the East Asia Summit this year," Yudhoyono said.

Yudhoyono's stance puts him at odds with some of his Asian counterparts, including Malaysia, whose prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, is due here later this week.

Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak recently called for Australia to be excluded from the summit aimed at building cooperation between the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Japan, South Korea and China as part of a move towards an East Asian Community.

The warm declarations emerging from Yudhoyono's visit were a stark contrast with the tenor of relations in the past, especially when tensions flared over Australian military involvement in the UN-backed process of gaining independence for the former Indonesian province of East Timor in 1999.

At a joint press conference, Howard said he and Yudhoyono had signed an agreement under which Canberra pledged not to support the further break-up of Indonesia by separatist groups.

"Australia fully respects the territorial integrity of the Indonesian republic," Howard said, adding that Canberra wished to see separatist movements in the provinces of Aceh and Papua resolved "amicably".

Under the joint declaration, Australia and Indonesia also committed to "forge closer partnerships between our police forces, immigration and customs officials and security and intelligence agencies".

They also agreed to cooperate more fully in combating terrorism, people smuggling and the drugs trade.

Indonesia, US revive trade and investment talks

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2005

Zakki P. Hakim, Jakarta -- Indonesia and the United States met and revived bilateral talks on trade and investment here on Friday -- a move that could lead to free trade negotiations between the two countries.

Barbara Weisel, Assistant Deputy of US Trade Representative, told a press conference after the meeting that the US delegation was satisfied with the discussion and was looking forward to meeting the Indonesian delegation again for further talks in Washington in the near future.

"We have just had a very productive discussion, which we have not done for a long time at this level and in this detail," Weisel said.

Indonesia's Minister of Trade Mari E. Pangestu also welcomed the meeting. "It has been years since we had significant bilateral talks. The last one we had was in November 2002, but it was not significant," Mari told reporters.

Among other things, the meeting discussed the stalled talks under the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) and Indonesia's proposal for a post-tsunami trade relief package, capacity building assistance to develop Indonesian trade, as well as the recent Infrastructure Summit.

Traditionally, the US requires its partners to establish a TIFA as a requirement before starting any possible free trade negotiation.

Special assistant to the minister Halida Miljani said that Indonesia would study whether or not these preliminary talks would lead to actual FTA negotiations.

"We will study the cost and benefits of a bilateral FTA," said Halida, who is a former Indonesian ambassador to the WTO and is now heads the delegation for the bilateral talks.

According to Weisel, whether or not Friday's talks end up in free trade negotiations, the US would continue to strengthen dialog to solve bilateral issues between the two nations.

She said issues like Intellectual Property Rights in Indonesia, agricultural products, development in the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and multilateral talks in the World Trade Organization (WTO) all arose during the talk.

The US has been Indonesia's major market for decades. Indonesia's non oil and gas exports to the US reached US$10.2 billion last year, or up by about 13 percent from $9.8 billion in 2003.

The meeting was actually part of the Enterprise for ASEAN Initiative launched by President George W. Bush.

Through the initiative, President Bush offers opportunities to establish FTAs to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations members -- particularly those who already had TIFA and WTO membership.

Media criticized for stoking hatred over Ambalat

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2005

Jakarta -- Activists here criticized the media for contributing to the tension between Indonesia and Malaysia over the disputed Ambalat offshore oil block in the Sulawesi Sea.

The Indonesian media failed to promote peace in its coverage of a dispute that prompted the two neighboring counties to deploy warships to the disputed maritime area, the activists said.

This assessment was given during a discussion hosted by the Institute for the Study of the Free Flow of Information (ISAI) on Wednesday.

They said the reporting on the "Ganyang (Crush) Malaysia" campaign in several cities and towns was "provocative".

"Based on my observations, the national media focused on the possibility of war rather than advocating a peaceful settlement," said Erianto, an ISAI researcher.

"For example, the local media preferred to give coverage to the deployment of soldiers in Ambalat or the recruitment of volunteers to attack Malaysia," he said.

Erianto noted that the Malaysian media did not cover the Ambalat issue as heavily as the media in Indonesian.

"In Malaysia, the issue first appeared in the media about March 7, highlighting a telephone conversation between Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who discussed a settlement to the conflict," he said, citing news reports published by Malaysian newspapers such as Berita Harian, The Star, The New Strait Times and Utusan Malaysia.

The on-line version of Utusan Malaysia, utusan.com.my, however, published a report on Ambalat on Feb. 28, emphasizing Malaysia's claim over the area.

Of 16 articles published by the Malaysian media, none encouraged people to attack Indonesians or to take the Ambalat area by military force, Irianto said.

The Bernama news agency in Malaysia ran two featurized articles, titled What Ambalat? Balinese Ask and A Week of Positive Indications for Indonesia-Malaysia Relations, which conveyed the message that relations between people in the two countries were not disturbed by the issue.

One of the stories mentioned that a Malaysian travel agency had seen an increase in bookings by Malaysian groups holidaying in Bali in March.

Fathi Aris Omar, a columnist for Malaysiakini.com, said the word "Ambalat" was not even familiar in Malaysia, as the disputed area was more often referred to as "Block XYZ".

"There's nothing shocking about it. That's because Malaysia also has territorial disputes with Singapore and Thailand," he said. "But it became a vital issue when Indonesians started burning Malaysian flags." The activists emphasized the need for the Indonesian media to promote "peace journalism", which means that news outlets should consider the implications of their coverage.

"Merely serving up the facts is not enough. You should also consider putting positive values into your reports because just a few days of war could bring years of suffering," Fathi said. Peace journalism has been promoted by, among others, Johan Galtung, a Norwegian who founded the Peace Research Institute in 1959. He urged journalists to consider non-violent values in choosing what stories to report and how to report them, by embracing balance, fairness and accuracy in their coverage.

Tough test for security deal with Jakarta

Sydney Morning Herald - April 1, 2005

Louise Williams -- A proposed new security treaty between Australia and Indonesia is likely to face political sniping in Jakarta, despite the goodwill generated by Australia's response to the Boxing Day tsunami and this week's earthquake.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is due to arrive in Australia this weekend, the most significant visit by an Indonesian leader in more than 30 years. Dr Yudhoyono will discuss a new security pact, Canberra's $1 billion post-tsunami aid package and other measures to upgrade the historically fraught bilateral relationship.

But the former Indonesian ambassador to Australia, Wiryono Sastrohandoyo, yesterday said the smooth passage of a new security pact through Indonesia's parliament should not be taken for granted.

Unlike a previous security deal negotiated in secret between the authoritarian Soeharto regime and the then prime minister Paul Keating in the mid-1990s, it cannot be railroaded through Indonesia's democratically elected parliament.

"This [the security proposal] will generate some reaction on the Indonesian side, both in the parliament and among the public. It's not like the old days when the parliament was a rubber stamp. It will face a lot of sniping and questioning," Dr Wiryono said in Sydney.

"Australia's very generous and compassionate response to the tsunami has helped create a better perception of Australia... but it doesn't entirely wipe out past misunderstandings and misconceptions." He said Dr Yudhoyono's government was facing tensions between reformists who back policies of openness and more narrow-minded, nationalist politicians who hark back to the authoritarian era.

Dr Wiryono was ambassador to Australia from 1996 to 1999, when ties were at their most strained over Australia's military intervention in East Timor. Canberra's close strategic relationship with Washington is also widely criticised by hardline Islamic groups inside Indonesia.

"Within Indonesia there are still dark forces which can be harnessed to harm democracy," Dr Wiryono said. "We still need two or three more elections until we become a mature, stable democracy.

"It could become a big problem because we are dealing with a lot of people whose pockets are empty... Our main challenge is to maximise job opportunities," to prevent mobs being exploited to stoke political instability.

The Government was responding to these domestic political pressures when it set a deadline last month for the withdrawal of some foreign aid organisations from Aceh, a move widely criticised by the aid groups, he said.

However, Dr Wiryono was "cautiously optimistic about new peace talks triggered by the tsunami, which turned the international spotlight on Aceh's long- running civil war, and history of abuses by Indonesian forces stationed there.

"My own view is no problem can be solved militarily," he said, referring to the serious economic grievances that underlie the Aceh conflict. Previous Indonesian governments have unsuccessfully sought to end the rebellion by deploying overwhelming military force.

Business & investment

High costs discourage investment: Deiss

Jakarta Post - April 12, 2005

Zakki P. Hakim and Riyadi Suparno, Jakarta -- High costs in the Indonesian economy remain the main barrier to attract foreign investment, including investors from Switzerland, according to visiting Swiss Minister of Economic Affairs Joseph Deiss.

Speaking to journalists here on Monday, Deiss said that a survey of Swiss businessmen in Indonesia revealed that they find investment here promising, but they also continue to encounter innumerable problems investing here.

Lack of protection for intellectual property rights is one of the main problems, Deiss said, noting that the presence of so many counterfeit products here discourages foreign investors.

Also, the continuing poor law enforcement has been driving away foreign investment.

The next problem is related to governance in the public sector, especially the inefficient bureaucracy.

"To acquire a business license, for example, it takes about 150 days now. The government has realized this problem and has promised to reduce it to 30 days at most," Deiss said. He added that he raised these concerns of Swiss businessmen during his meeting with various government officials, including trade minister Mari E. Pangestu.

Deiss also noted that many Swiss-based multinational companies were interested in investing in the country, especially following the positive improvement after the reform movement that brought down the corrupt New Order administration.

However, democratization itself is not enough, this must be followed by reform in the bureaucracy and improvement in security, he said.

Basically, he said Switzerland's private sector would invest in places that promised the best earning and met the five basic requirements to attract investment.

They include available estate and grounds to do business, flexible labor market, availability of adequate infrastructure, domestic security and safety and efficient tax system.

"In order to compete with other countries like China, Indonesia must overcome at least four of the five issues," he said.

Swiss direct investment in the country has reached more than $1.5 billion in Indonesia. The country of 7.3 million is among the 20 largest foreign investors and approximately 100 Swiss firms and joint ventures are operating in the country.

Among its top firms in the country are Nestle, Roche, Novartis, Clariant and ABB.

Aside from promoting investment, Minister Deiss also aimed to boost bilateral trade, which has been declining since before the financial crisis.

"Trade between the two countries has been considerably low since the 1997 crisis," he said.

According to data from the Swiss government, Switzerland's total exports to Indonesia stood at 286 million Swiss franc (US$343 million) last year, down from 289 million franc in 2003 and 381 million franc in 1997.

Imports from Indonesia meanwhile were valued at only $157 million franc last year, compared to 167 million franc in 2003 and 179 million franc in 1997.

"To at least reach a trade level we had before the 1997 crisis, it is important for Indonesia to promote its exports in the Swiss private sector," he said.

Indonesian exports to Switzerland are mainly textiles, garments, agricultural products, footwear and furniture.

To boost bilateral trade, Switzerland, along with three other countries in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) -- Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein -- is pursuing a free trade agreement (FTA) with Indonesia and other countries in the region.

"If we could do it at the multilateral level of the World Trade Organization, it would be best. But bilateral negotiations would certainly bring benefits for both sides," he said.

Opinion & analysis

A delicate balance with Indonesia

Sydney Morning Herald Editorial - April 6, 2005

Imagine you are playing soccer, then at half-time the game is switched to rugby. How many of the team will run back on and try to play by the same old rules? This is how the former Indonesian ambassador to Australia, Wiryono Sastrohandoyo, describes the abrupt end of authoritarian rule in Indonesia and the uneven transition since to democracy.

Dr Wiryono's point is this: Australia's expectations of an ebullient new era of friendship should be tempered by Indonesia's challenging political reality -- despite the genuine goodwill of the visiting Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and his host, the Prime Minister, John Howard.

Certainly there has been meaningful political change at the top in Indonesia and the reformist Dr Yudhoyono is someone Australia is keen to work with.

But there are still powerful factions in Indonesia with vested interests in the old, dirty rules. And that means many of the irritants which have long marred the bilateral relationship are still in the background.

Indonesia is a fragile, new democracy. Endemic corruption, the abuse of government positions, human rights and legal impartiality are high on Dr Yudhoyono's sweeping reform agenda. But the campaign has barely begun.

Dr Yudhoyono's enthusiasm for upgrading relations with Australia is also overshadowed by past tensions, especially Australia's role in East Timor.

Add to this new nationalistic resentment over critical foreign scrutiny of the civil war zone in Aceh which followed the tsunami. Extremist Islamic groups are also likely to continue to stoke anti-Western sentiment which, in South-East Asia, targets Australians. Dr Yudhoyono was directly elected as President with a clear majority, but his small political party does not control the Indonesian Parliament. Taken together, it all makes a delicate political balance.

The new bilateral framework agreement signed by Dr Yudhoyono and Mr Howard augurs well for better management of inevitable future tensions, as do the tough conditions attached to Australia's $1 billion post-tsunami aid package. But there is opposition within the Indonesian Parliament to a proposed new security pact. Canberra should also be wary of pushing too quickly on co- operation between the Australian and Indonesian armed forces.

The conduct of the Indonesian military in Aceh and West Papua will continue to raise serious human rights issues. Likewise, no culture of corruption can be broken overnight.

What is most useful now are practical gestures of confidence, like new Australian trade and investment. Only substantial new foreign investment can produce the economic growth needed to soak up Indonesia's huge pool of unemployed. Dr Yudhoyono knows that unless his Government can make a real dent in poverty, democracy will remain vulnerable to the political spoilers and their old, dirty rules. Australia and Indonesia are, of course, forever linked "by geography and destiny", as Mr Howard declared. The importance of Dr Yudhoyono's visit should not be underestimated. But a stable, democratic Indonesia cannot yet be taken for granted. Nor should a new era of amity and trust.