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Indonesia News Digest 1 – January 1-8, 2014

West Papua

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West Papua

Armed Group in Papua fatally shoots ojek driver

Jakarta Globe - January 7, 2014

Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura – An unidentified armed group fatally gunned down an ojek driver in the Wuyuneri hamlet, located in the Puncak Jaya district of Papua, on Tuesday morning.

Abdul Halil, a 43-year-old motorcycle taxi driver, originated from Makassar, South Sulawesi. He was taking a customer from Mulia to Wuyuneri. As they arrived at state high school SMU 1, someone shot him in the face. It's not yet clear how many people were involved in the shooting.

Sr. Comr. Pujo Sulistyo, a spokesman for the Papua Police, confirmed the death, saying that officers were investigating the crime scene.

"The remains have been taken to the hospital, and there is a large possibility that the family will take him back to Makassar," Pujo said. "The perpetrators are members of an armed group."

Pujo said that police were still investigating whether the shooters were the same people who recently attacked the Kulirik Police station and stole eight firearms.

Police accused Leka Telenggen, a member of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) and an affiliate of Goliat Tabuni, of being the leader of the attack.

Papuan police station attacked

Jakarta Globe - January 6, 2014

Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura – A group of armed men attacked a police station in the Kurik district of Papua's Puncak Jaya regency on Saturday, taking hold a number of guns and ammunition from the site.

According to reports, the group – made up of an estimated 20 people – outnumbered the two police officers who were at the post, as five other police on schedule that evening were conducting patrols in the surrounding areas.

"During the attack, the perpetrators took with them eight long guns and ammunitions," said Sr. Comr, Pujo Sulistyo, Papua Police spokesperson.

According to him, one officer was at the station's kitchen and the other was securing the post when the perpetrators broke into the station. Officers' attempts to take back their guns failed as they were outnumbered.

"The two officers escaped through the backdoor to the river and then reported the incident," he said, adding that a manhunt for the perpetrators has been launched.

"Members of the police as well as the military are still going after the men, even a team from the National Police has been deployed to help," Pujo said.

Puncak Jaya district police chief Sr. Comr. Marselis told Jakarta Globe on Sunday that the perpetrators responsible for the attack are allegedly members of the Yambi Group under the leadership of Leka Telenggen. Leka is affiliated with the leader of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), Goliat Tabuni, who resides in Tingginambut district.

"The attackers are from the Leka Telenggen's group from Yambi. They have dozens of members and are still under the leadership of Goliat Tabuni," Marselis said, adding that the group had escaped to Yambi after the incident.

"[The Yambi group] consists of only a few dozen members, but they mingle well with local residents and have influenced residents to participate in their movement, which makes the situation very difficult," he said, explaining the group's strength and influence.

Human rights watchdog Imparsial raised concerns that the attack could be a deliberate attempt by a group of thugs trying to disrupt peace in Papua ahead of the legislative and presidential election set for April and July, respectively.

"If the attack has anything to do with the general elections, then this is definitely very dangerous, because it means a certain political elite has taken advantage of the armed men to fulfill their personal interests," Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti told the Globe on Sunday. "That could mean that the armed group are not people fighting for [Papua's] independence but instead are no different from a group of thugs."

Poengky added that the group could have been promised financial reward in return for their attacks. "If they are indeed fighting for independence, then they would not want to work for the sake of money or for the sake of any particular political elite," he said.

According to Imparsial, acts of violence also became the background of the latest district chief election in Puncak Jaya and Puncak districts. "The violence was linked to the process of democracy that was ongoing at the time," Poengky explained.

As such, he called on the police to ensure they hunted down and captured the group. "Arrest them, but at the same time respect the rights of local residents living in the areas surrounding the groups' hiding place."

He emphasized that going after the group behind the violence could be tricky, because local residents live around the area. "This could further amplify the residents' trauma," he said.

Intelligence officers should more actively involve themselves in ensuring such acts of violence do not continue to take place. "Intelligence officials should play an even greater role in giving information," Poengky said.

Aceh

2013 a 'bleak' year for Aceh's ailing judicial system

Jakarta Globe - January 2, 2014

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – Enforcement of the law and human rights remained shaky throughout 2013 in Aceh, a legal advocacy group says.

Mustiqal Syah Putra, director of the Banda Aceh Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Banda Aceh), said in a press release obtained by the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday that his organization had recorded 10 violations of political and civil rights throughout the past year.

He said these included edicts related to religious minorities, as issued by the Banda Aceh Ulema Consultative Council (MPU) – an official body that advises the local government on Islamic affairs – which LBH Banda Aceh warned could spark violence in the community.

"The MPU has no legal authority to issue edicts on whether or not a person or a group [is part of] an illegal sect, as stated in Article 4 and Article 138 of the Aceh Provincial Law," Mustiqal said.

He added that there had also been seven incidents of violence between April and October 2013 related to next year's general elections. Of the seven cases, police only followed up on one, while ignoring the others, Mustiqlal said.

"This reflects the National Police's poor performance in enforcing the law and in handling cases related to political violence ahead of the general elections," he added.

LBH Banda Aceh also recorded five cases of violations related to economic, social and cultural rights – specifically in land rights, proper access to health care, employment and housing for victims of the December 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami.

LBH Banda Aceh also investigated alleged corruption cases in the forestry sector last year. The investigations were conducted in Tamiang district and Southwest Aceh district, where the local administrations issued several concessions related to the exploration and exploitation of natural resources, especially in the forestry sector, that had high potential for corruption, the organization said.

"The government's poor supervision and the impotence of law enforcers leaves room for corruption in the management of natural resources," Mustiqal said, but did not elaborate on how many alleged corruption cases LBH Banda Aceh had discovered in its investigation.

The foundation also took it upon itself to evaluate the conduct of Acehs courts, and found that at least five cases last year concluded in rulings considered unfair.

This was up from the four cases highlighted by LBH Banda Aceh in 2012, an increase that the organization claimed showed that ethical violations committed by judges was a matter of growing concern and needed to be reined in.

Mustiqlal said that although public complaints and reports continued to be filed to the Judicial Commission, the government's court watchdog, law enforcement agencies in Aceh had demonstrated a lack of commitment in reforming the justice system.

"The justice system in Aceh is still corrupt, which subsequently victimizes the less fortunate – the poor," he said. "Laws are broken and ethics are breached by the same judges who are meant to regulate and uphold the law."

LBH Banda Aceh concluded that based on its investigations, studies and analysis, the process of democracy and protection of human rights in Aceh was less than satisfactory in 2013.

Despite ban, thousands mark New Year in Banda Aceh

Jakarta Globe - January 1, 2014

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – In defiance of a ban placed on New Year's Eve festivities, thousands of residents of Banda Aceh gathered downtown to celebrate the occasion with fireworks and revelry.

"Usually, there are a lot of fireworks set off here on New Year's Eve," Eliana, an onlooker who was with her family, said. Most of those present were young people, and many of them were on motorbikes.

A government truck was also touring the area, although not to join the celebration. Instead, it was trying to disperse the crowd. "We are calling on people not to celebrate New Year's Eve," a voice from the truck's loudspeaker said.

Despite the heavy crackdown on fireworks prior to the celebration, some enthusiastic participants managed to light off a few firecrackers when the clock struck midnight. The occassion was also marked by cheers and shouts from the crowd, which persisted despite efforts by security personnel to disband the gathering.

Some 150 members of the Shariah Police, reinforced by hundreds of police officers and dozens of soldiers, were deployed to the area near the Simpang Lima intersection to discourage merrymaking.

They scoured the crowd to find those who set off the fireworks, but only managed to find one male suspect who they later released after he was questioned and given "guidance."

Members of the Aceh branch of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), as well members of the Muslim Student Association (PII), guarded roads leading to other popular New Year's Eve gathering spots, including Ulee Lheue beach.

Regardless, fireworks continued to be heard and seen across town until about 90 minutes after midnight, witnesses said.

This is the first time Banda Aceh prohibited the celebration of the new year. The Banda Aceh Ulema Deliberation Council (MPU) on November 12 issued a fatwa, or decree, saying that "it is haram for Muslims to celebrate New Year's Eve." The fatwa also prohibited Muslims from extending Christmas and on New Year's greetings to others.

Under a broad-ranging autonomy accorded to the province following a peace pact signed in Augst 2005 beteween the government and separatist rebels that ended decades of violent conflict, Aceh has been allowed to implement partial Shariah law.

Human rights & justice

Human rights legislation put on the back burner

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – With the elections approaching, the House of Representatives is running out of time to enact a number of human rights-related legislation before the end of its term.

The House's Legislative Body (Baleg) has included four pro-human right bills in the 2014 National Legislative Program: the planned revisions to the 1999 Human Rights Law and the 1997 law on the rights of disabled persons, the indigenous groups' rights bill and the gender equality bill.

Additionally, the lawmakers have been deliberating the ratification of several international human rights instruments such as the UN convention against involuntary disappearances and the Rome Statute, which will allow the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate and prosecute cases of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression that take place in Indonesia.

The House has yet to begin any discussion on the revision of the 1999 Human Rights Law, although the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) submitted a proposal to Baleg in November 2012 in which it demanded that the rights body be granted stronger authority as well as immunity from legal prosecution.

Komnas HAM Commissioner Roichatul Aswidah said that her office had received 6,493 complaints as of November last year.

"It's clear that public trust in Komnas HAM is increasing. But, we cannot effectively endorse our authority [to respond to the complaints] due to 'weak' stipulations in the existing [Human Rights Law]," Roichatul said.

Roichatul cited the lack of authority to subpoena anyone to testify in rights abuse cases.

Article 95 of the existing law says that Komnas HAM can ask the chief of a court to force a witness to testify, but the law's explanatory section says that a witness can reject the summons and pay a fine. "The draft revision is aimed to not allow anyone skip a summons," Roichatul said.

On Sunday, Komnas HAM chairwoman Siti Noor Laila echoed similar concerns, saying that the rights body's limited authority undermined its efforts to resolve cases of past rights violations, such as the 1965 anti-communist purge, the summary execution-style killings between 1982 and 1985, known locally as mysterious shootings or Petrus, or the 1998 May riots.

"It has taken years for us to resolve such cases because of the limited power mandated to us and the political tension in the country. Nonetheless, we aim to resolve these cases before the country inaugurates a new president; and it seems that related government institutions are with us on this."

The House's Commission I overseeing defense, foreign affairs and informatics said it had to postpone the adoption of the UN convention against involuntary disappearances, although it had completed deliberations.

Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said the postponement was inevitable because although all lawmakers from Commission I supported the importance of adopting the UN convention, many believed that it was not urgent to do so.

Among those who are reluctant to endorse the adoption are lawmakers from the Great Indonesian Movement (Gerindra) Party and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura).

"But we have scheduled to make the final decision on the matter as soon as the House resumes activity [on Jan. 20]. It is among our priorities in the upcoming session," Mahfudz, a politician from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said.

Freedom of speech & expression

Studying, teaching atheism now OK for UGM students

Jakarta Post - January 7, 2014

Students of Gadjah Mada University (UGM) no longer have to hide atheism or other state-unrecognized religions as the university has finally lifted the ban.

"The ban has been revoked by the university authorities because, after evaluation, a clause in the regulation was deemed to have multiple interpretations," UGM chief spokesperson Wiwit Wijayanti told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

The clause in question by human rights activists is Article 12 in the UGM Rector's Regulation No. 711/SK/HT/2013 on UGM student conduct guidelines. The regulation, endorsed by UGM rector Pratikno, was brought into effect on Aug. 26, 2013.

In a statement released by UGM on Dec. 23, Pratikno said the article was revoked and the regulation would be reviewed later for the sake of UGM's principles and commitment to improve and strengthen the spirit of democracy, plurality and nationality.

"We understand that the inclusion of the clause has resulted in multiple interpretations and we sense negative impacts in the future," Pratikno wrote in the statement.

Pratikno also apologized for the emergence of the issue due to neglect in including Article 12. "There is no intention whatsoever to restrict students' diversity. We instead develop the spirit of respecting diversity," he said.

The controversy surrounding Article 12, which restricts the religious lives of UGM students, surfaced after a number of human rights activists in Yogyakarta voiced their protest to the UGM rector through text messages.

"We raised the issue with the UGM rector earlier," said Valentina Sri Wijiyati from the IDEA group, which provides advocacy in economic, social and cultural issues.

However, she said she was not satisfied with the rector's statement because it was issued through UGM's public relations and later spread through social media.

Separately, Yogyakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH) director Samsudin Nurseha said that the UGM rector's statement had not yet resulted in formal changes to Article 12 and added that Article 12 violated the Civil Politics Rights Covenant, which had been ratified by Indonesia with the issuance of Law No. 12/2005.

"In the law, a state that ratifies the International Civil Politic Rights Covenant is obliged to protect freedom of religion of its citizens in accordance with their respective faiths," said Samsudin.

He added the UGM rector's regulation also violated Law No. 39/1999 on basic human rights. "If UGM has good intentions, it should immediately revise the regulation formally, as failing to do so would damage UGM as an educational institution," said Samsudin.

Wiwit rejected the notion that the regulation was issued due to influence from intolerant groups whose presence is gaining momentum within the UGM campus.

"Initially, the article emerged to prevent students from joining certain movements in which some of them had gone missing, but the article came to have multiple interpretations and should be improved," said Wiwit.

Teaching or learning atheism is often linked to communism which is still illegal according the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) decree banning communist teachings.

Meanwhile, despite its status as a special province, the Yogyakarta provincial administration has yet to show a strong commitment to fulfilling and protecting the basic human rights of its residents.

Political parties & elections

LPG price hike said to be election strategy

Jakarta Globe - January 8, 2014

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – The controversial price increase for the 12- kilogram liquefied petroleum gas cylinders is believed to have been part of a clever political ploy aimed at reviving the reputation of the ruling Democratic Party, an analyst said.

Ray Rangkuti of the Indonesian Civil Circle (Lima) said there were at least two objectives the Democratic Party hoped to achieve with the move: to discredit State-Owned Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan, and to improve the reputation of the parties in the ruling coalition.

"[The goal was] to mar [the reputation] of Dahlan Iskan in the public's eyes, especially among the middle class. Why Dahlan? Surely because his name was emerging stronger in various surveys as one of the Democratic Party's potential presidential candidates," Ray said in Jakarta on Tuesday.

"The person who is being promoted [as the party's top candidate] didn't seem to make a positive impression on the public." Ray said that by making Dahlan look bad, the Democratic Party would have a better chance of nominating the person it wanted in the party's presidential convention.

The second goal is aimed at making the ruling coalition parties look like heroes, Ray said, adding that such scenario was likely prepared in advance, with an agreement that these parties would oppose the price increase once Pertamina made the announcement.

The parties wanted to present the image of siding with the public, to make it look like they sympathize with the people's difficulties and to show that they were sensitive towards people's needs. This way, these parties hoped to increase their popularity and electability, Ray said.

"In this case the Democratic Party and the National Mandate Party (PAN) seemed very dominant in opposing the price increase. Prior to that, these two parties allowed Pertamina to make its own decisions to either increase or lower the price of LPG," Ray said.

"These two political parties immediately turned the opposite way and pulled out their support when the public showed anger over the price increase." Both parties also slammed Pertamina by calling the state-run energy company insensitive towards the public's burden, Ray said.

Call for clarification

Teguh Juwarno, member of the State Finance and Accountability Body (BAKN) in the House of Representatives, called on the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) to make a public clarification about its audit recommendation for Pertamina, which stated the state-run energy company experienced losses and thus was forced to raise the price of 12-kg LPG cylinders to overcome the problem.

"Did the BPK really recommend the LPG price increase? According to news reports, the 12-kilogram LPG price increase was made based on BPK's recommendation," Teguh said on Tuesday.

He questioned the BPK's authority to recommend an increase in LPG price because based on its audit Pertamina was suffering losses. "We should make an issue out of this if it proves to be true," he said.

Teguh said the BPK should not have recommended a price increase that would obviously burden the public. The BPK should only have audited Pertamina related to its efficiency in managing and distributing LPG.

"Bear in mind that BPK is a state auditor. Let's prevent any suspicions Pertamina paid for the audit result that recommended the price increase," Teguh warned.

He encouraged the BPK to publicly explain its recommendation for raising the LPG price, emphasizing that such a clarification was needed for BAKN to follow up on the results as the House has yet to submit an official report on the issue.

"The House has only received an audit report on the matter. If necessary, the BPK's ethics committee should clarify the matter to BPK members, specifically to the auditors who were responsible for Pertamina's audit of those 12-kg LPG cylinders," Teguh said.

BPK chairman Hadi Poernomo said Pertamina had incurred a loss of Rp 7.73 trillion ($631 million) in 2011-2012 from the sales of 12-kg and 50-kg LPG cylinders.

"The BPK recommended Pertamina's board of directors to increase the price of 12-kg LPG cylinders to meet production costs and reduce losses, taking into consideration the current LPG reference price, the purchasing power of domestic consumers and the sustainability of supply and distribution," Hadi said, adding that the agency also instructed Pertamina to report the price hike to the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry.

Hadi emphasized that the BPK had not recommended an exact value for the price hike to Pertamina.

Dahlan in dilemma

Dahlan professed that he was in a dilemma over the plan to increase the price of the non-subsidized 12-kg LPG cylinders, saying that he wanted to make Pertamina a world-class company, but he was also aware that the company was facing difficulties that would directly impact the general public.

"I am facing an extraordinary dilemma," Dahlan said during "Meet the Pres 2014" which was held by the Democratic Party's presidential candidate convention committee in Jakarta on Monday.

Dahlan praised Pertamina president director Karen Agustiawan, who he said vies to elevate Pertamina's status in the eyes of the world while, at the same time, faces the dilemma of raising the price of gas, which has not been adjusted in four years.

Dahlan said it has always been difficult to find the right time to increase gas prices, because each plan – whether it was proposed in the beginning, middle, or end of the year – would always be met with widespread rejection.

"A price increase would always be questioned. This [recent public outcry] would not have happened if the price was increased gradually; the public was shocked," he lamented.

Dahlan said he believed a price-increase strategy was needed to prevent a similar situation in future.

"But let's put all of this behind us now because we can still make compromises. I have already said the increase should not reach Rp 3,500 per kilogram; Rp 1,000 per kilogram should be enough," Dahlan said on Monday.

He added that Pertamina would only increase the price of 12-kg LPG cylinders by 17 percent after a backlash against the proposed 68 percent hike.

"Following consultations with BPK, the price increase falls within the authority of Pertamina," Dahlan said. "The shareholders today decided that an increase of Rp 3,500 [per kilogram] was too high. The increase will therefore be only Rp 1,000."

Pertamina announced on Jan. 1 that, with immediate effect, it had increased the price of 12-kg cylinders by Rp 9,809 per kilogram, or 67.7 percent. The increase brought the price of a cylinder to Rp 117,708, from Rp 70,200. Dahlan said the new, revised Rp 12,000 increase would be effective from Tuesday.

Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa said Pertamina should have sought approval from the House, as well as the government – the company's majority shareholder – as it would have affected the allocated subsidy in the state budget. Pertamina is not, however, legally bound to seek approval from the House.

The readjustment of the price increase comes a day after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono intervened and instructed the state energy company to review the price hike within 24 hours.

"Although this decision is fully under Pertamina's authority and is not something that had to be reported to the president, I think the government will have to handle the issue because it concerns the general public," the president commented on his Twitter account early on Sunday.

Gasoline prices

Pertamina's decision brought a predictable backlash from certain sections of the public and some lawmakers.

For many, the supply of subsidized fuel has been a populist staple despite the fact that the total value of fuel subsidies eclipses the combined budgets available to the ministries of health and education.

The price of subsidized gasoline was eventually increased by 44 percent, to Rp 6,500, in June last year amid protests and political infighting.

Officials had also expressed concern that consumers and small businesses would simply switch from buying 12-kg cylinders to 3-kg cylinders, whose prices remain unchanged.

Military ensures public of its neutrality in the elections

Jakarta Post - January 8, 2014

Margareth Aritonang, Jakarta – With this year's elections just around the corner, the Indonesian Military (TNI) has reassured its neutrality, emphasizing that military officers proven to have lent their political support to any political parties would be firmly punished.

Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro told reporters on Tuesday that the ministry had informed all TNI officers nationwide about the neutrality principle obligated of the institution in safeguarding the elections.

"The military supports the politics of the state but we must not engage in practical politics. We also hope that politicians won't push us into such practical politics," Purnomo said at his office. Purnomo added that his ministry had yet to receive any complaints regarding the neutrality of the military

TNI commander Gen. Moeldoko has also repeatedly highlighted the neutrality of his institution amid concerns that the military would favor certain parties or politician in the elections.

On Tuesday, Moeldoko reasserted that the TNI would remain neutral in the elections. "Only stupidity [of TNI officers] will lead to impartiality," Moeldoko said.

To secure the elections, the TNI proposed a budget of Rp 100 billion (US$8.3 million) to the House of Representatives, which was agreed to by the House's Defense Commission.

Commission chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said recently that his commission would endorse the TNI's budget proposal to the finance minister for approval as soon as the House resumed its session on Jan. 20.

"We fully support the TNI's proposal because it will support the institution in carrying out programs to secure the elections. We really hope the Finance Ministry shares the same opinion," Mahfudz, a politician from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said.

PKS defends chief's polygamous lifestyle

Jakarta Post - January 8, 2014

Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Anis Matta's decision to go public with his polygamy should not harm the party's overall performance, a party official has said.

PKS lawmaker and deputy secretary-general Sitaresmi Soekanto said it was unfair for the public to judge Anis' leadership based on nothing more than his decision to publicize his preference for a polygamous lifestyle.

"Instead of discussing Pak Anis' personal life, it would be more relevant to discuss his ideas on how to manage the country. It is his personal right to choose [a polygamous way of life]," she told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday on the sidelines of a discussion at the University of Indonesia (UI).

Sitaresmi, one of only a few PKS women politicians on the party's central board, did not, however, urge the public to agree with Anis' preference. "Those who want to follow it [polygamous life] must have sufficient understanding about Islamic teachings as well as a strong financial capability," she said.

The PKS, the country's largest Islamic party, has been struggling to maintain its popularity ratings following the beef import graft case, which implicated Anis' predecessor, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq.

Anis came under the media spotlight after making a public appearance with his second wife, Hungarian-born Szilvia Fabula, last month. A recent series of messages on Twitter, posted by outspoken PKS lawmaker Fahri Hamzah, about Anis' polygamous lifestyle turned the issue into a public debate.

Tuesday's discussion at UI, which was scheduled to discuss the PKS' platform on development policies, suddenly became a forum to question Anis, the discussion's keynote speaker, about the party's stance on polygamy, which many Indonesian women consider unacceptable.

"Overpopulation is clearly a burden for a country. So, there is actually no problem with polygamous practices if they do not contribute to an increase in the population," said Abdillah Ahsan from the UI's Demographic Institute.

Meanwhile, UI political science professor Chusnul Mar'iyah jokingly raised an issue about increasing state expenditure for supporting state officials who practice a polygamous lifestyle. "The more wives and children a president has, for example, the more Paspampres [Presidential Security Detail] officers are needed to protect them. All, of course, must be paid with taxpayers' money," she said.

Anis, a father of ten, offered only a short response, however. "Islam sees population, including children, as a gift and not a burden. However, people's capacity to manage such a gift is different, from one to another," he said.

Nationalistic parties sell, but not Islamic ones

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Imanuddin Razak, Jakarta – The history of modern Indonesian politics – represented by a series of political events in the post-1945 independence era to this day – has basically been characterized by a tug-of-war between nationalist and Islamic camps, the two largest societal elements in the republic.

The battle to gain influence and win the hearts and minds of the Indonesian public has always factored into general elections – obviously the most democratic arena to reap the fruits of months and possibly years of individual and collegial efforts to exert influence and promote each individual candidate's program and each political party's platform among the general public, in particular among those eligible to vote. The elections are organized in two tiers: the general election followed by the presidential election.

Ten general elections have been held since the country gained independence on Aug. 17, 1945. This year, the nation will hold its legislative election on April 9, and the presidential election on July 9. All these elections, with all their various terms and practices, have been carried out under the banner of democracy.

The 1955 election, the only general election held under the Old Order government of president Sukarno, is still considered the most democratic general election ever held in the country, with 172 political parties vying.

The 1971 general election, the first held under the New Order government of president Soeharto, saw the participation of 10 political parties, while the subsequent five general elections held under the New Order government were contested by a pared down pool of three political parties.

The euphoria of the 1998 reformasi effectively restored political participation to the public as the 1999 general election was contested by 48 political parties. Their number, however, dropped to 24 political parties in the 2004 general election, but rose to 44 (including six local parties specifically for the Aceh electorate) in the 2009 general election. This year's general election will be contested by 12 national parties and three local parties in Aceh.

Statistical data reveal that none of the Islam-based political parties have emerged triumphant in any of the past 10 general elections. Various surveys predict the same scenario in this year's general election. The road to election victory will likely remain a bumpy ride for them.

SBY waxes populist as poll nears

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Ina Parlina and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – In what could be seen as a desperate attempt to restore his party's falling electability, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has intensified his populist rhetoric by retracting and denouncing a policy approved by his own administration.

On Sunday, the President chided state-run oil and gas firm Pertamina for increasing the price of 12-kilogram liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) canisters by more than 60 percent, a policy that Yudhoyono said would "only burden the people".

"[The policy] was not well coordinated and ill-prepared. This should not have happened," he said after a Cabinet meeting on Sunday. He admitted that Pertamina had the mandate to raise LPG prices without notifying him, but since the policy had affected many people, the government should intervene. "I've given Pertamina 24 hours to review its decision," he said.

Shortly after he landed in Jakarta on Sunday after overseeing the implementation of the national health insurance (JKN) program in Surabaya, East Java, the President summoned Pertamina president director Karen Agustiawan to a limited Cabinet meeting at Halim Perdanakusuma Airport.

Earlier, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, the President's son and secretary-general of his Democratic Party, said that the party opposed the LPG price hike and urged the government to have it reviewed. "This was a corporate action and we are convinced that it was not reported to the President," he said.

Yudhoyono's move baffled politicians from rival parties and pundits, who questioned why the government, as the owner of Pertamina, was not aware of the firm's decision to raise the 12-kg LPG canister price from Rp 70,200 (US$5.70) to Rp 117,708 starting this year.

According to Pertamina corporate communications vice president Ali Mundakir, the government had been informed about the policy and that "everything had been done according to procedure".

The company argued it had to raise the price as it was suffering annual losses of around Rp 6 trillion on 12-kg LPG canisters. The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) had warned Pertamina that it had to prevent future losses in its LPG business or face prosecution.

Following the Cabinet meeting, State-owned Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan claimed responsibility for the mishap, saying that he approved Pertamina's decision to raise the LPG price but failed to inform the President. Dahlan previously denied any involvement in the decision.

Critics said the LPG controversy was nothing but a stunt to polish the image of Yudhoyono and his ailing Democratic Party. "The price hike was not a sudden move, but rather planned and known by the government," Bambang Soesatyo of the Golkar Party said. "If Yudhoyono had not approved it, Pertamina would not have dared do it."

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician Hasto Kristianto concurred with Bambang, arguing that the government's attempt to cancel the LPG price hike appeared to be scripted along the lines of Yudhoyono's decision to cut fuel prices ahead of the 2009 general elections.

Another Golkar politician, Ade Komarudin, said that Yudhoyono could have responded quickly to the sudden LPG price hike without making a public fuss. "It's very simple. If the President feels that Pertamina's policy is wrong, he can just make a call and ask the state-owned company to cancel it," Ade said.

This is the second time the government has been forced to make a U-turn after issuing a policy that drew public outcry. Late last month, Yudhoyono decided to revoke two presidential regulations only days after signing them following criticism the regulations were unfair as they allowed government officials to seek medical treatment abroad at the taxpayer's expense.

The President's party has seen its popularity plummet over the past years due to various graft cases implicating its top members. The party has also been struggling to find a figurehead to replace Yudhoyono, who will complete his second term and is not allowed to seek reelection.

Political observer Burhanuddin Muhtadi said Yudhoyono's latest populist pitch would not help much in boosting the Democratic Party's electability in the general elections. "The debate over the LPG price hike just looks too messy for the public. It only shows lack of coordination between the President and his aides," he said.

University of Indonesia political science lecturer Cecep Hidayat called the ruling party's way of managing the LPG price issue "clever but rude". "We have to admit that irrational voters will be very grateful to the government for canceling the LPG price hike," he said.

PDI-P rejects mounting calls for Jokowi's early nomination

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) made it clear on Sunday that it would only announce its presidential candidate after the legislative election, dismissing rumors that it would be nominating Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo on its 40th anniversary on Friday.

"We will announce our presidential and vice-presidential nominees after the legislative election on April 9," PDI-P secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo said.

Tjahjo made the statement in response to Jokowi supporters within the PDI-P who have called on party leader Megawati Soekarnoputri to declare Jokowi the party's presidential candidate during the commemoration of the PDI-P's 40th anniversary on Jan. 10.

"We must be meticulous in choosing the president of Indonesia and the great national leader of the NKRI [Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia] [...] Ibu Megawati will be thorough and careful," he said.

Support for Jokowi's nomination has continued to grow in a number of regions, particularly in Surakarta – Jokowi's hometown. On Sunday, a man named Mayor Haristanto displayed a banner adorned with a heart-shaped design, which read: "A Love Letter for Megawati: Nominate Jokowi".

Also on Sunday, a group calling itself the Jokowi National Secretariat set up a registration booth during Car Free Day in Central Jakarta and handed out forms to those who support and want to volunteer for Jokowi's presidential ticket. The group plans to gather support across Java, Bali, North Sumatra and Aceh.

Another group, the so-called Volunteers for the 2014 President Jokowi, has sent a letter to Megawati, urging Jokowi's presidential nomination.

Though Jokowi is reportedly building a good relationship with Megawati, the PDI-P chairwoman reportedly still has presidential ambitions and is not prepared to let Jokowi stand in her way. Megawati ran for president in 2004 and 2009, losing both times to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, one of her former ministers.

A public opinion survey released last month found that the majority of PDI-P supporters disliked the idea of Megawati running for president again, preferring instead that Jokowi contest the 2014 election.

The survey, conducted by the Jakarta-based Pol-Tracking Institute, showed that of those respondents who said they would vote for the PDI-P if an election were held today, 69.25 percent said they would vote for Jokowi. Only 14.97 percent said they would vote for Megawati, who has led the party since 1999.

In the survey, the Pol-Tracking Institute also found that Jokowi was the most popular PDI-P politician among general voters, with 58.37 percent of people saying they would vote for him in a presidential election, as opposed to 7.16 percent for Megawati and 0.59 percent for her daughter, Puan Maharani.

The latest opinion polls have suggested that an early nomination for Jokowi would help the PDI-P regain its position as the largest faction in the House of Representatives.

A study by Jakarta-based think tank, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), revealed that 29.9 percent of 1,180 people interviewed between Nov. 13 and Nov. 20, 2013, said they would vote for the PDI-P if the party nominated Jokowi as its presidential candidate.

Another recent survey by Jakarta-based pollster Indikator also found that Jokowi's perceived integrity and compassion for the people would see him gain 47.4 percent of the vote.

Trailing behind Jokowi was chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto, with 15.8 percent, and Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie with 12.6 percent.

"The sooner the PDI-P announces his [Jokowi's] nomination, the better because leaving the decision until the legislative election will be too late and it could hinder the party's wider electability," Ari Dwipayana, a political analyst at Gadjah Mada University (UGM) in Yogyakarta, said recently.

PDI-P to decide presidential candidate in April

Jakarta Post - January 5, 2014

Semarang – The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) will decide on its presidential and vice presidential candidates in April, or after the general election to select members of the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) and the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD), a senior party official has said.

"We will decide who will be nominated as presidential and vice presidential candidates in April, or after the legislative election on April 9," PDI-P secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo said in Semarang on Sunday as quoted by Antara news agency.

According to Tjahjo, the timeframe needed to be conveyed to the public following speculation that the PDI-P would declare its candidates in January to coincide with the party's anniversary.

It has been rumored that the party will name only one presidential candidate. "It's not true," said Tjahjo, who is a legislative candidate for the 2014-2019 period from the Central Java electoral I (Dapil I), which covers Semarang city, Semarang regency, Salatiga city and Kendal regency.

Tjahjo asserted that his party, as decided at its national meeting (Rakernas) in September, had entrusted the matter to PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri.

"When is the right time to declare it? Who will be decided upon to run in the next presidential election? All of these will be decided by Ibu Megawati," said Tjahjo, adding that the party would pay close attention to the political dynamics. "Ibu Megawati will remain careful," he added.

Referring to several surveys, Tjahjo said that two out of seven presidential candidates were from the PDI-P. They were Megawati and Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, the current Jakarta governor. (ebf)

Media told to remain impartial during polls

Jakarta Post - January 5, 2014

Haeril Halim, National – The Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) has said in its year-end report that media bias toward certain political parties and presidential hopefuls was a major concern for Indonesian journalism in 2013, calling on the press to remain impartial ahead of the elections.

"Everyone has the right to get into politics, including media owners. But the media should maintain its function as a 'social institution' as mandated by the Press Law. Every media outlet should remain neutral and independent ahead of the upcoming elections," PWI chairman Margiono said in a statement recently.

The PWI lamented that many media owners turned politicians tended to use their media outlets as campaign machines to boost the electability of particular political parties and presidential as well as vice presidential candidates.

The People's Conscience Party (Hanura), the Golkar Party and the National Democrat (NasDem) Party are three of the 12 political parties participating in the 2014 elections that have powerful media tycoons in senior positions.

Media mogul Hary Tanoesoedibjo, who is Hanura's vice presidential candidate, owns media giant PT Media Nusantara Citra, which runs 20 television stations including three national terrestrial stations – RCTI, Global TV and MNC TV. Meanwhile, Golkar chairman and presidential candidate Aburizal Bakrie has two television stations, TVOne and ANTV, while NasDem chairman Surya Paloh runs news channel MetroTV.

Based on data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), television is still the number one source of news and entertainment for most Indonesians. The data from 2012 showed that 91.7 percent of all Indonesians over the age of 10 watched television, while 18.57 percent listened to radio and only 17.66 percent read newspapers and magazines.

PWI called on media outlets to disseminate balanced information regarding the weaknesses and the strengths of local and national legislative candidates as well as president and vice presidential candidates.

"Media also should provide viewers information on how to cast their ballots because inadequate information regarding elections may lead voters to stay at home on polling day," Margiono said.

He also warned that excessive appearances by media owner political candidates on their outlets would harm the name of the media outlets themselves to the public and advertisers. "It will also hurt the dignity of Indonesia's press freedom," he said.

As part of its 2014 goal, PWI also encouraged media outlets to carry out more investigative reporting to expose rampant corruption in the country. "The press also should stay in line with journalistic code of conduct in order to avoid possible violence against journalists in the future," Margiono added.

PKS chief's polygamy turns off voters

Jakarta Post - January 5, 2014

Nurfika Osman, Jakarta – A political gimmick or not, Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Anis Matta's decision to go public with his polygamous life does not seem to bode well for the Islamic party's future in the upcoming election.

A recent series of messages on Twitter posted by PKS deputy secretary- general Fahri Hamzah on Anis' polygamous life with his second wife Szilvia Fabula has instead further tarnished the party's image following the beef import graft case that implicated Anis' predecessor, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq.

A number of eligible voters in Jakarta said that messages on Twitter and a picture of Anis with his Hungarian wife that spread widely over social media outlets had made them unwilling to vote for the PKS.

"Showing off a polygamous life to the public is not a good branding strategy. This will further degrade the PKS' position in the political arena, in addition to the party's former chairman now being behind bars for committing graft," Dyah Pamela, an employee for a private company in Central Jakarta, told The Jakarta Post.

She said she had put the party on her own blacklist and she was firm on not voting for any person from the party.

Sophia Moeljono, a writer and movie enthusiast, echoed Dyah, saying that polygamy and corruption was a perfect recipe for losing supporters. She said that in the wake of the beef import case, the party should have tried to repair its broken image to attract support instead of promoting the polygamous lifestyles of its members.

"As a woman, I'm also afraid that Anis showing his second wife is a campaign to show people that it is fine to have the same lifestyle, and that it could be a trend among the party's cadres and, perhaps, for everyone," she told the Post.

A similar opinion was also heard from Ma'arif, an entrepreneur who mostly travels between Jakarta and West Java on business. He said polygamy was not common in the country, despite the fact most Indonesian citizens were Muslims.

Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political analyst Syamsuddin Haris said Anis' move had a negative impact on the PKS.

"Even though sharia law recognizes polygamy, it's not something that can be accepted by many Muslims in the country because they tend to choose monogamous marriage. It will surely reduce the party's chances of gathering more votes in the election," Syamsuddin said.

He added this blunder would see those who wanted to vote for an Islamic party shift their support to the United Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN) or the National Awakening Party (PKB).

A survey released last year by the Indonesia Research Center (IRC) put the PKS in seventh position on a list of the most electable political parties. The survey found that the PKS would only receive 2.8 percent of the vote if the legislative election was held at that time, far lower than the 7.99 percent it secured in the 2009 election, making it the fourth largest faction in the House of Representatives.

Moreover, activist Defarina Djohan said polygamy was a barbaric tradition as it occurred before Islam came to the world.

"Arabic men used to marry hundreds of women at that time and then Islam came and reduced that practice by limiting the number to only four wives. The essence here is not only about the figure, but also fairness, because Islam emphasizes justice," Defarina said.

She also said women were smarter today and they would not support those who practiced polygamy. "Women comprise 49 percent of total voters, which is a significant portion. In addition to that, not all men support polygamy," she continued.

PKS deputy secretary-general Fahri refused to comment when contacted by the Post on Saturday, while chairman Anis did not answer calls.

Surveys & opinion polls

Public trust in political parties waning

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Jakarta – A recent study by Jakarta-based Cirus Surveyor Group reveals decreasing public confidence in political parties.

According to the study conducted between Nov. 20 and Dec. 30 last year, only 9.4 percent of the total 2,200 respondents interviewed said they trusted political parties, while 40 percent said they did not.

Among the respondents, 39.2 percent said that they used to have trust in political parties, and 11.4 percent declined to answer. "The public's trust in political parties is very low," Cirus Surveyor Group director Kadek Dwita Apriani told the press on Sunday.

Kadek cited the failure of political parties to uphold democracy, promote programs and appropriately recruit newcomers among the reasons for declining public trust.

She explained that 75.4 percent of respondents were convinced that parties failed to promote democracy and elections; 75.1 percent were not assured of parties' visions; and 80.9 percent believed that parties had failed perform appropriate recruitment.

More than 90% of digital conversations about DPR negative: Study

Jakarta Globe - January 4, 2014

Carla Isati Octama – Most online conversation about Indonesia's House of Representatives (DPR) portray the body in a negative light, according to the results of a study conducted by Prapancha Research, released on Friday.

"Digital conversation concerning the DPR is dominated by a negative image," researcher Ahdiat Adi said at a Friday press conference.

Based on comments from five Indonesian news portals – Detik.com, Kompas.com, Tempo.co, Tribunnews.com and Okezone.com – the study found that almost all mentions were pejorative, throughout 2013.

"Most of the negative conversations concerning the DPR were first about bribery and corruption cases; second, spending budget lavishly; third, the performance of the House members who are indiscipline," Ahdiat said.

Prapancha also observed social media websites including Twitter, online forums and blogs over the course of the year. While 96 percent of conversations were negative, Ahdiat said, the remaining four percent were neutral.

"We assume in the upcoming legislative election, golput [non-voters] will dominate," he added. The legislative elections are scheduled for April 9.

Joko keeps the lead

Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo still led the pack as the most talked-about Indonesian politician on social media, the survey showed.

Joko dominated online conversation with 84 percent of total mentions. Meanwhile, more senior figures – Prabowo Subianto, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Wiranto and Aburizal Bakrie, also presidential contenders in this year's election – only garnered 16 percent combined.

"Jokowi's domination in the digital sphere shows his positive image in every way," Ahdiat said, referring the governor by his nickname.

Joko topped the list of the most-talked politicians in earlier research released in August of 2013.

Environment & natural disasters

Indonesia struggles to clean up corrupt forestry sector

Agence France Presse - January 1, 2014

ID/Grace Dwitiya Amianti, Berau – Deep in the forests of Borneo island, workmen from an Indonesian timber company fell a tree with a chainsaw, stick a red tag with a serial number onto it and attach a corresponding stub to the stump.

This is all part of an arduous auditing process, one of many government attempts to clamp down on illegal logging and clean up one of the country's most corrupt and mismanaged sectors as Western countries demand proof their timber imports are legal.

Following an agreement signed with the European Union in September, Jakarta is rolling out a system under which companies holding government-issued permits are given a certificate to prove their wood is harvested within the law.

Indonesia, Asia's leading exporter of timber to the EU, is hoping the pact will help it double timber exports to Europe to the tune of $2 billion a year.

But critics say logging permits considered legal are often obtained through illegal means, and laws passed in Europe, the US and Australia to give consumers a clear conscience do little to tackle under-the-table transactions that compromise the sector.

"This system is basically asking, do you have a permit, and if you do, that box is ticked. It's saying anything that the government does is considered legal," said Emily Harwell, lead author of "The Dark Side of Green Growth", a recent report by Human Rights Watch. "It is silent on corruption."

Indonesia is rapidly losing its forests, mostly to make way for plantations for timber products such as paper and palm oil. According to a map released by Google Earth in November, two million hectares (20,000 km2) are lost annually, the equivalent of 10,000 football fields every day.

Bribery for permits

The forestry ministry is considered the country's most corrupt institution, according to a 2012 survey by the country's respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which found permits being bought from officials with bribe money was the most common act of corruption.

Timber companies in Indonesia, which has the world's third-largest expanse of rainforests, are legally obliged to comply with strict guidelines before being granted permits, such as carrying out environmental impact assessments and consulting communities affected by their operations.

But permits are handed out even when such requirements are not fulfilled, critics say, while even government data shows only 16 percent of such permits have been through the process of consulting affected communities.

Law enforcement is not only lax, it is often part of the problem. In May, mid-ranking police officer Labora Sitorus was arrested for allegedly running a $150 million illegal logging ring in the remote, eastern Papua region – seen as Indonesia's last bastion of vast untouched rainforest.

Sitorus was caught after state financial auditors linked him to 115 containers of illegally-logged timber in Surabaya on Java island, a hub for hand-made furniture exports. Critics like Harwell say this all means that even with Indonesia's new Timber Legality Assurance System, the mountains of cardboard packaging, dining tables and timber flooring being sent abroad with a stamp of approval are not necessarily legal at all.

Nevertheless there are some companies striving to ensure their timber is genuinely legal.

Sumalindo Lestari Jaya – the timber company on Indonesian Borneo tagging its logs and tree stumps – has spent years engaging with the local indigenous Dayak communities affected by its 60,000-hectare (150,000-acre) concession near the city of Berau. Sharing the wealth

The company shares the benefits of its harvests in cash handouts, school tuition for children and basic infrastructure with four of five communities affected by its operation, and involves them in operational decision- making.

"Sumalindo didn't at first engage with the communities. But they realized that by communicating better with them, they could come up with something fair that respects everyone's rights," said Joko Sarjito from WWF, which facilitated the agreements.

The company exports construction timber, wood paneling and timber flooring to Germany, Britain, the Netherlands, Australia and Japan, and it is hoping to qualify for a superior certificate from the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), which also ensures sustainability and fair trade.

"To be honest, it doesn't really make financial sense to go for the FSC certificate. It's about 30 percent more expensive to produce, and the returns are only around five percent higher," Sumalindo board director Rudi Gunawan said. "But we do it for our name, for pride."

While some big companies have the funds to venture into the brave new world of clean timber, artisan furniture makers have trouble even registering as a business, a basic requirement for a certificate of legality.

"In many cases, the artisan doesn't want to register formally. They are often asked for costly fees and they might not feel comfortable in that formalized environment," said Agus Djalaili, technical adviser for the Multistakeholder Forestry Program funded by Britain's Department for International Development.

Sources in the industry said there have been several cases where artisans have simply bought certificates of legality and that the auditing process could be compromised.

The forestry ministry admits there is room for improvement in the new initiative, which is not set in stone until the agreement with the EU is ratified.

"We are still developing it and we are completing the text, so we are open to views from NGOs and we want to ensure our timber is truly legal," said Dwi Sudharto, the ministry's director general of processing and marketing of forest products.

Refugees & asylum seekers

TNI agrees to Oz policy on migrants

Jakarta Post - January 8, 2014

Government officials have provided conflicting statements regarding Indonesia's stance on Australia's "turn back the boats" policy after the Indonesian Military (TNI) chief said that such a policy was understandable on the same day the foreign minister reiterated Jakarta's rejection of Canberra's hard-line measure.

Indonesia is again at loggerheads with Australia over the boat-people issue following reports that the Australian navy had pushed back at least two boatloads of undocumented migrants attempting to enter the country to seek political asylum since December, with the latest incident occurring Monday.

Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said on Tuesday that he could not comment on the latest incident as the matter was being handled by the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Minister. He added, however, that Indonesia opposed Tony Abbott's so-called Operation Sovereign Borders.

"On the push-back policy itself, let me put on record our rejection of the policy. Pushing back the boats is not a solution," Marty said.

TNI Commander Gen. Moeldoko said the Australian government's decision to turn back a boat carrying migrants attempting to reach its shores was "justifiable" as he had made an agreement with the Australian Defence Force. Moeldoko said that both countries had agreed to the action.

"Following [our] halted military cooperation with Australia, the country's defense force chief called me to discuss several issues, including how to deal with the boat people. He told me that Indonesia should understand if Australia drove back undocumented migrants attempting to enter the country using Indonesian boats or if any Indonesians were found aboard," he said. "I have agreed. Therefore, we don't need to feel offended."

Moeldoko's statement was immediately rebuked by the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister, which has been assigned to deal with the boat-people issue. Minister's office spokesperson, Agus Barnas, said that there was no such agreement.

"As far as I know, we have no such agreement. Also, our office hasn't been notified about any deals our military made [with Australia's]."

The Rote Ndao Police said that they found 45 undocumented migrants from Africa and the Middle East aboard a boat floating adrift in Rote Ndao waters on Monday after the Australian navy sent them back to Indonesian waters. Nine of the migrants are women while the other 36 are men.

The Rote Ndao Police's crime investigations unit head, First. Insp. Burhanuddin said Tuesday that the immigrants departed from Kendari, the capital of Southeast Sulawesi, using a boat rented from an Indonesian fisherman.

"As the Australian Navy drove them back to Indonesian waters, the wooden boat, which was rented from a local fisherman, finally sailed to eastern Indonesia. But the boat's engine broke down on the way and left it stranded in Rote Island," Burhanuddin said.

Separately, the East Nusa Tenggara Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Okto Riwu said that two of the crews that helped the undocumented migrants enter Australia were Indonesians, who had escaped after the local police transferred them as well as other crew and passengers to Kupang, the capital of East Nusa Tenggara.

National Police chief Gen. Sutarman echoed Marty, saying the Australian Navy should not have sent the migrants back to Indonesian waters. "If boat people have entered the country's territory, they must be arrested for violating the country's territorial integrity, and not be pushed back to us," he said.

In addition to the recent incident, the Rote Ndao Police in December arrested another 47 migrants from the Middle East stranded in Rote Ndao waters who were also attempting to enter Australia. The Australian navy watched as the boat drifted for three days until they ran out of fuel and logistics.

Golkar Party legislator Tantowi Yahya said that the TNI chief should not welcome Australia's move. "The boat-people issue is not our business because they are not Indonesians and also because they illegally attempted to enter Australia. Where is the involvement of Indonesia [in the matter]? Australia should not arbitrarily act the way it did especially following the suspended cooperation between the countries," he said.

[Bagus BT Saragih and Yuliasri Perdani contributed to the story.]

Supplying lifeboats to asylum seekers may rile Indonesia, Australia warned

The Guardian (Australia) - January 8, 2014

Daniel Hurst, Lenore Taylor and Helen Davidson – A government plan to send asylum seekers heading to Australia back towards Indonesia in supplied lifeboats has the potential to exacerbate tensions between the two countries, an international refugee law researcher has warned.

Dr Sara Davies, a senior research fellow with Griffith University's Griffith Asia Institute, said the reported proposal would have "massive implications" in the region and raised questions about Australia's obligations to asylum seekers who found themselves in distress after being "aided and abetted" to turn around.

The warning followed reports on Tuesday that the Australian navy had recently turned one or more asylum seeker boats back.

On Wednesday the ABC reported the accounts of two separate asylum seekers, each of whom said they were aboard a vessel towed back to Indonesia by the Australian navy.

The first, a Sudanese man named Yusuf said he and his wife were on a vessel that reached an island off Darwin on New Year's Day and the second, a Somali man called Marke, said he was on the first boat reportedly towed back to Indonesian waters on 10 December.

Each said they were told they were being taken to Christmas Island, but were actually left close to the Indonesian coastline several days later. They are now in an immigration centre at Kupang.

Marke said the navy had treated him and other asylum seekers roughly and Yusuf said some on his boat were handcuffed or restrained, and others had jumped into the water.

Earlier Labor and the Greens had intensified their criticism of the Abbott government for cloaking its asylum seeker operations in secrecy, with the opposition frontbencher Anthony Albanese saying North Korea-style secrecy was unacceptable.

The government is buying 16 large hard-hulled lifeboats, similar to those found on oil tankers and cruise ships, to be used to send asylum seekers back towards Indonesia if their own vessel is unseaworthy, according to Fairfax Media reports published on Wednesday.

The plan appears to be a response to long-running concerns about the risk posed by the sabotage of unsafe fishing boats. The Coalition – which campaigned on a promise to turn boats back to Indonesia where safe to do so – was repeatedly warned this would be dangerous because crew members would scuttle their vessels.

Asylum seekers intercepted by Australian authorities could be transferred to a high-visibility lifeboat, close to Indonesian waters, if their own vessel was deemed unsafe, Fairfax reported, citing multiple Defence Department sources. The engine-powered lifeboats have roofs and capacity for dozens of passengers and would contain a week's worth of supplies.

The immigration minister, Scott Morrison, has not disputed the claims, saying only that the government's policy was to offer no comment on operational matters.

Neil James, of the Australian Defence Association, said the purchase of lifeboats was a clever idea and would send a message to Indonesian authorities to stop turning a blind eye to the regular departure from the country of unseaworthy vessels.

"If they [asylum seekers] are put in the vessels in international waters and directed back towards Indonesian waters, Indonesian sovereignty isn't being violated," he said.

But Davies said the reported plan raised numerous questions and Australia would appear to be assuming some responsibility for the people it was assisting to return towards Indonesia. She said it was possible people in the lifeboats who may not have maritime skills could get into distress again.

"If we've provided people with a vessel that's Australian-flagged if it comes into distress we have a level of responsibility and culpability."

Davies drew parallels with Italy's actions in returning asylum seekers to Libya, but noted that that practice occurred as a result of an agreement between the two countries.

Due to the absence of detail about the Australian plan she was not able to comment extensively on the legal aspects, but said it would be difficult on a political and diplomatic level.

"I don't know if it's necessarily illegal under international maritime law but it's a continued breach of our obligations under the 1951 convention relating to the status of refugees."

Davies said the reported proposal posed risks for the Australia-Indonesia relationship, "especially if Indonesia hasn't been consulted regarding this purchase" and the planned use.

"Even if Indonesia has been consulted I cannot envisage Indonesia being comfortable unless there is a bigger deal that we're not privy to," she said. The reported turnbacks would be in in line with a key plank of Abbott's "stop the boats" election policy.

The Indonesian foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, refused to comment on the specific incidents when asked about them on Tuesday. "But as a policy, I shall repeat this once again: Indonesia rejects and is against the policy of boat turnbacks because it's not a solution," he told reporters in Jakarta, speaking in Indonesian.

Morrison said the government would "continue to take all steps necessary to stop the boats consistent with our commitments to the Australian people and to protect safety of life at sea". He said the government would work with its partners in the region "wherever possible" to achieve this.

But Morrison has refused to confirm or deny the reports of the lifeboat purchase, saying people smugglers had previously used official commentary on such matters "to make dangerous assumptions about our maritime operations".

"The government's policy of no public comment on operational matters is based on the advice of border protection agency and operational leaders to protect the security of our operations and to ensure that they can be conducted with maximum safety and effectiveness for all involved," he said.

Albanese said the government must be more open about its asylum-seeker operations because a democratic country required its political leaders to be transparent and accountable.

"This is not North Korea; this is not a Stalinist regime. The government needs to get its act together and tell the Australian people what's going on because it's being done, after all, in the Australian people's name," he said.

The Greens' spokeswoman on immigration, Sarah Hanson-Young, said the government was determined to push asylum seekers out of sight and was more interested in a secretive media strategy than the plight of refugees.

Hanson-Young branded the lifeboat plan as an illegal, ludicrous and dangerous idea that would further strain Australia's relationship with Indonesia.

"You've got to wonder: is Tony Abbott just prepared to call the Indonesians' bluff? If that's the case, I don't think he's playing with the full deck," she said.

Labor's acting immigration spokesman, Mark Dreyfus, said the government's political "cover-up" left Australians in the dark about what the navy was asked to do in their name. Dreyfus told the ABC the prime minister and immigration minister were avoiding an explanation "because that would make clear just how disastrous the impact this has had on our relationship with Indonesia".

Morrison's statement said arrivals by boat had declined by more than 80% since the Coalition began its militaristic Operation Sovereign Borders.

Labor has argued the decisive factor in driving the reduction was the regional resettlement deal Kevin Rudd struck with Papua New Guinea in July as part of a hardline policy to ensure no asylum seekers who arrived by boat would settle in Australia. Morrison said the Coalition government had shown resolve to deter boat arrivals and genuinely implement offshore processing.

Turned back asylum seekers say Australian Navy mistreated them

ABC Radio Australia - January 8, 2014

Two men who claim they were on asylum seeker boats towed back to Indonesia by the Australian Navy have told the ABC they were mistreated before being abandoned at sea.

There were revelations yesterday that the Australian Navy has recently turned or "pushed" back two asylum seeker boats to Indonesia.

Speaking from Kupang in Indonesia, two men from two separate journeys have described their experiences to the media for the first time. Though difficult to verify, both men's stories are strikingly similar.

One man named Yusuf identified himself as a Sudanese asylum seeker, and says he and his wife paid $6,000 to travel from Indonesia to Australia. They boarded a boat with more than 40 others, and reached a small island off the coast of Darwin before the engine broke down on New Year's Day.

Yusuf says after the group called the United Nations for help, two Australian naval ships arrived. The ship numbers he gave correlate to those for HMAS Parramatta and HMAS Glenelg.

Yusuf says the Navy used force on some people, including women, while transferring them to one of the Navy boats. Yusuf says a number of people were handcuffed or restrained, and that some of the people on board jumped into the water.

"Some of our people, they jump on the water as a protest. Nine people," he said. "And then they take them aboard and then they beat them and they hung on their hands."

It was the start of a tow-back that was to last five days. Yusuf says those on board were told they were being taken to Christmas Island, denied their satellite and navigation tools and given just one meal a day.

He claims the Navy fixed one of the boat's engines before the asylum seekers were forced back onto their boat. He says the Navy then abandoned the group in the middle of the night in rough seas off Indonesia's Rote Island.

"So we are there and we don't know any direction, we don't have any information. We don't know any place how to go," Yusuf said. "We stopped there until the morning and we tried to move but our engine was very bad. We found a mountain in front of us. It was island."

They made it ashore on the island, and are now in an immigration centre in Kupang. "We arrived there and then we land down there, we found some Indonesian people. They help us," he said.

"Some people, they're sick. Some people, they have some problem [after being] in the water more than 15 days. That's why they help us, the Indonesian people."

Navy personnel 'punched people who were complaining'

Yuuf's account is similar to a story told by Marke, who identified himself as Somali. He was onboard the first boat reportedly towed back to Indonesian territory on December 10.

Marke claims there was some rough handling of asylum seekers by personnel from HMAS Parramatta and HMAS Maitland.

"Not just punching me but they [punched]... people who were complaining," he said. "People who [said] 'we are not going to head back to Indonesia'."

Neither Prime Minister Tony Abbott nor Immigration Minister Scott Morrison have ever been willing to describe what a tow-back operation involves.

Asylum seekers 'told a lie about going to Australia'

Marke says his experience was a simple roping manoeuvre, followed by a tactical deception about their destination. "They put a rope. Then they said, 'We are going to Australia, to Christmas Island'. They told us a lie," he said.

A few days later Marke and his fellow asylum seekers were put back onto their boat. "When we reach, when we were nearby the island of Indonesia, they... fix one of our machines," he said.

"They start our machine. They say, 'Go. You can land over there. It's about 15 kilometres'. And then they seemed to run away and disappeared."

Morrison denies claims people fell overboard

In a statement, Mr Morrison says the Government will not comment on "operational" matters.

"For operational security reasons, the Government does not disclose, confirm or otherwise comment on reports of on-water activities in relation to Operation Sovereign Borders," he said.

"Australian personnel serving within Border Protection Command conduct themselves professionally and responsibly, in accordance with their operational protocols."

Labor earlier accused the Government of running a "Stalinist" and "North Korean"-style media blackout after refusing to comment on reports Australia will buy 16 lifeboats to ferry asylum seekers back to Indonesia.

Mr Morrison has also rejected claims Yusuf made about four people falling overboard before Australian authorities arrived.

"In relation to reports of claims that four people may have fallen overboard from a suspected illegal entry vessel inside Australian waters, I am advised that these claims were acted on and rigorously assessed at the time they were made and were deemed to be false," he said.

"This assessment included close questioning of all people on board the vessel, including the Master of the vessel who indicated that no-one had fallen overboard.

"It is important to note that the claimed incident occurred well before the suspected illegal entry vessel had been intercepted by Australian authorities."

Indonesia says second asylum seeker boat forced back by Australian Navy

ABC Radio Australia - January 7, 2014

George Roberts, Indonesia – Indonesian police have told the ABC that a second boat carrying asylum seekers has been forced back to Indonesian waters by the Australian Navy.

The first boat was found shortly before Christmas on an island called Rote in Indonesia's East Nusa Tenggara region. It allegedly had been "pushed" or forced back into Indonesian waters by the Australian Navy.

The 47 asylum seekers on board have told authorities they were adrift after running out of fuel, before running aground on the island about six days later.

A second boat carrying 45 asylum seekers has now been found on the same island. Local police Chief Hidayat says group also claims their boat was pushed back by the Australian Navy.

Indonesia's foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, has again reiterated his country's opposition to any move by Australia to turn asylum seeker boats around.

"Let me just once again put on record our rejection of [policies] that resemble the pushing back the boat," he said. "Such policy is not actually conducive to a comprehensive solution to the issue."

Dr Natalegawa has previously raised his concerns with Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, who told him Australia would press ahead with the policy.

The recent news is likely to further strain relations between Australia and Indonesia, which have been tense since revelations of a spying scandal came to light late last year.

Dr Natalegawa says he is in almost daily contact with Ms Bishop, as Australia and Indonesia work to restore relations.

"It's not something that can be simply restored willy-nilly by the adoption of certain declaration or agreement. What's needed is gradual process of restoration of confidence or trust and this is where we are just now," he said.

News of the first alleged turn back was only recently reported in local Indonesian news, after refugee rights activists noticed reports and posted them on Twitter.

Local police chief Hidayat says the asylum seekers had been on a boat trying to get to the Ashmore Islands. He says the group left South Sulawesi bound for Australia on December 8. They were then intercepted on December 13 by the Australian Navy and "pushed" back to Indonesian waters.

On December 19, they were found on Rote Island, where Indonesian authorities picked them up.

Immigration Minister Scott Morrison has released a statement in relation to reports surrounding the first boat. The statement says the Government will not comment on the reports.

"For operational security reasons, the Government does not disclose, confirm or otherwise comment on reports of on-water activities in relation to Operation Sovereign Borders," the statement said.

"Australia respects Indonesia's territorial sovereignty and will continue to do so, just as Indonesia has stated it respects Australia's territorial sovereignty.

"It is not the policy or practice of the Australian Government to violate Indonesian territorial sovereignty. Any suggestion to the contrary is false." Labor, Greens call for answers on boat turn-backs

Labor and the Greens say the Government must reveal the details of the alleged incident.

"We've got a situation where a boat has been towed back by Australian officers, the boat has run aground. These people could have drowned," Greens Senator Sarah Hanson-Young said. "How many other boats has this occurred to that we've never heard about?

The Federal Government has previously outlined its intention to "turn back" boats "where it is safe to do so" as part of its asylum seeker policy.

Under Operation Sovereign Borders, Mr Morrison had been providing information about what it calls "on-water operations" during a weekly briefing given each Friday.

Mr Morrison has in the past refused to release more information about asylum seeker operations because of "national security" and "the protection of public safety".

He gave his last weekly briefing in December and it is unclear whether they will continue this year, with reports a weekly email may be distributed instead.

Graft & corruption

Corruption cases on the rise, abuse of political power

Jakarta Post - January 8, 2014

Suherdjoko, Semarang – The number of corruption cases in Central Java have increased over the years, with civil servants and legislators being the main perpetrators of the crime.

The Central Java Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism Investigation and Eradication Committee (KP2KKN) recorded 102 corruption cases in 2011. This number increased to 215 in 2012 and further rose to 222 cases in 2013.

"The state suffered losses of Rp 381 billion (US$32 million) in 2012 and Rp 111 billion in 2013 from corruption. Cases were found in 35 of the province's regencies and municipalities. The data that we were able to gather does not comprise the total number; this is only the tip of the iceberg as many cases have gone unnoticed," KP2KKN secretary Eko Haryanto said in Semarang on Monday.

One hundred twenty-one civil servants, 47 legislators, a company director, 11 regents, 40 entrepreneurs, 24 village chiefs, 20 regional and state enterprise employees, a village administrative staffer, a university rector, four judges, two mass organization members and a university student were convicted for corruption in Central Java in 2013.

"The methods being used to commit corruption include the abuse of power [100 cases], the procurement of goods and services [98 cases], fictitious activities [20 cases]and bribery [four cases]," said Eko.

Moreover, three incumbent regents are strongly believed to be involved in corruption. They are Rembang Regent M. Salim, suspected of misusing regency budget funds from 2006 and 2007 worth Rp 4.1 billion; Pati Regent Haryanto, who was involved in a land-swap scheme worth Rp 1 billion, and Sragen Regent Agus Fathurrahman, who is believed to have misappropriated Rp 1.1 billion in regency budget funds from 2003 to 2010.

Nine former mayors and regents are also believed to have committed corrupt practices, and their cases are being investigated by prosecutors.

According to Joko Prihatmoko, a political analyst at Semarang's Wahid Hasyim University, the widespread number of corruption cases in Indonesia were the result of the application of the country's democratic system, which was not accompanied by the development of a democratic culture.

"Indonesia is a democratic state with a feudalistic political culture. According to such a format, when law enforcement is weak, corruption explodes. Feudalism in a democratic culture can justify corruption at the central level, and this is imitated at lower levels. Even academics commit corruption to secure their positions. The country is being damaged," Joko said.

Former religious affairs ministry official indicted for Koran graft

Jakarta Post - January 7, 2014

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) prosecutors on Monday indicted a former top official at the Religious Affairs Ministry for his roles in the graft case surrounding the procurement of Korans, the Islamic holy book.

The KPK has accused the ministry's former director of sharia guidance, Ahmad Jauhari, of enriching himself and other people in the procurement of Korans project during the period of 2011 and 2012 at the Ministry.

"The defendant has embezzled Rp 100 million [US$8,200] and $15,000 [from the project]," prosecutor Antonius Budi Satria told the Jakarta Corruption Court.

Prosecutors said that Ahmad worked with other individuals in the ministry, including Abdul Karim, the secretary-general at Ahmad's directorate, Mashuri, a staffer at the ministry, deputy Religious Affairs Ministry Nasaruddin Umar, middlemen Zulkarnaen Djabar, Golkar Party politician Fahd El Fouz, directors of PT Adhi Aksara Abadi Indonesia Ali Djufrie and of PT Sinergi Pustaka Indonesia Abdul Kadir Alaydrus.

Jauhari is said to have enriched Mashuri, who received Rp 50 million and $5,000; PT Perkasa Jaya Abadi Nusantara, which is owned by Zulkarnaen's family, with Rp 6,7 billion; PT Adhi Aksara Abadi Indonesia with Rp 5.8 billion; and PT Sinergi Pustaka Indonesia with 21.2 billion

Prosecutors said that before the project tender, Zulkarnaen, who was a member of the House of Representatives' commission VII overseeing religion and the House's budget committee (Banggar), asked Fahd to become a middle man to secure the project for the Ministry and to arrange that the project would be won by companies recommended by Fahd.

Fahd and Zulkarnaen as well as Dendy Prasetia then met with Nasaruddin, who was the Ministry's Islamic Education directorate general when the corruption took place, and Abdul Karim. "Fahd and his friends introduced themselves as an envoy of the House of Representatives," Antonius said.

According to prosecutors, Nasaruddin and Abdul Karim as well as Jauhari convinced that they were ready to help the project. PT Adhi Aksara Abadi Indonesia then was decided as the winner of the project in 2011, prosecutors said.

For the procurement of Korans in 2012, Jauhari set PT Sinergi Pustaka Indonesia as the winner of the project. For his service, Jauhari received Rp 100 million and $15,000 from Abdul Karim and Ali Djufrie.

The value of the Koran procurement project was Rp 20 billion in 2011 and Rp 55 billion in 2012. According to an audit of Investigation by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) the state losses resulted from the graft-ridden project was Rp 27 billion from the Koran procurement projects in 2011 and 2012.

If found guilty, Jauhari could face 20 years behind bars for his alleged corruption.

According to the KPK, the Religious Affairs Ministry was the most corrupt institution of 22 government agencies it surveyed in 2011.

The ministry received 5.37 points out of a possible 10, below the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, which received 5.44 points, and the Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Ministry, which received 5.52 points. The KPK has previously announced that it uncovered irregularities in the management of Rp 1.7 trillion in interest on payments made by haj pilgrims.

Among the suspects in the case, only two have been sent to prison, Zulkarnaen and his son Dendy Prasetya, with each currently serving 15 years and eight years in prison respectively.

Amid signs of waning graft tolerance, a call for public to push back

Jakarta Globe - January 3, 2014

Indonesian society is showing a growing intolerance toward corruption, deeply entrenched in virtually all levels of government and the provision of public services, but analysts say the aversion needs to be more widespread before the scourge of graft can be tackled effectively.

The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) said on Thursday that its annual Anti- Corruption Conduct Index had shown a slight improvement in 2013 from the year before, rising 0.8 points to 3.63 on a scale of 0 to 5. The higher the score, the less permissive society is toward corruption.

"Whereas before most people would have said they might overlook corruption, now they're saying they won't let it pass," Suryamin, the BPS chief, said at his office in Jakarta.

"For instance, we now see housewives starting to question where the money being brought home by their husbands is coming from." He attributed the growing distaste for corruption to the number of high-profile antigraft arrests made throughout 2013, for which the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has earned high praise.

Suryamin also noted a higher aversion to graft among urban residents than rural ones – 3.71 on the index compared to 3.55 – indicating that an individual's level of education helped determine their stance toward corruption.

"What's really interesting is the strong correlation between education and antigraft sentiment. The higher a person's level of education, the higher they score on the index," he said. "So those with a bachelor's degree and higher tend to be, in general, against corruption."

The index was based on a survey of 10,000 households nationwide, conducted from Nov. 1-15 last year.

While the annual index, and the KPK's increasingly tough line on graft suspects, highlight a positive trend in the long-running campaign against corruption, public permissiveness toward the practice remains unacceptably high, says Siti Zuhro, a political analyst with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).

"Our biggest problem is that the public's political awareness remains low," she said on Thursday. If people were more knowledgeable about the political process, and hence the ways that politicians and public officials were circumventing or flouting it, then there would be a greater revulsion toward corruption, she argued.

She also said people remained far too permissive of the everyday corruption that they encountered, particularly in public services such as applying for a permit, getting medical care, or dealing with public school officials.

Standing up to the extortion and solicitation for bribes and illegal fees in such dealings should be the first step toward fighting corruption, Siti said. "If people don't do this, then they'll continue being the victims and targets of the worst aspects of the government bureaucracy," she said.

She cited the case of the myriad illegal fees levied on business owners by regional and central government officials, driving up their production costs.

"These hidden costs can amount to twice what businesses are paying their workers," Siti said, arguing that if these costs could be eliminated, the minimum wage could be doubled, thereby vastly improving the welfare of millions of households nationwide.

Terrorism & religious extremism

Amid criticism, police try to justify killings

Jakarta Post - January 3, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – The recent killings of six suspected terrorists on the outskirts of Jakarta have triggered a wave of criticism of the police's Densus 88 counterterrorism unit and the alleged "excessive" force it employs.

Officers of the National Police's Densus 88 gunned down six suspected militants in a nine-hour gunfight during a New Year's Eve raid in Kampung Sawah, Ciputat, South Tangerang. The suspects are believed to have carried out a spate of attacks in Greater Jakarta, including the murder of three police officers and a vihara bombing.

Terrorism expert Noor Huda Ismail deplored the excessive level of force demonstrated by the elite squad in the operation.

"If compared to the handling of first Bali bombing [in 2002], the squad was very excessive [in the recent raid]. During the raid on the Bali bombing suspects, no one was killed," he said in a telephone interview on Thursday.

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) reacted strongly against the fatal raid by launching an investigation and asking National Police chief Gen. Sutarman to clarify the matter.

The Maarif Institute lambasted the police's inability to keep the suspects alive. "The death of suspected terrorists hampers the judicial and investigation process to track down the terrorist network," the institute's research director, Ahmad Fuad Fanani, said in a press statement on Thursday.

Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), an Islamic organization led by firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, condemned what it termed "an extrajudicial killing" carried out by Densus 88, saying that the six slain men were "Muslims who had not yet been proven guilty".

Sutarman reassured on Thursday that the US-funded squad had carried out the operation in line with human rights principles and applicable regulations.

"The police will never gun down anyone who does not pose a threat to officers. We must act in line with the law. We called for them to surrender, but instead they threw explosives at us," he said while visiting a Densus 88 officer who was injured during the Ciputat shoot-out, in a hospital in Jakarta.

The raid is the latest human rights abuse allegation aimed at Densus 88. In March last year, Muslim groups called for the disbandment of the squad following the spreading of video footage depicting Densus 88 officers intimidating and torturing suspected terrorists.

Following the New Year's Eve raid, police found indications that the six men had planned attacks on last year's Christmas and New Year celebrations. "The targets included churches and worship places that were being used on the night of New Year's Eve, including vihara," Sutarman said.

At the crime scene, the police confiscated six pipe bombs, six handguns, five machetes and knives, bomb-making materials and a sheet of paper listing around 50 vihara.

National Police spokesperson Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said six suspects – believed to be loyalists of Abu Roban, the slain leader of the West Mujahidin Indonesia group – had prepared suicide attacks on at least two vihara in Jakarta. "In the document, two names of vihara have been marked," Boy said at National Police headquarters in Jakarta.

Sutarman added one of the slain suspects, Nurul Haq, had planned to fight in Syria after completing attacks on New Year celebrations. "A document shows Nurul Haq planned to wage jihad in Syria as a suicide bomber. He was preparing to make a passport," he said.

To finance their plans, the group stole Rp 300 million (US$24,671) from a Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI) branch in Panongan, Tangerang, on Dec. 24, 2013.

The group intended to provide some of the cash to support paramilitary training in Poso, Central Sulawesi, led by Santoso, the country's most wanted fugitive and the East Mujahidin Indonesia leader.

Following the raid in Kampung Sawah, on Wednesday afternoon Densus 88 searched a house in Rempoa, Ciputat, where the slain suspects kept their explosives.

On the same day, police also detained Sadullah Rojak, an employee of a private company, in Sukaraja, Bogor, on the outskirts of Jakarta. From him, the police confiscated an airsoft gun, a pen gun, half a bag of fertilizer and a bucket containing white powder.

Indonesia anti-terror squad kills 6 militants

Associated Press - January 1, 2014

Niniek Karmini, Jakarta – Indonesia's elite anti-terrorism squad shot and killed six suspected militants and arrested another amid New Year's Eve celebrations in an all-night standoff at a house near the country's capital, a police spokesman said Wednesday.

Intelligence gathered from earlier arrests allowed police to storm hideouts in Ciputat on Jakarta's outskirts as part of an investigation into an alleged plot to bomb the Myanmar Embassy and a Buddhist temple, said National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar.

The nine-hour-long shootout started late Tuesday when most Indonesians were preparing to celebrate the end of the year and ended Wednesday. Amar said those killed had refused to surrender and had fired guns and lobbed homemade bombs at security forces, injuring one police officer in his leg.

He said the men were suspected of being part of a larger group involved in robberies used to fund terrorist activities, mainly aimed at police. They also were linked to terrorist group led by Santoso – on the police's most wanted list – in Poso, a flashpoint of terrorism in Central Sulawesi where a Muslim-Christian conflict killed at least 1,000 people from 1998 to 2002.

"There is a strong indication that they were involved in a series of police killings," Amar told reporters, adding police found at least six homemade bombs at the house.

Police were trying to determine whether the men killed in the raid were connected to and alleged plot in May against the Myanmar Embassy to retaliate against Myanmar for attacks on Muslims in that country.

In August, a small bomb exploded outside a Buddhist temple packed with praying devotees in Jakarta. One person was injured, but two other devices failed to explode. Officials have said the attack appears to have been meant to avenge the deaths of Muslims in Myanmar.

Sectarian violence in Buddhist-majority Myanmar has killed scores of people, and tens of thousands of Muslims have been driven from their homes.

Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, has been battling terrorists since bombings on the resort island of Bali in 2002 killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists.

Such attacks aimed at foreigners have been largely replaced in recent years by smaller, less deadly strikes targeting the government, mainly police and anti-terrorism forces.

Freedom of religion & worship

MUI Yogyakarta's call to disband Shia organization attracts harsh criticism

Jakarta Post - January 8, 2014

Bambang Muryanto, Yogyakarta – A request by the Yogyakarta branch of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) to the police to monitor, freeze or disband institutions or organizations whose members are adherents of Shia Islam has received criticism from a number of well-known individuals.

Muslim intellectual Dawam Rahardjo said the council may consider Shia to be deviant, but he personally did not because Shiites had their own clear thoughts regarding Islam.

"The MUI is intolerant and authoritarian. It is being dictated by Saudi Arabia," said Dawam, who is also rector of the Proklamasi 45 University in Yogyakarta. "This is an international political game. I have the proof because a friend of mine had specifically conducted research into this," he said.

The same criticism was expressed by the chairman of the Yogyakarta Interfaith Brotherhood Forum (FPUB), Abdul Muhaimin, who said the council's policy had no legal basis. "It has no legal basis to ask the security apparatus to disband or freeze Shia," he said.

MUI Yogyakarta's request to the police was mentioned in its letter addressed to the Islamic Jihad Front (FJI) in answer to a demand previously proposed by the latter to issue an edict declaring Shia to be a deviant belief.

"Our consideration is security. If [Shia] causes restlessness, the organization should be disbanded or its activities frozen," the council's secretary, Kamaludiningrat, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday. It said its decision was based on a book published by the central MUI.

In the book, entitled "Panduan Majelis Ulama Indonesia tentang Mengenal dan Mewaspadai Penyimpangan Syiah di Indonesia" (Recognizing and being Alert to Shia Deviation in Indonesia), the MUI mentions five deviant practices performed by Shiites, one of which, according to Kamaludiningrat, was that it did not believe in the Koran.

The book was earlier discussed at Gadjah Mada University's mosque during an event that was attended by Sleman Regent Sri Purnomo. During the discussion, Purnomo reportedly suggested kicking the Shia community out of Yogyakarta.

Responding to the MUI's request, Yogyakarta Police chief Brig. Gen. Haka Astana M. Widya said he had yet to read the letter. "I am attending a leaders' meeting in Jakarta," Haka explained via text message.

Separately, Edy Syarif, spokesperson of the Shia-based Rausyan Fikr Institute, said the institute's activities had been halted since Dec. 26 last year. "We live in harmony with the community, just as we did when we were established in 1995," Edy said.

The call of the disbandment of Shia organizations in Yogyakarta is the latest in a series of cases of religious intolerance. In Sampang, Madura Island, East Java, two Shiites were killed in a communal conflict less than two years ago. Dozens of Shiites were then evacuated to Sidoarjo.

Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali once said that the Shia followers could return to their home village, but only if they converted to Sunni Islam.

Tens of thousands mosques built without building permits

Jakarta Post - January 7, 2014

Arya Dipa, Bandung – Tens of thousands mosques in West Java were built without building permits, head of the West Java chapter of the Indonesian Mosque Council Zulkarnaen said in Bandung on Tuesday.

Zulkarnaen explained that around 62 percent of no less than 162,000 mosques and prayer rooms in the province did not have land certificates. "It's rare for mosques to have building permits. Many of them do not have land certificates," he said.

Eighty-two percent of over 162,000 mosques and prayer rooms were built on land donated by the public. "If a mosque is built on a land donated by someone, their heirs can still sell the land. The ownership of the mosque will not be accounted for," Zulkarnaen said.

Tedja Suar Mosque in Cirebon regency was sold by its heirs due to the absence of a land certificate, Zulkarnaen said, adding that the Cirebon regency administration had intended to take over the house of worship but to no avail as its price had soared.

"Last month I was informed that the ownership of the mosque had gone to a second party, " he said.

Government to celebrate Religious Harmony Day

Jakarta Post - January 5, 2014

Indah Setiwati and Corry Elyda, Jakarta – Tens of thousands of people are expected to attend the inaugural Religious Harmony Day at the National Monument (Monas) in Central Jakarta on Sunday amid a number of cases of religious intolerance that marred 2013.

Head of the organizing committee, Kamaruddin Amin, said the event, which was initiated by the Religious Affairs Ministry, would not only be celebrated in Jakarta, but also in 17 other provinces.

"Around 70,000 people will join a walk from Monas to the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Sunday morning. Vice President Boediono is scheduled to open this event at around 6:30 a.m.," he told The Jakarta Post on Saturday.

On Saturday, a stage and dozens of banners promoting the event were already prepared in the Monas compound, which is located across from the Arjuna Wijaya statue on Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat.

Visitors on Sunday will enjoy an exhibition from the ministry and a performance from local band Wali. Kamaruddin said religious leaders from Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu and Confucian communities across the city would attend and Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali would lead a declaration of religious harmony.

"Conflicts with religious background still happen often in the country. That's why we need to have a joint commitment to build harmony among us," he said.

He said the declaration of religious harmony was a way of anticipating conflict. "Pluralism and religious harmony in Jakarta, for example, is pretty good, but potential conflict can still occur because this is a multicultural city," he said.

Last year, Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo was praised for his decision to refuse a group's demand for the dismissal of Lenteng Agung subdistrict head Susan Jasmine Zulkifli on the basis she was a Christian.

Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi asked the governor to consider replacing Susan, but Jokowi said the selection of district and subdistrict heads was based on their performance, so he would not bow to demands that they be removed or transferred on the basis of their religion.

Religious intolerance still occurs in Greater Jakarta and provinces across the country.

Congregations from the Indonesia Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin in Bogor and the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) Filadelfia in Bekasi are among minorities who have asked for help from the government over their rights to build places of worship.

Hundreds of members from the two churches recently held Christmas services in front of the State Palace. They also hold Sunday services every two weeks to protest the government's inaction in relation to their plight.

GKI Yasmin has been sealed off by the Bogor administration since 2011 despite a 2010 Supreme Court ruling that stipulated the building permit for GKI Yasmin was legal and that ordered the administration to reopen the place of worship.

Meanwhile, HKBP Filadelfia tensions started in December 2009 when a former Bekasi regent, Sa'duddin, issued a decree sealing the site of the church and stopping the congregation from worshipping there.

In September 2010, the Bandung State Administrative Court annulled Sa'duddin's decree and ordered him to issue a permit for the church but he did not comply with the order.

In Sidoarjo, East Java, several Christian groups still face obstacles to building churches.

Minority Muslim sects also face problems. Ahmadis nationwide are still banned from practicing their faith publicly and dozens of Shiites are still unable to return to their homes in Sampang, Madura, after more than a year of being displaced in their own country.

PAN: Government needs to back rhetoric on tolerance with real actions

Jakarta Globe - January 4, 2014

Robertus Wardi – The National Mandate Party has called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to take concrete action toward building tolerance in the country and to not only engage in empty rhetoric.

"It's true that we should not solely depend on the state to create harmony; society and religious figures play an important role," Bara Hasibuan, a senior official with the party known as the PAN, said in Jakarta on Friday.

"However, there are steps that only the government can take in building peace, such as enforcing laws and providing equal protection to those who need it." Bara was responding to President Yudhoyono's speech during the annual national Christmas celebration on Dec. 27.

"Our nation must strengthen awareness and goodwill in order to build peace and harmony," Yudhoyono said. "We must instill this in our children, from toddlers to elementary and high school students. Parents, teachers and religious leaders have a duty and a big responsibility. Religious leaders ought to sow the seeds of good deeds and grow them among their own people."

Bara said that the president's call to religious leaders was essentially correct but it still required concrete action from the government to encourage peace and harmony in the country.

Bara said the state played a crucial role through law enforcement and by guaranteeing protection for every group to practice their respective religious beliefs.

He accused the state of failing to carry out its function and authority in protecting minority groups lately, and instead bowing to pressure from radical groups who often resorted to violence in spreading hatred.

"Under such conditions, it isn't surprising to see intolerance thrive in the country where the growing public perception sees the state condoning violence," Bara said.

During the official Christmas celebration, Yudhoyono urged the public to prevent religious extremism from flourishing in Indonesia. "Morally and socially, every leader in the country must prevent and reject extreme and radical behavior," he said.

"Do not depend on state actions to overcome each obstacle against tolerance and the peace in society," he warned, adding that each part of society must prevent individuals, groups and movements from spreading radicalism.

The celebration was attended by Vice President Boediono; Ignatius Suharyo, chairman of the Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI); interfaith activist Franz Magnis Suseno; cabinet ministers and around 4,000 Christians. Yudhoyono's comments came in the wake of reports of religious intolerance in the archipelago, including the continued closure of the embattled GKI Yasmin congregation's church in Bogor, which remains shuttered by the municipal government in defiance of two rulings by the Supreme Court to reopen it.

Data from the Setara Institute, which advocates tolerance and democracy, show 264 cases of violent attacks on religious minorities in 2012, a significant increase on the 216 cases recorded in 2010.

Fatal attacks on Ahmadiyah and Shiite Muslims by local Sunni communities have lent credence to the view that intolerance is on the rise in Indonesia, but many of the problems are woven out of the country's strong decentralized political framework and abrasive hard-line groups who are permitted by the regional and central governments to operate without fear of serious prosecution.

Observers warn the problems will likely intensify this year as political parties seek to appeal to Muslim voters by burnishing their conservative credentials.

Yudhoyono has frequently found himself on the receiving end of blame for what some say is an increase of religious intolerance in Indonesia.

Human Rights Watch published an article in August last year titled "Putting a Smiley Face on Indonesia's Religious Intolerance," that criticized Yudhoyono for retaining "a minister for religious affairs who encourages extremism."

In November, the unsuitability of Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali to office was once again evident after he went on the record to suggest that the minority Ahmadiyah Muslim sect should be disbanded.

"A religion that looks similar [to Islam] but is clearly not the same has prompted anger from some believers, especially Muslims who are the majority," Suryadharma said last year.

"It eventually creates horizontal conflict, an unfavorable situation not only for the followers of both religions but also for the people who live around the conflict area."

The role of hard-line religious groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in ramming their beliefs down the throats of the country's minorities, fueled by the tacit approval given to their activities by government ministers including Suryadharma and Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi, have been documented in incidents throughout the country.

Islamic law & morality

Balikpapan adds to schoolchildren's Koran study curfew

Jakarta Globe - January 7, 2014

Mattangkilang Tunggadewa, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan – The Balikpapan city administration has passed a decree establishing a three-hour curfew for schoolchildren between 6 p.m. and 9 p.m. effective immediately on school nights.

"The heads of urban wards and neighborhoods will have to inform the public about this," Balikpapan Mayor Rizal Effendy said on Tuesday. "We will then form supervisory organizations at the urban ward levels as both implementer and supervisor. They will involve local public leaders, educational institutions and other figures..."

The curfew came after the city's religious affairs office passed a similar ruling in November, which required all Muslim children to spend time reciting the Koran after dusk prayers.

"We will combine the two programs," Rizal said. "After Maghrib, [dusk prayer] children at home will use their time after the prayers to read the Koran. Muslim families are expected to play a role in supervising and implementing this policy."

He said that the city would not enforce any sanction for now. "We will decide on the sanction gradually," he said. "For the time being the sanctions are moral and social in nature."

The mayor also called on internet cafes in the city to close during the curfew. Internet cafes are usually packed after school hours. "This is all for the good of our students. If there are still internet cafes that persist [to remain open], we will revoke their operational permits" he said.

Erwin, 40, who has a child in school and lives in the Gunung Malang area of Central Balikpapan, said he was happy with the new mayoral ruling, but demanded that the city authorities be consistent in its implementation.

Poverty & social inequity

Fuel, ineffective programs lead to higher poverty

Jakarta Globe - January 3, 2014

Effendi – A new report released by the Central Statistics Agency, or BPS, shows an increase in the number of Indonesians living below the poverty line between March and September last year, attributed to a rise in living costs.

The figure rose by 480,000 during that period to some 28.55 million people, 10.63 million of whom live in urban areas while another 17.92 reportedly live in rural areas or villages, the BPS reported.

"There has been a slight increase compared to the 28,05 million people in March 2013, when 10.33 million lived in the cities and another 17.74 million lived in rural areas," Suryamin, the BPS chief, said in Jakarta on Thursday.

Contributing factors

In its report, the BPS found at least four key contributing factors to the growing poverty rate, the main one being high inflation caused by a hike in the price of subsidized fuels in June.

"Our inflation rate by the end of the year was 8.38 percent, while the March to September period itself contributed 5.02 percent to that total because of the fuel price hike," Suryamin said.

An increase in rice prices from Rp 10,748 (88 cents) per kilogram in March to Rp 10,969 a kilogram in September also took a toll on the poverty rate, alongside increases in retail prices of several other staple commodities such as chickens, eggs and chili peppers, which rose by 21.8 percent, 8.2 percent and 15.1 percent, respectively, during that period.

Making matters worse was the growth in the unemployment rate as of August 2013, which the BPS report showed reached 6.25 percent, a rise from 5.92 percent in February and 6.14 percent in August 2012.

Suryamin said prices of consumable goods contributed the most to Indonesia's poverty rate compared to other goods. Such commodities include rice, which impacted the poverty rate in urban areas by 24.81 percent and in rural areas by 32.72 percent.

Coming second as the biggest consumable commodity contributing to widespread poverty last year was cigarettes, contributing to poverty in the cities by 10 percent and 8.31 percent to those living in rural areas.

"The money used to purchase cigarettes is categorized in the [food] consumption category," Suryamin said. "[It is very surprising because] cigarettes contain no calories but have a very big impact."

Aside from food, other elements that also fueled Indonesia's growing poverty rate were the electricity price, education expenses, fuel costs, clothing, transportation costs and firewood.

Poverty across regions

In its report, the BPS found that the biggest growth of poverty was found in urban areas, with an additional 300,000 people falling into poverty, while the number in rural areas grew by 180,000 people.

Jakarta was rated as having the highest living cost in the country, with an average of Rp 7.5 million per month for the median household of 4.1 individuals, far above the national average of Rp 5.6 million.

The living cost in the capital was up 48.49 percent from the level of Rp 5.1 million recorded in 2007, the BPS said.

Next after Jakarta is Jayapura, the capital of Papua province, where the living cost was Rp 6.9 million for the median household of 4.5 individuals, followed by Ternate, North Maluku, at Rp 6.4 million, and Depok, West Java, at Rp 6.3 million.

Despite the high cost, however, Jakarta was not included in the top 10 cities for the highest increase in living cost, a list topped by Purwokerto in Central Java, with a 96.35 percent increase in living cost within the same 2007-2012 period.

The island of Java was the region with the highest number of people living in poverty, with 4.87 million in East Java, 4.7 million in Central Java and 4.38 million in West Java.

Hit-or-miss programs

According to the BPS report, some of the government's poverty alleviation programs, mainly its distribution of rice for the poor, or raskin, have failed to make a dent in the poverty rate.

In a survey it carried out in 61 cities, five categories of households were found to be as recipients of the government scheme targeted specifically for household within only two categories.

"The program missed its target. Families in categories that were not eligible also received raskin," Suryamin said. He called on the government to re-evaluate its programs to ensure they were being targeted at the right groups.

Armida Alisjahbana, the head of the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas), said on Thursday that a cash handout program initiated by the government to ease the impact of June's fuel price hike had not been effective in containing the poverty rate.

"The implementation of the program was not optimal because it did not help the poor in compensating for the significant rise of commodity prices caused by the increase in the fuel price," Armida said.

Under the handout program, each eligible household was entitled to Rp 600,000 in cash over the first four months after the implementation of the higher fuel prices.

"There was very little time to prepare for the social protection program after the fuel price was increased, especially in terms of coordination and promotion by regional officials," Armida said.

Vivi Yulaswati, the director for social protection and welfare at Bappenas, added that the distribution of the money had also been marred by various problems.

She said that to date, 3 percent of the Rp 9.3 trillion fund allocated for the scheme had not yet been distributed. Vivi said the main hitch stemmed from the distribution of cards that eligible citizens could use to claim the money.

Erik Satrya, an official from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), echoed Armida's sentiments.

"The government's poverty programs, such as raskin and the cash handouts, offered no significant impact in lowering the poverty rate," he said. "With the poverty rate now above 11 percent, little improved from the 11.96 percent in 2012, the government has failed in reducing poverty."

State & governance

Dahlan deepens crack in the cabinet

Jakarta Post - January 7, 2014

Bagus BT Saragih and Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – With less than 10 months remaining in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second term, coordination among his Cabinet members has reached what may be an all-time low.

State oil and gas company PT Pertamina's decision to reduce a hike in the price of 12-kilogram canisters of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) following a public outcry has split the Cabinet.

After Yudhoyono came out in vehement opposition to the rise, Pertamina announced that it would scale back the price increase from Rp 112,200 to Rp 82,200 per canister.

State-Owned Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan, who has recently been currying support for a potential presidential run, said on Monday that he had always been a proponent of Pertamina raising the price.

Breaking from other ministers, Dahlan said he had begun pushing Pertamina to gradually increase the LPG price four years ago. "If we had annual small price hikes starting four years ago, we would already have an economical price today without much resistance," he said.

"However, every time a price increase was proposed during Pertamina shareholders meetings [which are attended by representatives from various ministries], it was never passed. There were always reasons for why it shouldn't go up, such as 'Idul Fitri is coming shortly', or 'it is a new year'."

Dahlan made the comment during the Democratic Party's presidential convention after he apologized on Sunday for withholding information about the planned LPG price increase.

Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa has alleged Dahlan did not inform him and the President about the plan to raise the LPG price on Jan. 1, as was decided during Pertamina's shareholders meeting on Dec. 30. "He [Dahlan] knew it, but he did not inform us. This has created confusion," he said.

Dahlan, who previously denied any involvement in the decision, did not attend a meeting held by Vice President Boediono on Saturday to discuss the impact of the rise in the LPG price as he was busy with a publicity stunt, according to a Cabinet member. Dahlan was in Yogyakarta on Friday and Saturday helping rice farmers eradicate mice that have caused harvests to fail.

Pertamina's decision to sharply raise the LPG price was in response to the Rp 21.8 trillion it had lost selling the 12-kg LPG canisters below the market price since 2008. The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) had warned Pertamina that it had to prevent future losses in its LPG business or face prosecution.

Pertamina president director Karen Agustiawan said the company had to draw back the price hike after the government demanded it to.

"We will also have to revise our profit growth target this year to only 5.65 percent from the initial target of 13.17 percent," she added. The company said last month that its net profits were projected to reach US$3.44 billion this year, from last year's estimate of $3.05 billion.

Ethnic & communal conflicts

More conflicts feared in election year

Jakarta Globe - January 3, 2014

Erwin Sihombing – When a child was killed and six buildings razed to the ground on Monday in West Manokwari district in the province of West Papua, in a clash between neighboring communities, it barely registered in the national media because of how commonplace such incidents had become.

It was the last local-level conflict reported in 2013, when such incidents increased by nearly a quarter from 2012. And if the government continues to overlook them, analysts warn, the number could rise even higher this year, with a correspondingly high death toll.

Neta S. Pane, the head of Indonesia Police Watch, a nongovernmental organization that monitors security and law enforcement, said at a discussion in Jakarta on Thursday that the potential for even more clashes was high this year because of the legislative and presidential elections in April and July, respectively.

He said that last year, his organization had recorded 153 community clashes throughout the country, or a 23.7 percent increase from 2012.

"As a result of those conflicts, 203 people were killed, 361 people were injured, 483 homes were damaged and 173 buildings were set on fire," he said. In 2012, he noted, the death toll was 154, with 217 people injured.

Neta attributed the increase in the number of clashes and the casualties to the lack of action by security forces to prevent the violence from breaking out or quell it once it had erupted.

"From the sheer number of cases that we saw last year, it's quite clear that the police's intelligence-gathering efforts have been quite weak. Their ability to detect threats ahead of time isn't functioning as it should," Neta said.

This year, he said, the government would have to up its game significantly, given the increasing volatility in the social equilibrium as the elections approached.

"We can almost certainly expect the run-up to both the legislative election and the presidential election to be marred by various kinds of social conflict and unrest, in which the death toll could be high," he said.

Religious intolerance alert

Thursday's discussion delved into the various kinds of social conflicts that have wracked the country over the past few years, including feuds, often over land ownership, between neighboring communities, as in the West Papua incident; sporadic clashes between members of the police and the military; incidents of religious intolerance by hard-line Sunni Muslims against congregations of minority faiths such as Ahmadis, Shiites and Christians; and a spate of prison riots, including one in North Sumatra last year that led to more than 200 inmates escaping from jail.

Haryadi, a political analyst from Airlangga University in Surabaya, East Java, said at a separate discussion in Surabaya on Thursday that one of the most egregious incidents of last year, and still playing out, was the eviction of a community of Shiite villagers from their home village in Sampang district, in East Java's Madura Island, to Sidoarjo district on the East Java mainland.

Haryadi blamed East Java Governor Soekaro's seeming reluctance to stand up for the beleaguered community on his need not to rile the conservative Sunni voter base.

"In this case Soekarwo has messed up because he's caught in his own trap of trying to maintain popular support, and his support for the principles of multiculturalism has suffered as a result," he said.

He added that Soekarwo had a responsibility to ensure justice for the Sampang Shiites, which should be one of his top priorities this year.

The Shiite community was the target of an attack by a Sunni mob in August 2012 that stemmed from a family dispute between its leader, Tajul Muluk, and his brother, local Sunni cleric Rois Al Hukuma.

The violence left two people dead and the Shiites' homes torched, forcing them to take refuge at a district sports center.

After languishing there for months, even after the government stopped supplying them with food and water, they were forcibly moved from Madura to the East Java mainland in June 2013, and have since been staying in government-provided tenement housing in Sidoarjo.

The central government says it is working with provincial and district authorities to ensure the Shiites can return to their home village, but has insisted that any return is contingent on the Shiites publicly renouncing their faith, in accordance with the demands of the Sunni hard-liners in Sampang.

No fear of repercussions

Data from the Setara Institute, which advocates tolerance and democracy, show 264 cases of violent attacks on religious minorities in 2012, a significant increase on the 216 cases in 2010.

Fatal attacks on Ahmadiyah and Shiite Muslims by local Sunni communities have lent credence to the view that intolerance is on the rise in Indonesia, but many of the problems are woven out of the country's strong decentralized political framework and abrasive hard-line groups who are permitted by the regional and central governments to operate without fear of serious prosecution.

Observers warn the problems will likely intensify this year as political parties seek to appeal to Muslim voters by burnishing their conservative credentials.

Jakarta & urban life

Jokowi's 'no-nonsense' approach brings changes

Jakarta Post - January 7, 2014

Jakarta, Sita W. Dewi – With Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's arguably unique leadership style, the city administration has seen changes in bureaucracy like never before.

The city administration, notorious for its ineffective coordination and sluggish bureaucracy, has seen local leaders, including mayors, subdistrict and district leaders, and agency heads descend on the field to ensure that everything is heading in the right direction.

Often, local leaders and all senior officials turn up in a full team to attend various events held on weekends or after work hours as the governor, who almost never gets to enjoy weekends at home, loves to hold cultural festivals and the like.

Jokowi's policies have forced his subordinates to become more familiar with technology; last year's open-call recruitment required subdistrict and district leaders to undergo a series of tests.

Several of the candidates at the time trained themselves in using a laptop before undergoing a computer-based competency test. Now all of them have to maintain their technological savvy to communicate with one another, or with the governor and deputy governor.

"We are no longer unfamiliar with technology. We use technology to communicate," Menteng district head Bondan Dyah said.

Recently, there were reports that a number of the city's officials have a micro-chat communications group. "[We have a chat group] based on areas of duties," she pointed out, declining to elaborate on the kinds of topic they regularly discuss.

Jokowi's no-nonsense leadership style has also introduced a fresh communication pattern into the administration. As soon as he assumed Jakarta's top job, Jokowi axed complicated bureaucratic procedures that had often decelerated progress, allowing his staff to reach him anytime via the simplest way possible.

"I reported my agency's budget spending to the governor via BBM [BlackBerry messenger]. It didn't involve a single formal letter and he didn't ask me to come meet him face-to-face to give my report," said Fire Fighting Agency head Subejo. "It's easier and faster," he added.

The governor's accessibility also extends to Jakarta's residents, creating an added challenge to civil servants. "Now that we know residents can easily report anything to the governor, we have to be more aware and responsive. Everything needs to be handled immediately," Subejo continued.

Coordination meetings are now not something they have to do face-to-face. "When officials have to discuss a certain issue, we can do it anywhere and at anytime; it doesn't always have to involve formal meetings. Pak Jokowi is a result-oriented leader," said Thousand Islands Regent Asep Syarifudin.

Jokowi also applies the same approach when communicating with parties outside the city administration, including leaders such as the Jakarta Police chief. He is also open for communication via email.

"When there's an easy way, why would you choose any other way?" Jokowi told The Jakarta Post recently. "If I can do something by phone, I prefer to do it that way. It saves time and it is more efficient," he added.

Jakarta Employment Agency head I Made Karmayoga acknowledged that changes in the bureaucracy had resulted in a positive impact on public services and, to some extent, improved the city's image.

"There's a significant change in terms of public services and image," Karmayoga said after a briefing by the governor, attended by senior officials at City Hall.

He also said that "changing [the civil servants'] mind-set is not an overnight job; that's why we have to remind them over and over again about the importance of putting public interests above our own".

Basuki slammed after taking car, not public transport, to work

Jakarta Globe - January 6, 2014

Jakarta's deputy governor has found himself in hot water following his decision to ignore a newly implemented regulation for local government workers to commute to work using public transport or by bicycle on the first Friday of every month.

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama caused uproar as he seemingly disregarded the regulation drawn up by his superior, Governor Joko Widodo, and elected to travel by car. Last Friday, Basuki was seen arriving at City Hall in a vehicle from his Pluit, North Jakarta, home.

Questioned by reporters, Basuki said Joko wanted to train employees to get used to using public transport but that for now, there was no thought of what sanctions could be applied to those who decided not to follow the policy.

The deputy governor went on to say it would not be very efficient if he were to travel by bus or motorcycle taxi while his bodyguard followed behind in a car.

Analysts and politicians have lined up to criticize his actions, with some suggesting his behavior bordered on arrogance and set a bad example for other city employees.

"Ahok's behavior will affect the behavior of his subordinates. The general idea of that gubernatorial instruction was to appeal to civil servants to sacrifice some comfort by taking public transportation," said Hamdi Muluk, a political communications expert at the University of Indonesia, on Saturday.

Hamdi added that Basuki should not have told people it was too much of a hassle for him to use public transport, saying it showed a degree of insensitivity towards the many Jakartans that have no choice but to use public transportation. "If it was a hassle to take the bus, he could've taken a taxi," he said.

The governor's regulation was designed to encourage people to leave private vehicles at home and use other transport options to help with efforts aimed at easing traffic congestion, and Basuki's decision to ignore the regulation was symbolic as much as anything, Hamdi said.

Hamdi said that Basuki should be praised for much of the work he has done since taking office but this reaction was a disappointment, saying "Yes, sacrifices have to be made but for it to work sacrifices must be made by everyone or it won't be effective."

Voicing a similar opinion, Yayat Supriana, an expert on city planning, said "this is not only Ahok's [Basuki's nickname] problem but also the problem of other civil servants in Jakarta," Yayat was quoted as saying by inilah.com.

Yayat acknowledged that the problem Jakarta faces is a transportation infrastructure that is incongruous with its spatial planning. Distance between the workplace and home is, for many, significant and with little or no convenient public transportation on offer to accommodate workers' needs private vehicles are a preferred option.

Triwitjaksana, deputy speaker of the Jakarta Regional Legislative Council (DPRD), also criticized Basuki, saying that there were three official residences close to City Hall that he could use.

"Ahok should not have acted that way especially since Governor Jokowi's [Joko's nickname] 'one day without a car' program for civil servants was intended to create clean air and to reduce the traffic congestion," Triwitjaksana said on Saturday. "If Joko can cycle to the office every Friday they why is Basuki, his deputy, defying the regulation?" he asked.

Another city legislator also referred to the empty, city-owned properties. Ahmad Husin Alaydrus said he couldn't accept Basuki's excuse about living far from the office as he had the choice of living in one of the three official residences near city hall and vacant since former governor Fauzi Bowo was in charge. "Take one of them. The distance isn't far so he can still cycle," he said.

Karel Susetyo, a researcher with Point Indonesia slammed Basuki as being arrogant and lacking commitment to create a clean bureaucracy.

"Basuki seems arrogant. This is not the first time he's shown arrogance. His action to defy his superior's policy reflects badly on the governor's image," Karel was quoted as saying by inilah.com on Sunday.

"Thousands of civil servants live far from their work place but they are still willing and able to comply with the governor's instruction," Karel said.

Karel said a clean bureaucracy should be built with loyalty towards the system. "Leadership means showing good examples. What Basuki has displayed weakens Joko's leadership," Karel said. "I think it's time the governor reprimanded his subordinate so that he could stop being arrogant."

However, not everyone criticized Basuki's attitude. Amir Hamzah, an expert on city spatial planning, said Basuki had made the right decision.

"That's because the governor and deputy governor are bound by the law on protocol. They have to follow that. Ahok would break the law if he complied with the instruction," he said.

Amir pointed out that under the law on governor and deputy governor protocol, both are prescribed to receive escorts when they travel, special vehicles, official residences and more.

"The instruction will not run effectively because it would be difficult to supervise them [administration workers]. The [overall] aim of the instruction to reduce private vehicle usage is positive but the implementation will not be effective." Amir said Joko issued the policy because the city administration was already having a headache in trying to solve the traffic congestion problem.

Minister champions Bogor villa clearing

Jakarta Globe - January 3, 2014

Edi Hardum – Public Works Minister Djoko Kirmanto has lauded an ongoing campaign to demolish holiday homes built in no-development zones, an initiative that has long been called for but only set into motion last year by Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo.

"I express my appreciation to the Bogor administration for their work," Djoko said at his office in Jakarta on Tuesday. "For a long time no one has dared to demolish those illegal villas. I hope that the Bogor district administration will continue to be firm in dealing with these zoning violations."

The Bogor Public Order Agency, working with the police and the military in a campaign sparked by Joko, has since October torn down more than 75 holiday villas and other buildings as part of efforts to eliminate a total of 239 illegal buildings in the Puncak area. The exercise is an attempt to restore the affected land to its original function as water catchment areas for the Ciliwung River.

Since coming into office in late 2012, Joko has made it one of his key objectives to pressure authorities in neighboring Bogor to crack down on the zoning violations, which have been widely blamed for degrading the area's ability to absorb rainwater runoff, thereby exacerbating flooding downstream in Jakarta.

The government allocated Rp 2.1 billion for the demolitions until the end of 2013, funded by grants from the Jakarta administration.

The hilly Puncak area has long been a popular weekend destination for Jakarta residents, and for decades locals and outsiders have built homes and holiday rentals in the scenic area, often in direct violation of zoning regulations.

Rachmat Yasin, the Bogor district chief, said last month that after the demolitions, the areas would be restored to their original function.

"If it is arable land, we suggest the area be used as a productive land without any buildings. If it is a water catchment and conservation area, the district government will conduct reforestation," he said on Dec. 4.

"Those buildings have been there for dozens of years, even before I became the head of Bogor district, and [people] have involved other high-ranking officials to put pressure" on the district government to turn a blind eye to the violations, he said.

However, Yasin said officials would continue with clearing the illegal dwellings, regardless of who the owners were. "I don't care who owns the building. If it's proven to be in violation of the law, then I will confront them," he said.

Friday public transit rule comes into effect for city employees

Jakarta Globe - January 3, 2014

Lenny Tristia Tambun & SP/Fana FS Putra – A gubernatorial instruction asking Jakarta municipal officials to use public transit on Fridays was finalized by Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo on Thursday and came into effect today with mixed results.

Deputy Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, who was seen on Friday arriving at his office by car, said that the instruction was meant to be just that, with no sanction for violators yet in place.

"Our governor wants to train people to use public transportation," Basuki said. "At least in a month, every Friday, Jakarta city officials should use public transportation. We are starting to promote the use of public transportation." Basuki said that it was too soon to say whether the policy would be effective in reducing congestion in the city.

"There is no punishment yet," he said. "We want to test this first... we want to at least make some people begin to use public buses and trains."

On Friday morning, many civil servants were seen arriving at work via public transit, and City Hall appeared empty of private cars and motorcycles.

Several top officials were seen arriving by bicycle, including acting Regional Secretary Wiryatmono, Deputy for Demography Syahrul Effendi, South Jakarta Mayor Syamsudin Noor and the Deputy for the Environment and Zoning Sarwo Handayani. Joko was also seen riding a bicycle from his official house in Menteng to City Hall.

HR Kristianto, the mayor of East Jakarta, arrived at work from his home in the Harapan Baru, Bekasi, via taxi. "It is cheaper," he told journalists. "Usually, just to buy fuel I spend Rp 200,000 [$16.4] every three days," he told journalists.

He said that he would gladly use other public transit, such as the TransJakarta system, if it passed near his home. "I wish I could use the TransJakarta, but it does not pass through [my neighborhood]," he said.

Krisdianto said that the policy was effective in reducing traffic, according to his initial observations.

"It was good – I saw it clearly in the field," he said. "Less congestion. I left my home for the office using a taxi and the traffic was smooth and it only took 30 to 45 minutes to reach the office."

The policy would lead to a significant reduction in Friday traffic, he said, based on his assumption that around 80 percent of civil servants owned private vehicles.

"This is a new policy and adjustments are needed," he said. "But sooner or later, they will have to all adjust. We will see what the sanctions can be. Those violators who do not abide by the regulation may possibly face administrative sanctions, such as reprimands or cuts in their allowances."

Old habits die hard

But at Krisianto's municipal office, many workers were seen arriving by private vehicles, mostly motorcycles. The security guards there were busy keeping motorcycles out of the compound, which was marked with a board that read: "Personal vehicles prohibited from entry."

Soleh, a city security guard, said city officials were easy to recognize on Fridays because they were required to wear traditional attire. "From Monday to Thursday it would be difficult to detect them, because many do not use name tags," he said.

An official from the city's manpower office said that it was difficult for him to forsake the use of his own vehicle because his job required him to visit many parts of the city on a given day.

"For employees like me who have to go into the field a lot, it is impractical to use public transportation, even more so [because the options are] limited," said the official, who declined to give his name.

A teacher arriving at the city's education office said he had never heard of the policy. "Willing or not, I will tomorrow abide by and adjust to the regulation," he said. "Aside from it being an instruction, this is also good for the smoothness of traffic."

Azas Tigor Nainggolan, chairman of the Jakarta City Transportation Council, said the policy was not aimed at reducing congestion but would instead function as leadership by example.

"If the city employees do not want to use public transportation, how can one expect the people to use it?" he said. Tigor said that the prohibition might grow gradually with the city adding more days per week, depending on the results of initial evaluations.

Basuki arrives by car

Basuki was seen leaving his house in Pluit, North Jakarta, by car at 7 a.m., according to Metro TV news, and he arrived at City Hall a half-hour later.

"I did sign the instruction, and it does not say [it applies] to the deputy governor," he said, according to news portal Detik.com. "If I take the bus or an ojek, with a bodyguard's car trailing behind, that's not efficient." He added that he did not live near any bus routes.

Joko said that the instruction was a gradual process that could not be perfected overnight. "Other countries need seven years to transform [the habit of driving] private vehicles to taking public transporation," he said.

Social security & welfare

Watchdog calls for audit of trillions being merged under insurance program

Jakarta Globe - January 4, 2014

Herman & Made Arya Kencana – Activists have called for the government to conduct a thorough audit into Askes and Jamsostek, the two biggest state- run insurance companies, which on Wednesday were officially merged into a new provider offering universal coverage.

Said Iqbal, the secretary general of the non-governmental group Action Committee for Social Security (KAJS), said on Friday that without auditing the two companies, it was highly likely that the transfer of the trillions of rupiah in assets held by the two state enterprises under the newly established Social Security Organizing Body (BPJS) could be hijacked for political funding ahead of elections later this year.

Jamsostek, which insures formal sector employees, has assets worth Rp 147 trillion ($12 billion), while Askes, which provides health insurance for low-income citizens, has Rp 60 trillion in assets.

"Without an immediate audit, Rp 207 trillion of public funds could just disappear prior to the elections," Said warned. His call echoes similar statements made by others in October last year, when preparations for the launch of the BPJS were ramping up.

Rieke Dyah Pitaloka, a legislator with the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said at the time that Jamsostek had not yet complied with a request from the House of Representatives to submit its investment portfolio, which, if published, could minimize the potential embezzlement of workers' funds. "We can't let the money of workers be used to fund corrupt political campaigns," she said.

On Friday, Agung Laksono, the coordinating minister for people's welfare, said the government would need Rp 100 trillion to enroll all citizens in the BPJS program. "If the public is covered, the money involved could amount to Rp 80 trillion to Rp 100 trillion," Agung said in Denpasar, where he was monitoring the implementation of the BPJS program on Friday.

He said that to date, Rp 40 trillion has been spent from the state budget to cover 121.6 million participants in the BPJS Health scheme, one of the two parts of the BPJS program. The other half, BPJS Manpower, will cover work-related accidents, retirement benefits and life insurance.

According to Agung, the Rp 40 trillion had gone toward providing supporting facilities and equipment at hospitals and community health centers where the BPJS Health is being implemented.

Foreign affairs & trade

Hawke government docs reveal risk of war between PNG and Indonesia

ABC Radio Australia - January 3, 2014

The Australian National Archives has released ten thousand previously secret cabinet documents from the years 1986 and 1987.

The papers revealed a variety of matters, including the Australian government's concerns over tensions in the relationship between Papua New Guinea and Indonesia.

Now Emeritus Professor in Strategic Studies at the Australian National University, back in the late 1980s Paul Dibb was the Director of the Defence Intelligence Organisation.

He provided advice to the cabinet and warned Australia could lose its entire army – some 30,000 soldiers – if it was required to support PNG in a military conflict along the border with Indonesia.

Presenter: Catherine Graue.

Speaker: Paul Dibb, professor of strategic studies at the Australian National Univeristy.

Dibb: The late 1980s were a time of considerable concern about where the Papua New Guinea-Indonesian border was going. There had been 10 or 12,000 refugees fleeing from what was then called Irian Jaya across the border into refugee camps that were large and causing problems for Papua New Guinea to sustain them. The issue had also been warmimg up over many years. I mean the so called Free Papua Movement which was based along the border on the Papua New Guinea side of the Irian Jaya-Papua New Guinea border had been active on and off since the early 1970s. And that was my clear remembrance as head of the National Assessment staff in the late 1970s. It came to a bit of crisis in 79 when there was only about eight people cleared in Canberra to understand that we had some fairly firm information coming from a covert source in Jakarta that the Indonesian military under General Benny Murdani were getting fed up with this movement of the OPM, the Free Papua Movement, using the protection of being on the Papua New Guinea side of the border and then crossing and then occasionally killing and attacking Indonesian troops. And we took that in the late 70s very seriously. So through the 70s, right through to the late 80s, there were these issues and they were essentially to do with the border, the activities of the OPM, and seen from the perspective of the Indonesian side a situation where they found that this was starting to become intolerable. The 1987 White Paper, which you are aware of, the cabinet documents relating that in my recollection have attached to them the so called Dibb Report which I wrote for the then defence minister, Kim Beasley, about the defence of Australia. There was a classified version of that report which dealt with certain credible contingencies, and there was a highly- classified annexe to that report that was never made public in which I warned the Australian government that if we ever faced a major Indonesian military attack across the border with Papua New Guinea we would have to make our minds up on the contingency of the day. But, and this is the essential point, my advice to the then defence minister Beasley was we could lose the entire Australian army of some 30,000 at the time in the top one tenth of the border between Vanimo and Green River. And we would have no chance of holding that militarily and that would then leave the Australian government of the day with one serious alternative; and that would be to escalate it to strikes of a more serious nature against Indonesian logistics and military centres.

Graue: And how was that advice of yours received?

Dibb: I never go one response to it (laughter)..

Graue: So, in your opinion, how concerned was the Australian government really that relations between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea could deteriorate so much so that it would be forced to step in, and be drawn into a conflict like you've just described?

Dibb: Look, we shouldn't exaggerate it. As you've read from the cabinet documents and I had a hand – by this stage I was deputy secretary of defence for strategic policy and intelligence – in drafting some of that advice and that was our reaction would depend on the situation at the time. In other words, we would not be in the business of encouraging Papua New Guinea to do and pursue provocative acts that could end up in armed conflict. Not only between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, but clearly given Australia's commitment to Papua New Guinea and its historical and colonial connections, the likelihood we would have to do something about it. With all the dangers that I have mentioned about the length of that border, which from memory is something like 700 kilometres long, and extremely difficult country and whether we would want to escalate into full scale conflict with Indonesia.

It is true that at the time, I became aware many years later when General Murdani had been sacked a minister of defence by the Indonesian Suharto government of the time, and I'm talking here early to mid, more like early 1990s, in a private conversation with me in Australia, he acknowledged that there were serious contingencies in the late 70s along the lines I mentioned of once and for all going across the border in military strength on the Indonesian side and making a sanitised zone if you like. He looked at me with as smile on his face and said, he raised with the 'old man' – meaning president Suharto – and Suharto said to General Murdani, then minister for defence in Indonesia, we are too busy in East Timor.

Graue: There was concern I understand, revealed in these documents, about the ability of the PNG government to handle the situation, and perhaps if it was mishandled by either side, but particularly by the Papua New Guinean government that could have really led to serious issues.

Dibb: Yes. There were serious concerns, as you say. It was not a huge length of time after independence. We had agreed with Papua New Guinea about some principles of helping them in certain military contingencies. And that by the way extended to if we were invited, and let me stress that, if we were invited, to contingencies in which the Papua New Guinea Defence Force mutinied.

And indeed, one such contingency occurred in the late 1980s in which Rabbie Namaliu who was then prime minister rang Bob Hawke, our prime minister at the time, in some agitation that there was an open riot occurring between the Papua New Guinea Defence Force and the Papua New Guinea police in a drunken party they had one Saturday night and that the defence force was breaking into the armoury and getting hold of the weapons. We had a meeting of the augmented chiefs of staff committee at the time, which I attended as deputy secretary, and we looked seriously at what we might do if that situation got out of hand and escalated and the Papua New Guinean government was not able to control its own military. In the end, it petered out and we had to do nothing. But as you know it was a continuing running sore and you've seen in more recent years, and that is the dependability of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force as a disciplined armed force subject to democratic direction and governance.

Government to double import of fruit, vegetables in H1

Jakarta Post - January 3, 2014

Linda Yulisman, Jakarta – In a bid to meet rising domestic demand, the government will more than double the import volume of fruit and vegetables in 2014 from last year.

Trade Ministry director-general for foreign trade Bachrul Chairi confirmed that the government would allow the import of 17 horticulture products, including apples, mangoes, oranges, potatoes, chilies and shallots, tentatively totaling 600,000 tons in the first half of 2014, up 130.8 percent from 260,000 tons in the same period last year.

Although it is a significant increase from last year, the figure is only about half of the 1.1 tons requested earlier by importers.

As of Dec. 30, importers proposed permits to source overseas 817,250 tons, comprising 599,996 tons of fruit, 134,970 tons of vegetables and 82,284 tons of chilies and shallots.

"We will be strict with importers. They must realize at least 80 percent of their approved import volumes, otherwise we will revoke their permits," Bachrul said. He said the ministry would allow importers to lower the import volume they earlier proposed until early January.

In response to local stakeholders' rising concerns over the much higher import volume, Bachrul said that the government wanted to test the market mechanism after it eased horticulture imports late last year.

Raw foods, particularly certain horticulture products such as shallots and chilies, as well as meat, have been the key contributors to inflation in Southeast Asia's biggest economy, which is most often tackled through imports.

The Trade Ministry recently granted import permits for 35 companies to import 130,245 head of feedlot cattle and 22,860 head of slaughter-ready cattle for the first quarter of 2014.

Last year witnessed an irregular rise in inflationary pressure following a stricter horticulture import policy introduced by the government, which it then relaxed.

"In the second half of this year, the importers will hopefully become more rational about market demands and adjust themselves," he said.

Gun Soetopo, the secretary-general of the National Horticulture Council, criticized the government's move to increase the import volume of fruit and vegetables, saying that it would hurt domestic farmers and should only be applied temporarily.

Instead of importing raw foods, Gun said, the government should facilitate the importation of seeds because doing so would improve production and thereby boost local supplies. "The trend will continue in the coming years with the country importing higher volumes of horticulture products unless the domestic supply problem is addressed." he said.

Apart from enhancing the upstream side of the horticulture industry, including through better access to technology, the government should also solve constraints in the distribution system, he added.

Mining & energy

Indonesia mineral export ban uncertainty starts to bite

Reuters - January 7, 2014

Fergus Jensen and Wilda Asmarini – Indonesia's planned mineral export ban – a policy designed to force miners to process their ores domestically – is sending shudders through the economy, with a Singapore-owned nickel miner suspending operations ahead of the Jan. 12 ban.

Indonesia is the world's top exporter of nickel ore, thermal coal and refined tin, but also has significant exports of iron ore and bauxite, both of which are likely to be stopped after Sunday.

An increase in shipments of processed minerals would bolster the country's foreign revenue and help narrow a current account deficit, which has undermined investor confidence and battered the rupiah.

However, the move has drawn protests from small mining companies, which say they can't afford to build smelters, as well as from international majors, including US giants Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold and Newmont Mining Corp.

The plan has also raised fears that export earnings could be slashed in the short term as miners scramble to meet the new regulation. Mining contributes about 12 percent of gross domestic product to Southeast Asia's largest economy.

Privately owned Ibris Nickel Pte Ltd is the first miner to announce it has put operations on hold due to uncertainty over the ban, halting its 2- million-tonne-a-year mine.

Ibris Chief Operating Officer Agus Suhartono told Reuters the company had halted operations at the start of the month and may be forced to lay off some of its 1,400 workers at its mine in Southeast Sulawesi.

Ibris does not have a refinery yet, and currently exports all of its nickel ore production. "Workers have already stopped working because there is nothing they can do," Suhartono said.

The miner, which is part of the Ibris Group, announced plans in June to build a $1.8 billion nickel pig iron plant.

Uncertainty over the requirements of the law has added to miners' concerns and delayed smelting plans, given varying interpretations from government officials and Indonesia's history of backing away from controversial policies.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration is working on a special regulation that will likely ease the export restrictions on companies already processing some ore domestically, although moves to water down the ban have been opposed by the country's parliament.

The Indonesian Mining Association said it was told by the government the new regulation would exempt Freeport and Newmont from the ban, but maintain the restrictions on hundreds of other miners that do not process any of their ore domestically.

Freeport and Newmont, which refine only about a third of their copper output in Indonesia, account for 97 percent of the country's copper production. Officials with the energy and mining ministry declined to comment on the pending regulation, which is expected to be announced before Sunday's ban.

At least one company remains adamant that it will continue to export its unprocessed minerals whether or not it receives an exemption. "I will have a lawyer standing by at my mine. We will continue to load ships," Wira Budiman, marketing director for nickel miner Mobi Jaya Persada, told reporters.

"If customs officials or police come they can talk with our lawyer. If they can show us the law in black and white we'll follow it." Budiman said he planned to ship around 1.8 million tonnes of nickel ore this year.

Adding value?

The ore export ban has come into effect at an unwelcome time for the government, as Indonesia scrambles to cut a large account deficit that has been undermining confidence in its currency, which was Asia's weakest last year after falling more than 20 percent to the dollar.

Any cut in exports will only mean a bigger deficit. Indonesia's central bank said on Friday the current account deficit could exceed 3 percent of GDP due to the risks from lower commodity prices and the mineral export ban.

Southeast Asia's largest economy reported a current account deficit of 3.8 percent in the third quarter of 2013, easing from a record high of 4.4 percent the previous quarter.

The mineral export ban is part of a 2009 mining law that aimed to increase the export value of Indonesia's commodities. Under the ban, the government estimates processed minerals will boost foreign revenue from metals to $25 billion in 2016 from $11 billion last year, said Sukhyar, director general of coal and minerals.

However, a recent World Bank report suggests that an optimistic view of the export ban would result in "a significant, negative shock to Indonesia's trade balance of around $6 billion in 2014.

[Additional reporting by Yayat Supriatna and Andjarsari Paramaditha in Jakarta; Writing by Randy Fabi; Editing by Richard Pullin.]

Factbox - Likely winners, losers of Indonesia's mineral export ban

Jakarta – Indonesia is this week expected to announce a new regulation that could exempt some miners from a planned mineral export ban, which will come into effect on Sunday.

The Indonesian Mining Association said it was told by the government the new regulation would exempt mining companies, like US giants Freeport- McMoRan Copper & Gold and Newmont Mining Corp, that already process or plan to process their ore domestically.

"Any company that has processed and refined ore will be allowed to export," said Syahrir Abubakar, the group's executive director, on the sidelines of a private meeting between government and industry officials on the regulation. "However, it has to be clear the definition of (minimum) 'processing' and 'refining'."

Government officials declined to confirm details of the pending regulation.

More than 250 mining companies have committed to processing and refining minerals domestically, but government officials said only 178 appeared to be serious about building smelters – and among them only around 25 had actually started work.

Following is a list of potential winners and losers of Indonesia's mineral export ban if the government decides to allow companies that process some of their ore domestically to continue exporting without significant restrictions.

Winners - Copper producers Copper output in 2012: 448,000 tonnes

Industry: Freeport, Newmont produce 97 pct of total output

Firms likely to be exempt: Freeport, Newmont

Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold currently processes around 40 percent of its ore mined domestically at PT Smelting, Indonesia's only copper smelter that can produce more than 300,000 tonnes of copper cathode. Freeport exports the rest. The US company produces 73 percent of Indonesia's copper production, or around 220,000 tonnes of copper ore a day at its Grasberg mine in Papua.

Newmont Mining Corp sends between 20-23 percent of its copper concentrate production from its Batu Hijau mine for processing at PT Smelting. Newmont produces around 24 percent of Indonesia's copper production. A company official in September forecast copper output between 75-90 million pounds in 2013, compared to 76 million pounds last year.

Winners - Nickel miners Pt Antam, Pt Vale Indonesia

Nickel ore output in 2012: 41 million tonnes

Industry: PT Antam is the top Indonesian producer in both minerals, but there are hundreds of other nickel miners.

PT Aneka Tambang (Antam) processes around 15 percent of its nickel ore domestically at its ferronickel smelter in Sulawesi. The state-owned company produced around 9.4 million tonnes of nickel ore in 2012, or around 23 percent of Indonesia's total output.

PT Vale Indonesia processes all of its nickel ore domestically, producing an estimated 77,000 tonnes of nickel matte in 2013.

Mixed – Global nickel market

Global nickel miners Norilsk Nickel, Eramet, Glencore Xstrata and others could benefit as importers of Indonesian nickel ore scramble to find other suppliers, analysts say.

Global nickel prices, however, are not expected to see a significant increase from an Indonesian ban due to sufficient international supplies.

World nickel consumption was 1.658 million tonnes in 2012, compared with output of 1.753 million tonnes, data from the Lisbon-based International Nickel Study Group showed last month.

Losers – Hundreds of smaller nickel, bauxite miners

Most Indonesian nickel and bauxite miners can't afford to invest the hundreds of millions of dollars it takes to build a smelter, so are not expected to receive exemptions to the government regulation.

Indonesia's Mining Association has warned that the ban will force small mining companies to shutdown operations and lay off thousands of workers.

Losers – Ports, shipping companies, ore traders

Intermediaries handling the transportation and trade of Indonesia's metal ore will be negatively affected as the volume of exports plummet, analysts say.

Source: USAID, company websites, government officials [Compiled by Randy Fabi, editing by David Evans.]

Analysis & opinion

Rights should be part of US 'pivot' to Asia

Boston Globe - January 6, 2014

Prodita Sabarini – A military helicopter flew overhead, firing rounds, as a young protester named Tineke Rumakabu ran from soldiers. She was bringing food for her fellow citizens of the former Dutch colony of West Papua as they demanded independence from Indonesia on July 6, 1998.

Captured by troops, she was blindfolded, handcuffed, and tossed onto a pile of moaning people in a truck that took her to a military compound. There, she was tortured, raped, and watched as her friend was beheaded with a bayonet.

Rumakabu told her story this year before a Biak Massacre Citizens Tribunal organized by the University of Sydney. The tribunal cast fresh light on one of Asia's worst – and least recognized – atrocities of recent decades.

The United States had backed Indonesia's takeover of West Papua in the 1960s, after which an American company helped start the world's biggest gold mine and third-largest copper mine there. Many West Papuans have joined the struggle for independence since. Now, more than 15 years since the massacre in the city of Biak, the United States is turning a blind eye toward human rights abuses in West Papua as it strengthens ties to Indonesia's military.

Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel said in August that he welcomed "the progress Indonesia has made in improving transparency and the protection of human rights" as he signed a $500 million deal selling eight Apache attack helicopters. The sale, which is part of the US foreign policy "pivot" to Asia, went ahead despite the objections of some 90 human rights groups who argued that the aircraft could be used to further suppress the people of West Papua. US-supplied arms to Indonesia have been used in cracking down on resistance movements in West Papua and East Timor. The United States restored ties with Indonesian military in 2010 after cutting them in 1999 for Indonesian abuses in East Timor.

It was strange to hear Hagel's claim that human rights protection in Indonesia has improved, when those responsible for massacres in West Papua and East Timor enjoy impunity while members of unarmed resistance groups face arbitrary detention and killings. Armed rebels in West Papua do exist in the form of the Free Papua Movement army. However, Indonesia has been indiscriminate in suppressing any kind of resistance movements. A month before the sale of the Apaches, United Nations high commissioner Navi Pillay expressed serious concerns about the human rights situation in Indonesia after police reportedly shot and killed two protestors preparing to mark the 50th anniversary of the annexation of West Papua.

By strengthening military ties, the United States is furthering a culture of impunity that fuels continuous human rights violations. Officers involved in abuses continue to rise in the ranks. Generals who were in command during alleged massacres are free to test their political ambitions. Former military chief Wiranto and former special forces unit chief Prabowo Subianto, both allegedly involved in abuses in East Timor and Papua, are running for Indonesia's president in next year's elections.

The grievances of West Papuans are longstanding. They rightly regard the 1969 "Act of Free Choice" as a sham, when the Suharto regime selected around 1,000 Papuan representatives to unanimously vote to join Indonesia. Soon after, Arizona-based mining giant Freeport-McMoRan started its operations there. Through a subsidiary, the company pays Indonesian security forces, ostensibly to guard its mines, but in what amounts to protection money. Some academic researchers argue a "slow-motion genocide" is underway, with more than 100,000 West Papuans having been killed in armed clashes during the half-century of Indonesian rule.

After the brutal 32-year reign of Suharto ended in May 1998, a wave of protests demanding a new referendum in West Papua followed. In Biak, Filep Karma, now a political prisoner and one of the nominees for the 2013 Nobel Peace Prize, rallied people to gather under the city's water tower. The protesters occupied the water tower for several days before soldiers and police launched a joint attack. Karma was shot with rubber bullets in both his legs.

The Biak Massacre Citizens Tribunal recently released its findings that the massacre was planned and executed by Indonesian security forces. Large numbers of people were tortured, raped, or killed, including a child in a school uniform. Bodies that were dumped into the sea kept getting caught in fishermen's nets for days. The Indonesian government continues to deny any wrongdoing.

The tribunal was an effort not only to document the atrocities, but to stop the cycle of impunity. It has collected enough evidence to prosecute those responsible. At the very least, the United States should call on Indonesia to properly investigate the case. The Obama administration should also reevaluate its military cooperation with Indonesia, making sure that arms and training for Indonesian troops are not used to harm civilians. A "pivot' to Asia should not mean complicity in Indonesia's human rights abuses.

[Prodita Sabarini, an Indonesian journalist, is the 2013-2014 IWMF Elizabeth Neuffer fellow at MIT.]

Rights violations more rampant in 2014

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Mimin Dwi Hartono, Jakarta – Attempts by the state to respect, protect and fulfill human rights in 2013 have been no better than those in 2012.

In general, based on complaints filed with the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), three main actors allegedly commit human rights violations: the police, corporations and regency/city heads.

For the last five years, these three actors have topped the list of human rights violations. There are several reasons behind this finding, particularly with respect to authority and/or power as a result of regional autonomy.

The police have obtained more power and authority in the realms of law enforcement and public order. However, this power is not equipped with adequate and effective instruments and control mechanisms, both internally and externally.

Internal sanctions for ethical, disciplinary and criminal violations have failed to provide deterrents. The police have attempted to make improvements but these measures have, as yet, been insufficient.

Complaints related to the police's performance are frequently made. Police agencies are hardly controlled, which reduces public confidence in the process and result of law enforcement. Allegations of human rights violations and abuses of power by police officers from top to bottom continue and are likely to increase.

Corporations can perpetrate rights abuses because of the network and the power of capital, which allegedly influences public policy and the design of local development.

In the post-regional autonomy era, the power of capital intervenes in local government policymaking as the business permit-process rests ultimately in the hands of regents or mayors.

The conflict between corporation and community leads to the realm of criminal law because the police stick to the formal legal approach.

Business permits in mining, plantation and forestry sectors have increased significantly, but many spark conflicts between local residents and corporations due to overlapping permits and tenure rights.

To avoid central government intervention and clearance, corporations have set up several subsidiaries.

Central and provincial governments lack the authority to control and oversee local governments' policies. Central and provincial governments have often seen their recommendations ignored. Minimum requirements for regents or mayors to issue permits have made it easy for corporations to apply and obtain permits.

Excessive power and authority is a blessing of local autonomy for regional heads. However, they often do not exercise power for the prosperity of their people, but for themselves and their groups through the "sales" of investment permits.

This certainly contradicts the spirit of regional autonomy, which aimed to bring leaders closer to their people. The opposite has happened, as regents or mayors emerge as "little kings" that treat their jurisdictions as their own "kingdoms", issuing business permits at will at the expense of their people.

This is the consequence of direct elections, which are very costly and inefficient. A candidate allegedly needs tens of billions of rupiah to run for a regent or mayoral role.

Therefore, when they are elected, their power is exercised to return the political investment and divide concessions among their sponsors, such as political parties and businesspeople.

The worst happens if the three actors "collaborate" at the expense of the rights of the people. It usually occurs, for example, when police arrest people on the latter's own land as law enforcers only recognize formal licenses issued by the local government.

Without prior notice and consultation, ancestral land is often incorporated into a corporation's concession map. The pattern continues so that the conflict between corporation and community leads to the realm of criminal law because the police stick to the formal legal approach while not taking into consideration the substance and root of the problem.

Such a pattern will be more widespread in 2014, the so-called "political year". The issuance of business permits for natural resource extraction will be more rampant as more money is needed to win legislative and presidential elections.

As a result, human rights violations are expected to significantly increase throughout next year. It will be wise for the police leadership to handle conflicts with care where they concern natural resources involving corporation and communities, so as to prevent officers in the field from committing human rights violations.

The home minister needs to look at the policy of regents/mayors prior to and during 2014 and coordinate with the relevant ministries in order to avoid abuses of power. Likewise, corporations are supposed to uphold integrity and commitment to not take advantage of the political year to obtain new licenses by ignoring public justice.

Multi stakeholder forums, such as the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), the forest certification mechanism and business and human rights forums, which aim to control the performance of corporations, should be developed and strengthened.

Corporations must comply with global standards, ethics and human rights norms when running their operations.

[The writer is an investigator at the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). The views expressed are his own.]

What's next for Papua after the MSG diplomacy?

Jakarta Post - January 6, 2014

Budi Hernawan, New York – The 2013 Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) summit undoubtedly marked a historic moment on the long journey of Papua's international diplomacy. During the top diplomatic gathering of the Melanesian countries, the Papuan representatives were invited for the first time.

While this political decision constitutes a breakthrough for the political impasse in Jakarta, the decision is still pending a follow-up visit by a foreign ministerial mission to Jakarta and Jayapura – The visit, however, is subject to the Indonesian government's approval, not the MSG's (The Jakarta Post, Oct. 26, 2013).

Papuan international diplomacy is not novel. If we look back to the second Papua Congress in 2000, it is one of the mandates that some 500 Papuan representatives entrusted to the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP).

This body consists of Papuan leaders who live inside and outside Papua. Over the last decade, however, the body has lost its key figures, who used to undertake international diplomacy.

The chairman, Theys Eluay, was kidnapped and assassinated by the Indonesian Army Special Forces. Viktor Kaisiepo, the PDP spokesperson for Europe, died in Holland, while Willem Zonggonau and Clemens Runawery, the PDP spokespersons for the Pacific, died in Australia and Papua New Guinea, respectively. Similarly, Agus Alua, who then became the speaker of the Papuan People's Council (MRP), and Beatrix Koibur died in Jayapura.

In engaging the international diplomacy, we know that Papuans use the term "rectifying the history" to reclaim their silenced history of the transition of power of Papua in the 1960s. This part of history remains a contentious subject of dispute between Papua and Indonesia.

Supported by historical research, Papuans believe that the transition of power through the 1969 UN supervised plebiscite, PEPERA or the so-called the Act of Free Choice, was flawed. On the contrary, Jakarta holds the opposite narrative. It states that the transition was legal and internationally recognized due to the blessing of the UN General Assembly over the result of PEPERA.

The positions are not only at odds with each other but also have generated the history of violence in the last half-century.

Rectifying the history also suggests an element of demanding accountability of the international community for their participation in endorsing the result of PEPERA in 1969. While many may think that this call is utopian and unrealistic, the political landscape that enabled the second Papuan Congress was down-to-earth and real.

Indonesia was under President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid who endorsed reconciliatory initiatives across the nation. There was a narrow window of opportunity for Papuans and they did not wait. Instead, they convened the Congress and interrupted the status quo of the world's silence over the silenced Papuan history.

The reclaiming of the Papuan history is not limited to the area of diplomacy. It covers a broader sphere of Papuan lives. It translates into the revival of the Papuan indigenous culture. It inspires the integration of Papuan religious beliefs into formal religions. It inspires the ways in which Papuan rename their places of history and interest.

Let's go back to the issue of diplomacy to see what would be the key challenges for Papuan diplomacy in the coming years. At least three major challenges we can identify.

The first is the existing Pacific diplomacy. Toward the end of the year we haven't heard any further news about whether Jakarta has extended any specific date for MSG to visit.

Jakarta's failure to receive an MSG visit will delay the deliberation of the membership of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL). While the postponement would not stop the Papuan leaders, it would cause a major setback to their efforts to secure a formal position within the MSG.

The second challenge is the national political landscape. We know that both Jakarta and Jayapura have been busy in drafting the Special Autonomy Plus. It is framed to be an advancement of the existing Special Autonomy. Both the President and the governor of Papua believe that this package will provide greater room for improvement and it has to be done before the 2014 elections.

That is why both leaders sent their special envoys to travel overseas to persuade the Papuan leaders living in exile and also to inform the Indonesian diplomatic missions. This whirlwind will certainly suck most of the energy out of Jakarta and Jayapura – As a result, they may not want to get distracted with other issues.

This situation is likely to impede any further engagement with the Papuan peace initiatives promoted by the Papua Peace Network (PPN) and the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). Similarly, the MSG proposal and requests from the UN Special Rapporteurs may not get any further traction.

The biggest challenge would be the global justice market itself. This market is already crowded and chaotic with wars in Syria, Libya, Central Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo, etc. We may ask a hard question: How can Papua compete with these issues, if it should?

While some would argue that the Papuan conflict is not able to attract world attention because of its low number of casualties, the world's history shows the opposite.

We learn from the history of genocide in the 20th century that world leaders disgracefully failed to respond in time, even though they were bombarded with detailed information from the field.

For instance, currently the Central African Republic faces an imminent threat of genocidal killings between the Muslims and Christians. Four hundred people were already killed. Instead of using the word "genocide", the world leaders prefer the term "mass violence" to label the ongoing carnage (New York Times, Dec. 9, 2013). This framing illustrates the reality that publicizing carnage will not necessarily mobilize the world leaders to take action to stop it.

When they do take action and even the UN Security Council deploys a UN peacekeeping force, this force does not necessarily have all necessary power and capacity to end violence and protect civilians.

Let's take another example from today's world: the UN peacekeeping force MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It took two years before the Security Council equipped the UN Peacekeeping force with the authority to fight back, which constitutes the first mandate that has ever been established.

In other words, Papuan diplomacy remains challenging. It has to navigate domestic, regional and international politics with different and often conflicting interests.

The Papuan leaders, however, are not naove. They know the reality as they have struggled with it in the last half-century. They will continue working for the pelurusan sejarah of Papua regardless of their limited capacity and resources.

On the other hand, the Indonesian authorities are also well aware of the complexity of the world's diplomacy. Given the strength of the state, they are in a much better position to continue their work to safeguard the state narrative of Papua.

Since the two positions remain at odds with each other, what can be done to solve it? There is no other option left but peaceful dialogue between Jakarta and Papua as the PPN has tirelessly promoted. Given the challenges mentioned above, the question is who will buy it this time?

[The writer is a part-time researcher at Franciscans International, an international NGO accredited with the United Nations based in New York. The views expressed are his own.]

Book & film reviews

Inside 'The Act of Killing's' guerrilla distribution campaign in Indonesia

Mother Jones - January 8, 2014

Asawin Suebsaeng – The Act of Killing is that rare documentary – one that might actually change things. The film (released on DVD and Blu-ray on Tuesday) examines the anti-communist, death-squad-abetted purge in Indonesia carried out in 1965 and 1966.

The horrific slaughter claimed hundreds of thousands of alleged and committed communists (possibly a million tortured and executed souls) and led to the jailing of another million. It is a chapter in the Southeast Asian and Oceanian republic's history that its government is too often reluctant to address.

The documentarians interview some proud death-squad alumni and focus on Anwar Congo, one of the founding fathers of the right-wing paramilitary group Pancasila Youth, which participated in the carnage. (The bloodletting, conducted by the Indonesian Army and gangster-filled death squads, was instrumental in crushing the Indonesian Communist Party and securing the presidency for Suharto, a genocidal dictator and US ally in the Cold War.)

Anwar – who is shown walking as a free man, beloved by many Indonesians – recounts murdering as many as 1,000 people, his preferred method being garroting enemies of the state with wire. And the filmmakers don't just convince the killers to brag about their grisly crimes; they persuade them to reenact them, in a series of often bizarre segments inspired by gangster films and musicals.

The Act of Killing has enjoyed wide international praise and is considered by many to be a shoo-in for an Academy Award nomination for Best Documentary Feature (nominees are set to be announced on January 16). But inside Indonesia, distribution of the film has been a trickier issue. Under Indonesian law, only films that have cleared a state censorship body can be commercially distributed.

"The whole strategy of [not] releasing the film in Indonesia is to avoid it being banned in Indonesia," Joshua Oppenheimer, one of the film's directors, tells Mother Jones. "We knew that if we released it in theaters [in Indonesia], the film would be banned, and it would become a crime to watch the film... It is not safe for me to return to Indonesia, or for my Indonesian crew to come out of anonymity."

The unique roll-out in Indonesia has included invitation-only screenings, DVDs, free downloads, and uploading a version to YouTube. The campaign is being managed by one of the documentary's other two directors (the third being Christine Cynn). He is one of the many crew members credited as "Anonymous," necessary for his continued safety in Indonesia. Fear of reprisal is a regular concern. When a newspaper editor was attacked after printing the name of Pancasila Youth in his paper's coverage of The Act of Killing, Anonymous adjusted accordingly.

"It was a crazy day," he tells Mother Jones. "Calls were coming, everyone suggested us to leave [our] house, just in case they find who Anonymous is. We moved all computers and terabytes of hard drives we used for editing to a safe house. We draw an evacuation plan with my passport always in my pocket, in case paramilitary or other anti-communist groups come and attack us."

Anonymous spent eight years of his life making this film, knowing full well that he might never be able to take credit for his work in public. "Yes, I'd never be able to take credit for the work I have done... but to dear ones that I really care about, I can talk about it, and that's what matters the most for me," he says.

Anonymous is a campaigner for an environmental NGO, and finds creative and political influences in the likes of George Orwell, Mahatma Gandhi, and Pramoedya Ananta Toer. "I was one of thousands of students who stood face to face with riot police in 1998, urging the New Order military dictatorship to go," he said in a statement posted to The Act of Killing's website.

He was born on the Indonesian island of Java, and grew up in the country with his parents, both native Indonesians. His great uncle, who had worked as a civil servant in 1965, had been a member of a communist student association, and was forced to hide those left-wing affiliations for the rest of his life for fear of being purged. And as Anonymous flies under the radar while orchestrating the film's guerrilla distribution campaign, he sees the full value of both social media and old-fashioned word of mouth.

"Instead of saying sorry for the mass killing in 1965, they want the film not to be seen by Indonesians," Anonymous says. "Our main [publicity] is through social media (Facebook and Twitter) since our website is regularly DDoS-attacked from Indonesia. Anyone in Indonesia can ask for a free DVD; all they have to do is [say] that they will have a screening with friends or family and give us their shipment address."

Anonymous is also in touch with a few bookstores that give out the DVD as a bonus item, as well as two pirate DVD sellers who are marketing the documentary online. He says that after it was announced on September 30 that The Act of Killing was available for free download in Indonesia, the number of DVD requests doubled. "We cannot put billboard advertisement or print an advertisement in media, but every time there's an open screening, organizers print and put posters or stickers everywhere," he says.

Nowadays, Anonymous and Oppenheimer are busy editing The Look of Silence, another documentary about the 1965 mass killing – this time from the victims' perspective. Throughout the distribution campaign, Anonymous has met many survivors and victims' families who are pushing the Indonesian government to launch a serious justice and reconciliation process.

"This is the nightmare I have to face, probably as an Indonesian, facing the real face of my nation, my history, and partly my identity," he says. "I knew about the mass killing long before we started filming The Act of Killing, but never have I been so close seeing and listening to perpetrators' proud confession about the killing. And all that time, behind the camera, I had to keep my feeling to myself. And there was that disturbing question again: Millions of people were tortured, raped, and killed, and nothing has been really done about it. What the hell am I going to do with my camera? What film am I making? What can it do? What will it do?"

So far, The Act of Killing has indeed made quite the impact. The filmmakers are receiving significant pushback from powerful, pro-death squad figures in Indonesian society. For instance, one army general responded to the film by declaring that the time had come to exterminate the "neo-communists" gathering to watch it. Anwar and another subject of the film have considered suing Oppenheimer.

But on the more reassuring side of things, the movie has undoubtedly boosted awareness of the massacres and atrocities. After seeing the film, an editor at Tempo (a major Indonesian news and politics magazine) contacted Oppenheimer to confess that he had spent his whole time at the magazine censoring stories about the genocide. No more, he vowed. Tempo later ran an issue dedicated to examining the horrors of '65 and '66.

"There was a time before The Act of Killing, and a time after," the editor told Oppenheimer. "I don't want to grow old as a perpetrator."

Review: Voices from the unheard

Inside Indonesia - October-December, 2013

Leila S. Chudori's novel Pulang is an important addition to a growing literature examining the events of 1965-66 and its aftermath

Pam Allen – In a recent Tempo article, Goenawan Mohamad described 1965 as 'a kind of code... for a catastrophic occurrence – and because of this, always simplified.' He went on to observe that 2012 seemed to be a year of remembering, or imagining, 1965.

One of the most significant manifestations of that remembering was the special September 2012 edition of Tempo that featured interviews with people who had taken part in murdering communists or suspected communists in 1965-1966. In response to this and to the government-appointed Human Rights Commission report on the conduct of the killings, young people in particular have expressed their shock at discovering an aspect of Indonesia's past of which they had no previous knowledge.

A similar broadening of the discourse on 1965 can be seen in works of fiction reimagining the events of 1965-1966. Such fiction was formerly the domain of authors who had personally lived through the events, such as Umar Kayam and Ahmad Tohari. Now, however, stories on this theme are fictional recollections of an imagined past.

The phenomenon of imagining 1965, alluded to by Goenawan Mohamad, has resulted in a flurry of creative output – fiction, theatre, film – over the last 18 months. Examples include the novels Cerita Cinta Enrico by Ayu Utami (2012), Amba by Laksmi Pamuntjak (2012), Candik Ala 1965 by Tinuk Yampolsky (2011) and Ayu Manda by I Made Darmawan (2010).

Chudori's Pulang

A very important contribution to this literary phenomenon was the publication in December 2012 of Leila Chudori's novel Pulang (Going Home). Greeted with much acclaim by literary critics in Indonesia, this is Chudori's antidote to the 'official history of 1965', which was her diet as a school student growing up under the Suharto regime.

Like many Indonesians too young to remember the events of 1965, but kept in the dark about them, Chudori sought answers about what she calls the 'black hole' of Indonesian history. Because history books did not provide the answers, and because her parents' generation would not speak of the events, she sought to explore and imagine the answers through creative writing – in her case, a novel drawing on years of meticulous research based on real-life characters.

As Chuori describes in her article here, her first encounter with the 'black hole' was her discovery of Restaurant Indonesia in Paris. Founded as a cooperative in 1982, it has always been more than just a restaurant. Its original purpose was to provide employment for Indonesian political refugees, including Umar Said and Sobron Aidit, who were unable to return to Indonesia after the 1965 attempted coup.

As well as promoting Indonesian culture through exhibitions, dance and performances, it has provided a forum for intense political and philosophical discussions. The key protagonists of Pulang – Dimas Suryo, Nugroho Dewantoro, Tjai Sin Soe and Ristjaf – are loosely based on those unlikely restaurateurs.

While the tumultuous events of 1965 are the backdrop of the story, this is not a novel about ideology or political power. It is about the impact of 1965 and its aftermath on the daily lives of the exiles, their families and friends, including those left behind in Indonesia. Inevitably this includes stories of love, lust and betrayal. It describes the constant low-level intimidation faced by the restaurant owners, regarded by the Indonesian authorities as dangerous on account of their political persuasions. It includes Dimas not being present when his mother dies in Indonesia.

But it also includes laughter, adventure and food – especially food. The completely inexperienced restaurateurs devise mouth-watering menus and prove adept at producing Indonesian dishes guaranteed to win the hearts of the diaspora in Paris and educate the French about Indonesian cuisine.

Notwithstanding several flashbacks to the 1950s, the action of Pulang begins in 1965 and ends in 1998: sandwiched between two cataclysmic events of modern Indonesian history. Dimas Suryo and his colleagues are attending a conference of journalists in Santiago, Chile, at the time of the attempted coup. As suspected communist sympathisers, their passports are revoked and they cannot return home. Moving from Chile to Cuba to China over the ensuing years, they eventually end up in Paris where they open their restaurant. Despite that enforced distance from their homeland, their yearning for and connection with Indonesia is the key thread of the novel.

Despite having a girlfriend back in Indonesia, Dimas marries a French girl during the 1968 revolution in Paris. They give their daughter an Indonesian name – Lintang Utara – that reflects the father's longing to go home. It is not until much later, as a young undergraduate student, that Lintang finally has the opportunity to visit the country of her father's birth, only to arrive in Jakarta on the eve of the chaotic 1998 demonstrations that eventually lead to the downfall of President Suharto.

As she has done in her other writing (see for example the stories in The Longest Kiss, her recently published translated short story anthology), Chudori manages to make Indonesia a constant presence on the pages of this novel without having to make repeated reference to it. It is, of course, an imagined Indonesia for the protagonists – a country symbolised for Dimas by the big glass jars of cloves and saffron in his kitchen. (Chudori has spoken of President Abdurrahman's visit to Paris when he asked what could be done for the exiles. Their poignant response: all they wanted was their green Indonesian passports.) For the next generation, Lintang Utara, Indonesia is 'a blood relationship that I do not know.'

In Chudori's own words, she wanted to explore in this novel the mindsets of Dimas and his colleagues who, although they had lived in Paris for most of their adult lives, 'still felt they were a part of Indonesia, no matter what kind of passports they were issued, and no matter how their government treated them.' Equally, she is exploring the worldview and sentiments of that younger generation of Indonesians who seek a definition of what she terms I-N-D-O-N-E-S-I-A (a deliberately disjointed visual representation of the word, indicating its unfinished status).

Currently being translated by John McGlynn, we can expect the English version of the novel in 2014. (See an excerpt from the English translation)

[Leila S. Chudori, Pulang, a Novel, Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2013. Pam Allen (pam.allen@utas.edu.au) teaches Indonesian and Asian Studies in the School of Asian Languages and Studies at the University of Tasmania.]


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