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East Timor News Digest 7 – July 1-31, 2017

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Political parties & elections

Timor-Leste prays for pro-people government

UCA News - July 25, 2017

Thomas Ora, Dili – Timor-Leste's parliamentary election ended peacefully over the weekend with the fledgling country looking set for five more years of coalition government led by the former resistance movement party, Fretilin, and the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction Party (CNRT).

Based on a preliminary count Fretilin won 23 seats, CNRT 22, People's Liberation Party 8, the Democratic Party (PD) 7 while the surprise was the "disenfranchised youth" party, Khunto, which won 5 seats.

Election monitor, Inocencio de Jesus Xavier, a program officer of the Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) group, called the poll results a "new phenomenon" where trust in the big parties has begun to erode, in comparison with the 2012 election, where Fretelin gained 25 seats, CNRT won 30 seats, and the PD 8.

The results indicate people are beginning to move away from Fretelin and CNRT. Ten years of their rule has not seen them come up with policies or programs that have touched the lives of the people, he said.

"Lack of clean water, bad roads, poor health and education facilities were not properly addressed [by CNRT]," Xavier told ucanews.com on July 24.

If the leading parties want to form a coalition they should aim to solve real problems in society instead concentrating on who gets what in government like in previous years, he said.

Ideally one of the two main parties should serve as the opposition, while the other form a government with the smaller groups, he said, adding that having an effective opposition in parliament could prompt the government to get something done.

He was referring to a mid-term change in the coalition after the last election in which CNRT suddenly formed a coalition in 2015 with Fretelin and appointed Rui Maria de Araujo as prime minister, leaving no opposition party in parliament.

According to Xavier, Fretelin should form a new government, with representatives from the smaller parties.

"The most important thing is to build roads in remote areas so people have easier access to towns, clean water, health and education facilities, agriculture, tourism," he said.

"The hope is that the new government should not be dependent on oil and gas, and look at other ways of generating revenue. Fretelin should lead the way."

Bishop Virgilio Do Carmo Da Silva of Dili called on people and political parties to accept the results of the recent elections. "People have exercised their rights peacefully, and no political elite should betray that," he said.

He also called for a government that aims to look out for the real needs of the people. The prelate said that the next government should prioritize education.

"There are many schools that still lack fundamental necessities, such as books, library, laboratory, and decent school buildings," the prelate said.

Also, the new government needs to expand the agricultural sector to create more jobs particularly for young people so that they do not need to work abroad, the bishop said.

Former president and premier, Xanana Gusmao, also called on all people and parties, including his own CNRT, to accept the results. "Peace and stability are more important for Timor-Leste to show the world that we are capable of building a better democracy," he said.

The Timor-Leste Election Commission will announce official results of the polls in August.

Source: http://www.ucanews.com/news/timor-leste-prays-for-pro-people-government/79832

Timor Leste votes for more of the same

Asia Times - July 24, 2017

David Hutt – Preliminary results from Timor-Leste's general election indicate the two largest political parties, which formed a de facto ruling partnership in 2015, have retained a majority of votes.

The country's 750,000 registered voters, of which a fifth went to the ballot for the first time, turned out on Saturday to select their 65 parliamentary representatives.

It was the fourth general election to take place since the half-island nation, also known as East Timor, gained independence from Indonesia in 2002. It was also the first that didn't require supervision by the United Nations.

The official tally is not expected until early August but indications are that it was a "business as usual result, with one significant twist," said Michael Leach, a professor in politics and international relations at Swinburne University in Australia.

Fretilin, the party of the independence movement, is thought to have won the most votes: 30% based on the count of nine-tenths of ballots.

The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), which won the majority at the last election in 2012, came second this year with an estimated 28% of votes.

Fretilin is expected to take 23 seats in parliament; the CNRT will have one less. Despite its success, Fretilin will only be able to form a minority government in parliament without support of another party.

It is possible that it entices the three smaller parties that secured seats into a coalition agreement. But most analysts expect Fretilin and the CNRT to continue with their "unity government" post-election.

In early 2015, Xanana Gusmao, a national independence hero and leader of the CNRT, resigned as prime minister and nominated a Fretilin minister, Rui Maria de Araujo, to take his place.

Mari Alkatiri, Fretilin's general secretary, has expressed interest in continuing the relationship with the CNRT in the coming years.

In fact, neither party engaged in mudslinging against one another on the campaign trail. At the presidential election four months ago, the CNRT publicly backed Fretilin's candidate, Francisco "Lu-Olo" Guterres, who easily won.

With Fretilin tipping the balance of seats, it is also likely that Araujo will now continue as prime minister. Another possibility, however, is that the CNRT asks for a return of favors from two years ago, i.e. now that Fretilin is the majority party in the coalition a CNRT candidate is named prime minister.

"There is little doubt that many CNRT members are keen to see a redress of what many perceive as recently overly favorable treatment of Fretilin," said Damien Kingsbury, professor of international politics at Deakin University.

This year's presidential and parliamentary elections have seen little violence and few claims of fraud. Timor Leste was ranked the most democratic nation in Southeast Asia on the Economist's latest Democracy Index.

"This election should serve as a growing foundation for future elections to build upon and further consolidate the country's democracy," said Derek Luyten, regional director for Asia at the International Republican Institute, a pro-democracy advocacy group.

Fretilin has lauded the election result as a sign of the public's support for consensus politics. "Now we will look forward to guaranteed stability, ongoing development and to bring people out of poverty," Alkatiri told reporters on Sunday afternoon.

However, it wasn't an overwhelming vote for the status-quo, nor a clear vote of confidence in the incumbent. When all ballots are counted, it is likely that the two largest parties combined will have taken around 60% of the popular vote. At the last general election in 2012 they won closer to 70%, taking all but ten of the 65 seats in parliament.

Moreover, at the previous election in 2007, seven parties won seats in the legislature; only four parties won seats in 2012. Such pluralism was again evident at Saturday's election.

"The passing of the 4% threshold" – which is needed to win a seat – "by five political parties is a positive sign for democracy," Luyten said.

The People's Liberation Party (PLP), a new political party headed by the former president Taur Matan Ruak, is thought to have taken roughly 10% of the votes, winning eight seats in parliament.

The PLP's relative success was "significant" as it "openly challenged the mega-project driven development policies of the previous government," said Leach. Indeed, the PLP campaigned against the extravagant spending of the incumbent administration, which it claims has not benefited ordinary people.

In recent years, analysts have stringently warned that the current administration's big-spending policies could soon lead Timor-Leste into a financial black hole. Almost 90% of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) and state budget is derived from petroleum revenues.

But its largest oil and gas field, Bayu-Undan, is predicted to run dry by 2023. The estimated US$16 billion currently in its sovereign wealth fund could be depleted within a decade if current rates of government expenditure are not reduced.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party (PD) is expected to win seven seats, one less than five years ago, which is likely due to the death in 2015 of its popular, former leader, Fernando "Lasama" de Araujo.

One of the biggest electoral surprises was Khunto, an inexperienced party that is thought to have secured five seats in parliament. For many, it is seen as a "militant party", Kingsbury said, given its connections to the country's martial arts gangs, which have been partly responsible for Timor-Leste's instability in the past.

Some of the groups have been made illegal in recent years. Nonetheless, the party "appears to have benefited from the rise in the number of younger voters that have come on to the electoral roll," Kingsbury added.

The population's median age is 19 (the voting age is 17) and almost a fifth of the country's 750,000 registered voters headed to the ballots for the first time. Many are from so-called "independence babies": those born after Timor Leste's referendum on independence in 1999.

The question now for the smaller parties is whether to accept ministerial positions, if indeed, any are offered, as is usual in Timor-Leste's politics. For example, the Minister of State, Coordinator of Social Affairs and Minister of Education has been a PD politician for most of the decade.

In recent years, analysts have stringently warned that the current administration's big-spending policies could soon lead Timor-Leste into a financial black hole

While the power-sharing arrangement has given Timor-Leste stability, analysts claim it has also deprived the country of political checks and balances. When Ruak was president he took it upon himself to vocally criticize the government, often going beyond the constitutional role of head of state.

It is not an easy decision for the smaller parties. A ministerial position might allow one of their politicians to push the party's agenda. But in a minority position, the two largest parties do not necessarily need to agree to any proposed reforms or programs.

Alternatively, the three smaller parties might instead form an opposition bloc within parliament. At this year's presidential election they all backed the same candidate, Antonio da Conceicao.

Now with a combined 18 seats in parliament they might be able to provide a measure of stiff opposition to the 'unity' government's plans.

Source: http://www.atimes.com/article/timor-leste-votes/

Timor Leste set for new coalition after 'remarkable' first election

Straits Times - July 24, 2017

Dili (AFP) – Timor Leste is set for another coalition after the two governing parties in Asia's youngest democracy clinched a majority of the votes in a trouble-free contest praised on Monday (July 24) as "remarkable" by observers.

The poll came at a tough time for the tiny, impoverished country, with key oil reserves running dry while the government struggles to resolve a long-running row with Australia over lucrative energy fields.

But despite fears of violence, there were no reports of unrest in the campaign and on the day of the Sunday poll, the first parliamentary election since the departure of United Nations peacekeepers in 2012.

The former Portuguese colony, invaded by Indonesia in 1975 and brutally occupied, gained independence in 2002.

With all votes counted, Fretilin, led by President Francisco Guterres, won 29.66 per cent of the vote.

The National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) – led by independence hero Xanana Gusmao – had about 29.46 per cent of votes, down from 36.7 per cent in 2012. Overall turnout was more than 76 per cent. Analysts expect Fretilin and CNRT to continue their coalition in the upcoming government.

Damien Kingsbury, a Timor Leste expert at Australia's Deakin University, said it remained to be seen if Prime Minister Maria de Araujo, a member of Fretilin, would keep his post at the head of the new government. The presidency is a largely ceremonial role.

"The election was quite successful by any international standard and very remarkable for any developing country," he told AFP.

Arya Sandhiyudha, a Timor Leste expert from Jakarta-based think-tank Madani Centre for Development and International Studies, said the coalition between the country's most influential figures, Gusmao and former Prime Minister and Fretilin secretary general Mari Alkatiri, would ensure stability.

"It is definitely a good thing for the Timor Leste people if these two influential figures have a solid relationship. It will also (have a) good impact for the region," Sandhiyudha said.

Observers added Fretilin and CNRT's offer to voters was similar, with both promising a better economy and international relations. The parties instead differentiated themselves by their leadership with CNRT suffering from over-reliance on Gusmao, Sandhiyudha said.

The new Popular Liberation Party (PLP) led by former president Taur Matan Ruak secured nearly 11 per cent of the vote. Fretilin and CNRT both won 23 seats in the 66-seat parliament, with PLP securing eight.

Ruak has said he would not join the coalition and criticised the government for focusing too much on megaprojects at the expense of health and education.

Half of the population lives in poverty and the government has struggled to improve the livelihoods of its 1.2 million people.

Source: http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/timor-leste-set-for-new-coalition-after-remarkable-first-election-since-un-peacekeepers

Timor-Leste election: 'Disenfranchised youth' party wins first seats in

ABC Radio Australia - July 23, 2017

Felicity James – A Timor-Leste political party with links to martial arts gangs and "disenfranchised young men" will for the first time have seats in the country's new parliament.

Timor-Leste's largest political parties, Fretilin, the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor and CNRT, the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction, are expected to form a "business as usual" coalition government after polling about 30 per cent of the vote each.

Fretilin was ahead of CNRT, with more than 80 per cent of the vote counted. Former president Taur Matan Ruak's PLP, Popular Liberation Party, and PD, the Democratic Party, have each polled about 10 per cent of the vote.

However, the Khunto party has surprised political observers by polling about 7 per cent of the vote, which will give it several parliamentary seats.

The party has strong links to martial arts groups, which date back to the Indonesian era, according to Professor Michael Leach from Swinburne University. "This new party is very much based around some of those groups, in terms of its networks and leadership," he said.

"There's a relatively high degree of unemployment in Timor-Leste among young men. Their message, which is very much about disenfranchised youth, has struck a chord."

About 20 per cent of people voting in Timor-Leste's election on Saturday were voting for the first time, according to Professor Leach.

Researcher Juvinal Dias from local organisation La'o Hamutuk, which analyses the country's economy and government policy, said Khunto could be influential. "I really hope Khunto can make some change in parliament, promoting good policy for youth in the country," Mr Dias said.

"The important thing is to invest in education and health, and also the non-oil economy. We expect that the future government will be more responsive to democracy, more responsive to the people's needs."

Observers dismiss reports of tension

The head of Australia's Timor-Leste election observer mission has dismissed claims of unrest during the country's elections. Professor Damien Kingsbury said voting in the district of Baucau, which had been the subject of media reports about unrest, occurred without incident.

"The reports we've heard from our observers in Baucau are actually quite the opposite," he said. "That there was no unrest, that this was a second hand report and there was no issue of any note at all. There was certainly no hint of tension, let alone aggression or violence."

Professor Kingsbury said his team observed an overwhelmingly "free and fair" election process, despite some minor technical issues.

Timor-Leste's National Electoral Commission is expected to issue a preliminary statement of results, before parties negotiate who will form government and assume the role of prime minister.

"What this election really has demonstrated though is that Timor-Leste's electoral commission and its secretariat are quite capable of conducting elections without external assistance or supervision," Professor Kingsbury said.

Political parties in Timor-Leste need to poll at least 4 per cent of the vote to get their members in the 65 seat parliament. Citizens vote for political parties, rather than specific candidates, and seats are then allocated proportionally according to party lists.

Source: http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/2017-07-23/timorleste-election-disenfranchised-youth-party-wins-first-seats-in-parliament/1688124

East Timor: Election results pave the way for coalition government

Sydney Morning Herald - July 23, 2017

Lindsay Murdoch, Bangkok – East Timor's Fretilin party has opened the way for the formation of a broad-based unity government to rule the tiny nation for the next five years as it led counting of votes in Saturday's national elections.

"Now the campaign is over, there are no opponents, there are only compatriots who want to work together," Mari Alkatiri, the secretary-general of Fretilin, told supporters at the party's headquarters in Dili. With 88 per cent of votes counted, Fretilin led with 30 per cent of the vote late on Sunday.

Mr Alkatiri, a former prime minister, said his party would hold talks with Xanana Gusmao, the country's independence hero, whose National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) was running second with 28 per cent of the vote.

"We will do everything to embrace everyone but we will continue to work with Xanana Gusmao, the inescapable figure of this country, in order to respond to the clear message from our people," he told the Portuguese newsagency Lusa. Since 2015 the two parties have ruled East Timor through a power-sharing executive.

The Partido Democratico, or PD, and the People's Liberation Party (PLP) had each gathered just under 10 per cent of the vote. The PD party ended a formal alliance with the CNRT in 2015 but kept control of several ministries.

PLP leader Taur Matan Ruak, a former revolutionary commander and president, had campaigned for increased spending on health and education, rather than the multimillion-dollar infrastructure projects that have been financed by the outgoing government. His party has wide support among young university-educated Timorese.

Asked whether it was possible Mr Ruak's party could be included in a coalition, Mr Alkatiri said "our arms are open."

Mr Alkatiri said he expects to meet Mr Gusmao soon and that they would hold a joint press conference.

Fretilin's central committee will also meet to decide on who to nominate as prime minister. "This responsibility that the people now give us will be treated with the greatest sense of responsibility," Mr Alkatiri said.

The official count result is expected to be released on August 6. Voters turned out en masse for the country's fourth parliamentary elections since independence to elect 65 MPs, amid growing concern at the former government's failure to use wealth generated by oil and gas to reduce poverty, improve education and create jobs.

Revenues from existing oil and gas fields are set to dry up in a few years. The Greater Sunrise gas field in the Timor Sea remains undeveloped as East Timor and Australia continue negotiations under international conciliation.

In March, voters elected Fretlin's Francisco 'Lu-Olo' Guterres – also a former revolutionary commander – as president.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/east-timor-fretilin-and-gusmao-party-lead-in-early-vote-count-20170723-gxgt2j.html

East Timor election: mass turnout amid reported threats

Sydney Morning Herald - July 22, 2017

Lindsay Murdoch, Bangkok – Two major parties appear set to dominate voting on Saturday in East Timor's fourth parliamentary elections since the tiny half-island nation gained its independence 15 years ago.

After 24 years of brutal Indonesian occupation, Timorese have come to take their elections seriously, and turned out en-masse again at polling booths across the country.

Polling monitors expect the turnout to be more than 70 per cent in the country where voting is not compulsory.

In remote areas some voters arrived at polling stations on ponies and in boats after a colourful and largely violence-free campaigning.

Mari Alkatiri, the leader of Fretilin, one of the largest parties, expressed confidence after voting in the Farol neighbourhood in Dili. "My hope is victory," he told reporters, while praising the maturity shown by voters during campaigning.

But Mr Alkatiri said two of his nephews were attacked on Friday night after leaving a dinner party in Dili.

"There are certain emotions, not leadership, there are certain leaders who can control their followers and others who may not be able to do it," he said. The men were treated in hospital.

Late on Friday Fretilin issued a statement saying its supporters and sympathisers in several villages in Baucau, the country's second largest town, had been told that unless they voted "for certain political parties" their houses would be ransacked and they would be killed.

"Fretilin also calls on the electoral observers – national and international – to take notice of this situation," said the party's deputy secretary Jose Reis. The newly established People's Liberation Party denied any of its supporters had made threats.

More than 750,000 voters have registered to vote in the election that is being contested by 21 parties.

Analysts say Fretilin and the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), the party headed by former president and prime minister Xanana Gusmao, are likely win the largest number of votes. The parties have been in a government of national unity since 2015.

Under East Timor's system no party is likely to be able form government alone. "The biggest issues in the minds of East Timorese are poverty, corruption and unemployment," said Julio Tomas Pinto, a professor in politics at the National University of Timor-Leste.

The country faces declining income from oil and gas fields while doubt remains about the future of a gas field called Greater Sunrise in the Timor Sea that is the subject of international conciliation with Australia.

Observers say unless the country can get new sources of revenue from oil and gas it could be bankrupt within a decade.

Meanwhile, Timorese media reported that a Fretilin MP punched a rival near a polling station in Ermera, a coffee growing district 30 south-west of Dili. Police are investigating.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/east-timor-election-mass-turnout-amid-reported-threats-20170722-gxgiqt.html

East Timorese form long lines to vote in parliamentary election

Reuters - July 22, 2017

Marcelino Perreira, Dili – Voters in East Timor queued up on Saturday to cast their vote in the country's fourth parliamentary elections since independence in a ballot where campaigning has focused on development and jobs in Asia's youngest democracy.

More than 700,000 East Timorese are registered to vote in the country, which has a land area slightly smaller than Hawaii and is home to 1.2 million people.

Over 20 political parties are vying for 65 seats in parliament as frustration grows over the government's failure to use the wealth generated by oil and gas sales to support development and create jobs.

The parliamentary election will determine the country's prime minister. The official results of the election is expected to be announced by Aug. 6, although preliminary results should come much earlier.

"I hope the party that wins this election will build East Timor to be better than before," said Maria Magdalena, 28, after casting her vote for the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor, or Fretilin, one of the parties in a coalition backing the current government.

"I just want everything to run smoothly, peacefully and that there be no conflict in this country," she added.

East Timorese picked former independence fighter Francisco "Lu Olo" Guterres to be its next president in a largely peaceful election in March.

Both the presidential and parliamentary elections are the first since the United Nations ended its peacekeeping operations at the end of 2012.

The former Portuguese colony was invaded by neighboring Indonesia in 1975. An often violent 24-year resistance movement took East Timor to independence in 2002 and many of its key figures still feature prominently in running the country.

Xanana Gusmao, another former independence fighter who was also East Timor's first president after independence, and his National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party are seen as the front-runners in Saturday's vote. CNRT is also part of the current governing coalition.

"After a tiring month, I believe that we will win. If we win, we will do our best to save the nation and this country," he told reporters before casting his vote.

If his party wins, Gusmao said it would continue development focusing on agriculture and tourism as well as oil and gas.

Analysts said the challenge for any incoming government would be to wean the predominantly Roman Catholic nation away from its reliance on oil money and diversify its income sources into agriculture and manufacturing.

The energy sector accounted for around 60 percent of GDP in 2014 and more than 90 percent of government revenue.

[Additional reporting by Agustinus Beo Da Costa in JAKARTA; Writing by Gayatri Suroyo; Editing by Ed Davies & Shri Navaratnam.]

Source: http://www.reuters.com/article/us-timor-election-idUSKBN1A705U?feedType=RSS&feedName=worldNews&utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed

KNDL: Number of children involved in election campaigning still high

Dilly Weekly - July 22, 2017

The number of children involvement in the political party campaigning is still high according to the observations of the National Commission for Children Rights (KNDL) during the campaign period.

KNDL Commissioner Maria Barreto said children take part in the campaigns because they are interested about parties and political leaders.

She said children were spotted in the main parties rallied PLP, CNRT, FRETILIN and PD. She informed that the recommendation of KNDL for future election is that political parties needs to create safe places for children.

"The children are genuinely interested in the leaders and this makes room for political parties to prepare adequate space for children before the campaign starts," she said in Farol, Dili. She added children will continue to attend political rallies and activity.

She was glad that the few occurrences during the campaign period that took place did not involve or impact on children. "We have not received any complaints about incidents involving children," she added.

She also acknowledged that political parties are much more sensitive about ensuring the protection of children who attended their rallies.

The Dili Weekly observed that several political party organizers rent trucks to collect supporters and sympathizers across the cities and children take advantage of the opportunity and follow.

Children were also able to get party T-Shirts and other materials. Some also take part in the door-to-door party socialization in their neigbhourhoods.

Meanwhile Comoro resident Antonio Ximenes, said political rallies are very important for voters to hear about the party's political programs for developing the country and so they can go to the ballot prepared to follow their conscience when casting their vote.

He was not happy that party organizers involve children in the rallies and as part of convoys. "We should prevent these issues, whilst it is OK if nothing happens, but when it does, children are the most vulnerable," he said.

He added that passing laws that ban children from attending political rallies and that grants the police powers to act are very important including also laws that make parents take responsibility for their children.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/children-youth/14591-kndl-number-of-children-involved-in-election-campaigning-still-high

Legislative Election 2017: Community asks for equal share of development

Dilly Weekly - July 22, 2017

Paulina Quintao – As Timor-Leste heads to the polls to vote during the Legislative Election 2017 that will determine the composition of the VII Government that will rule over the next five years, the community urges more inclusive policies and programs and equitable development that leads to an equal sharing of prosperity.

A voter and a resident of Liquisa municipality, Paulo da Silva Neves said what the people want and dream is of a developed Timor-Leste that brings prosperity for all Timorese, not to just a handful of people.

"In democracies, it is normal that political parties will compete but it is important that if they get the trust [of the people] that they remember development should benefit everyone," he said in Comoro, Dili.

He also urged politicians after winning the election to prioritize social issues including access to adequate housing, access to clean water, and good roads.

He also encourages the community to continue monitoring implementation of work and demand political parties deliver on promises made during the campaigns.

In Timor-Leste, a total of 31 political parties are officially registered but only 21 parties are running during the 2017-2022 legislative election.

Meanwhile voter Martinho Freitas from Baucau municipality, who lives with a disability, hope the new government will create inclusive programs and develop policies that improve conditions for people living with disability.

"We want the new government to create good policy for us people with disability so we can lead normal lives like everyone else," he said. Martinho has a disability but makes a living selling mobile phone credits and cigarettes in front of Timor Plaza in Dili.

Youth Inocensio Amaral feels there is still discrimination in the way development in Timor-Leste is taking place, because most development is taking place in the capital Dili.

"The roads across Dili, in particular in the Farol area have been worked on three times already while roads in rural areas are still in poor condition, full of mud, making it difficult for farmers to access markets," he said

He hopes the new government will work closely with the people and get them involved in development too address unemployment in Timor-Leste.

"We need to create an integrated government, that respects the law, promotes good governance, that promotes social issues and justice for everyone. One that brings development based on peoples' needs and not on the wants of the leaders'," he added.

Youth Amaral also hopes for better and more qualified representation in parliament 2017 until 2022 that can debate and approve laws based on the needs of the people.

For the Director of non-Governmental organization Luta Hamutuk (LH) Jose Alves da Costa, there are several projects that have been implemented by the outgoing government in the infrastructure sector such as with electricity, but there are still problems in the delivery of basic needs such as clean water, roads and education.

"The communities still complains about clean water. For example,in Dili, in neighborhoods including in Colmera, Tasi tolu, Surikmas and Becora, there are still complains about accessing clean water," he said.

He added former governments have not fulfilled their campaign promises to the community and only focused on developing mega projects.

Director da Costa urges the VII government to get rid of old habits including spending large amounts of money in big projects of poor quality.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/14586-legislative-election-2017-community-asks-for-equal-share-of-development-prosperity

Timorese go to the polls unaware of 'gas shadow' over their nation's

Sydney Morning Herald - July 21, 2017

Lindsay Murdoch, Bangkok – More than 750,000 East Timorese will cast votes on Saturday to elect a government that will face tough negotiations that could deliver the poverty-stricken nation billions of dollars or – should they fail – send it into bankruptcy, possibly within a decade.

Negotiations to develop the Greater Sunrise gas field, which straddles waters claimed by East Timor and Australia, have become more urgent as investors, including US giant ConocoPhillips, have accelerated plans in early July to pipe gas from a field called Barossa, 300 kilometres north of Darwin, to a liquefied natural gas plant built on a mangrove swamp at Darwin's Wickham Point.

But during weeks of often boisterous and colourful rallies ahead of East Timor's fourth parliamentary election, all 21 contesting parties have largely steered clear of campaigning on their country's oil and gas supplies, because they support their leaders taking a tough stance against Australia in talks on where the maritime border should be drawn.

Since 2006, the Wickham Point complex has converted gas for export to Japan from a joint Australian-Timorese field known as Bayu-Undan, 502 kilometres away in the Timor Sea. But those supplies are fast running out, leaving East Timor largely bereft of direct oil and gas revenue.

"The first field to go to Wickham Point will kill any subsequent project in the area in the foreseeable future," Jeffrey Feynman, an independent oil and gas consultant, told Interfax Natural Gas Daily.

"There is so much competition in the region that a relatively small gas field such as Sunrise will become irrelevant, except... to reuse existing LNG equipment."

Xanana Gusmao, the 71-year-old former revolutionary fighter, president and prime minister, has insisted in a high-stakes gamble that gas from Greater Sunrise must be piped to a yet-to-be built refinery on East Timor's isolated southern coast, while a consortium of investors – including ConocoPhillips and Woodside Energy – says it is not viable to bring the gas to East Timor across a deep trench, and want the gas processed on a floating platform. The consortium partners have indicated publicly that they don't want to pipe the gas to Darwin.

"The [election] candidates are striking heroic poses about negotiations with Australia," says Clinton Fernandes, an expert on Timor at the University of New South Wales, referring to UN-backed negotiations to resolve the bitter dispute between Australia and East Timor over maritime boundaries.

Gusmao and the generation of leaders who fought Indonesia's 1975 invasion and 24 years of brutal occupation appear likely to hold on to power after a violence-free campaign.

Their candidate, Francisco "Lu-Olo" Guterres, also a former resistance commander, won 57 per cent of the vote at presidential elections in March, signalling strong support for a "coalition of national unity" comprising Gusmao's National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction, or CNRT, and Fretilin, the most established party that appears to have run the most modern and professional campaign.

Jose Ramos-Horta, a former president and prime minister and still an influential figure in Dili, said most voters remain "politically, psychologically and emotionally attached" to national leaders who led the country during the independence struggle.

He told the Portuguese news agency Lusa that Timorese is a "fundamentally patriarchal culture in which the oldest means experience and wisdom".

But Michael Leach, an expert on Timorese politics at the Swinburne University of Technology, said the complexion of the new government is hard to pick because of changing voter patterns. The median age of Timorese is just under 19 and with a voting age of 17, a fifth of voters will cast their ballots for the first time.

The People's Liberation Party (PLP), led by 60-year-old former president Taur Matan Ruak, also a resistance commander in the occupation years, is supported by a host of younger Western-educated Timorese from Dili's intelligentsia. "If we don't know how to involve young people in the development process they can become a time bomb," he told reporters.

The PLP favours military conscription, prompting critics to argue it would be dangerous to train youths in use of firearms and be conditioned to follow hierarchical orders in a country where mobs made up mainly of youth rioted in 2006.

According to La'o Hamutuk, an independent NGO in Dili, almost half the population live in poverty, two-thirds live in rural areas, largely by subsistence farming, and about 1200 children under five die from preventable conditions every year – 15 times the number who die from physical violence. The country has almost no industry and a tiny private sector.

Leach said Gusmao's personal legitimacy and popularity as a former resistance commander remains the cornerstone of his party. And Fernandes said Gusmao's large election war chest means he can communicate his message better than his rivals.

Gusmao's party has been well supported by businesspeople, who have benefited from government contracts, and the beneficiaries of pensions. "His donors have good reason to believe he will win comfortably and he also probably retains the trust of enough people to do so," Fernandes said.

Two decades after Timorese bravely defied violence and intimidation to vote to break away from Indonesia in a UN-run referendum, Gusmao will remain the country's most powerful figure after the election, analysts say.

He has been tasked with leading the Greater Sunrise negotiations when a conciliation commission releases its findings on September 19.

In mid-July, ConocoPhillips left open the possibility of gas from fields other than Barossa being piped to Darwin, and said it is assessing several options. These may include Greater Sunrise.

East Timor's national oil company has also expressed hope in a possible gas field south-east of the country called the Crocodile project, which is 100 per cent owned by East Timor. Onshore exploration is also planned.

But analysts say that even if Greater Sunrise or other fields are developed soon, East Timor's leaders will face having to implement austerity programs by 2026, given the rate of the country's spending on infrastructure and other programs. Some analysts predict Gusmao may be willing to soften his stance on Greater Sunrise once the election is out of the way.

"Whoever may be the next prime minister, the government and also the national parliament will have some key national priorities... in particular namely the continuation of building key infrastructure," Ramos-Horta told Reuters.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/timorese-go-to-the-polls-unaware-of-gas-shadow-over-their-nations-future-20170720-gxeud9.html

East Timor vote highlights young nation's uneven progress

Associated Press - July 20, 2017

Raimundos Oki and Stephen Wright, Dili, East Timor – Almost two dozen parties are contesting parliamentary elections in East Timor this weekend that are likely to return independence heroes to power despite frustration in the young democracy with lack of economic progress and warnings the country could be bankrupt within a decade.

East Timorese hope the elections will repeat the success of a peaceful vote for the largely ceremonial role of president in March, which was the country's first election without U.N. supervision since peacekeepers left in 2012. Political stability is particularly crucial for the country, which officially gained independence only 15 years ago, because it is facing a financial time bomb.

Oil revenues, which finance more than 90 percent of government spending, are rapidly dwindling and the country's $16 billion sovereign wealth fund could be empty within 10 years with the government's annual withdrawals exceeding its investment returns, according to La'o Hamutuk, an East Timorese research institute.

An opinion poll commissioned by the International Republican Institute, which promotes democracy in the developing world, showed almost half of East Timorese surveyed in May were undecided about which party they would vote for on Saturday. But the current cast of leaders, whose popularity owes much to their history as fighters in East Timor's struggle for independence from Indonesia, are unlikely to be unseated.

Parliament is currently dominated by a national unity coalition led by Fretilin, the party of Prime Minister Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo, with CNRT, the party of resistance leader and former president Xanana Gusmao, who remains highly influential. Seats are allocated to parties based on the percentage of votes won if they poll higher than 4 percent.

The Popular Liberation Party, a new political force led by former president and resistance fighter Taur Matan Ruak, is campaigning on a platform of better access to education, anti-corruption and compulsory military service to address high youth unemployment and may pick up a few seats.

Campaigning, which was punctuated by parties trading accusations of vote buying, ended on Wednesday without major incident.

East Timor, a former Portuguese colony, voted overwhelmingly in 1999 to end 24 years of brutal Indonesian occupation. Indonesia's military and pro-Indonesian militias responded to the independence referendum with scorched earth attacks that devastated the East Timorese half of the island of Timor.

Today, the country of 1.3 million people, still faces poverty with many people lacking clean water and sanitation. Unemployment is high and young people are increasingly looking abroad for work. The top and perennial concern of voters in the IRI survey was the poor condition of roads. They also believed government corruption was worsening.

"Here in Dili it is very difficult to find jobs," said Agustinho Lopo, who like other young Timorese hopes he can find work in South Korea.

To develop the economy, leaders have focused on big ticket infrastructure projects such as airports, a highway and a special economic zone funded from the dwindling $16 billion Timor-Leste Petroleum Fund. It was established in 2005 from revenues from the now almost-dry Bayu-Undan oil field. The field is forecast to end production in 2021.

In an acknowledgement that progress is uneven, both Fretilin and CNRT have vowed during the campaign that the benefits of their development plans will be spread more widely.

As the country's funds run down, development of the potentially lucrative "Greater Sunshine" oil and gas field in the Timor Sea is stalled by a boundary dispute between East Timor and Australia and the insistence of top East Timorese leaders that the processing plant be located in East Timor despite industry experts saying that would make development of the field financially unviable.

In March, an Australian parliamentary committee heard testimony from an expert who predicted East Timor could become a failed state without revenue from Sunrise, outraging East Timorese leaders despite similar warnings coming from other quarters in recent years.

East Timorese, however, are still optimistic about the future. The IRI survey showed 68 percent believed that East Timor would be better off in a year's time.

Ano Peji Colo, a student at the National University of Timor, said East Timor needs other industries, not only oil and gas, to compete with other Southeast Asian nations.

"I really hope that the new government will invest more in the economy. The government shouldn't depend on oil and gas because oil and gas is not sustainable," he said.

Source: http://www.newsobserver.com/news/business/article162610768.html

Accusations of voter intimidation ahead of East Timor elections

Sydney Morning Herald - July 21, 2017

Lindsay Murdoch – One of East Timor's largest political parties has denounced "acts of intimidation and terror" against some if its supporters ahead of Saturday's parliamentary elections.

Fretilin issued a statement late on Friday saying its supporters and sympathisers in several villages in Baucau, the country's second largest town, had been told that unless they voted "for certain political parties" their houses would be ransacked and they would be killed. Timorese head to the polls

More than 20 political parties are vying for 65 seats in East Timor's parliament as concerns grow over the economic future of Southeast Asia's youngest country. Photos by Wayne Lovell.

Until Fretilin issued the statement, campaigning across Asia's youngest nation had been reported to be free of any political violence.

Fretilin's deputy secretary Jose Reis said the party calls on the army and police to "pay attention and provide security to these areas to allow the community to exercise their democratic rights freely."

"Fretilin also calls on the electoral observers – national and international – to take notice of this situation," he said.

More than 750,000 voters have registered to vote in the election that is being contested by 21 parties.

Fretilin, the country's former revolutionary party that joined a government of national unity in 2015, has run the best organised campaign, including using social media to circulate its policies.

Observers expect that under East Timor's system of voting no party is likely to be able form government. Several parties including Fretilin are likely to negotiate another unity coalition government that will face declining incomes from oil and gas fields in the Timor Sea.

The future of a field called Greater Sunrise is the subject of international conciliation with Australia. Observers say unless the country that gained its independence in 2002 can get new sources of revenue from oil and gas it could be bankrupt within a decade.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/accusations-of-voter-intimidation-ahead-of-east-timor-elections-20170721-gxgcs2.html

Tiny East Timor addresses its economic future in parliamentary poll

Reuters - July 20, 2017

Marcelino Perreira, Dili – Thousands of East Timorese ended weeks of political rallies and entered a campaign blackout on Thursday before parliamentary elections at the weekend, with fears for the economic future of Asia's youngest democracy the primary concern for voters.

More than 20 political parties are vying for 65 seats in East Timor's parliament as frustration grows over the government's failure to use the wealth generated by oil and gas sales to support development and create jobs.

The parliamentary poll, which will determine the next prime minister, follows the victory of former independence fighter Francisco "Lu Olo" Guterres in a presidential election in March.

The president is largely a figurehead, with the government run by a prime minister chosen by the party or coalition that wins the majority of votes.

More than 700,000 East Timorese are registered to vote in the tiny country of 1.2 million people, with official results expected to be announced by Aug. 6.

Former independence fighter Xanana Gusmao and his National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) party are seen as the front-runners in Saturday's vote.

"Whoever may be the next prime minister, the government and also the national parliament will have some key national priorities... in particular namely the continuation of building key infrastructure," said Nobel Peace Prize winner and former prime minister, Jose Ramos Horta.

He said strengthening peace and democracy should also remain top priorities for the next leader.

The former Portuguese colony was invaded by neighbouring Indonesia in 1975. An often violent 24-year resistance movement took East Timor to independence in 2002 and many of its key figures still feature prominently in running the country.

The current government is a coalition of two major parties – Gusmao's CNRT, and Fretilin, the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor.

Analysts said the challenge for any incoming government would be to wean the predominantly Roman Catholic nation away from its reliance on oil money and diversify its sources of income into agriculture and manufacturing.

The energy sector accounted for around 60 percent of GDP in 2014 and more than 90 percent of government revenue.

[Additional reporting by Steffano Reinard in JAKARTA; Writing by Kanupriya Kapoor; Editing by Paul Tait.]

Source: http://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-timor-election-preview-idUKKBN1A50S2?rpc=401&

'They will decide': Timor-Leste prepares for parliamentary election

ABC Radio Australia - July 16, 2017

Felicity James – Timor-Leste is developing rapidly – 15 years after independence it's got one of the world's highest proportions of women in parliament – but a younger generation is facing growing unemployment levels.

Timor-Leste is preparing to elect a new parliament. The country's developing rapidly – 15 years after independence it has one of the world's highest proportions of women in parliament – but a younger generation is facing growing unemployment levels.

The sounds of an unfolding election campaign can be heard in the villages across Timor-Leste. Truckloads of young supporters roll in to watch political leaders dance with the crowds and pitch their visions for the new country.

Former President and resistance fighter Taur Matan Ruak says he is well aware young people will shape his parliamentary fate on July 22.

"If we don't know how to involve young people in the development process, they can become a time bomb," he says. "They will decide the outcome of this election and I'm confident that my party will win."

More than 60 per cent of Timor-Leste's population is under 25. Taur Matan Ruak's People's Liberation Party, with its anti-corruption message, wants their vote.

The current government is a "national unity" coalition between the two major parties – Fretilin, the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor party, and CNRT, the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction party.

Taur Matan Ruak's party is promising to spend more on education and start up a mandatory military service program, similar to those in Singapore and Israel, to deal with idle youth. He was 19 when he went into the jungle to help begin the country's fight for independence.

"Our generation started the fight for independence, so young people who are present here can be the new heroes of development," he says.

But some local observers say they are fed up with expensive promises. Juvinal Dias analyses the economy and government policy for La'o Hamutuk, a Timor-Leste NGO, with a focus on how the country can diversify its economy away from dwindling oil and gas revenues.

"Why are the new parties also promoting the same failures, the same mistakes, as the older parties did? I think they need to come up with a new alternative, saving the public funds."

The last labour force survey in 2013 from the Timor-Leste government found youth unemployment was sitting at more than 20 per cent, with higher figures for young men.

International figures from the World Bank are lower but show a rising unemployment rate among young people, sitting at about 14 per cent last year

According to two young men from the city hamlet, Taho-Iaran, nothing has changed. This region was known as "the red line" during Indonesian times, because the residents here fought strongly for independence. Now at most times of the day, young unemployed men sit in the streets.

Sabino de Araujo Soares Lere says without family or political connections in Dili there is no hope of finding a job. "In Timor-Leste, I feel there's a lot of corruption and nepotism."

Ronaldo Manuel Ximenes Caldeira is planning to join the many Timorese young people who have left the country to find work. "The government has not paid attention to the youth, they only take care of themselves and their families," he says.

"Right now, I take part in boxing training and I'm also doing a Korean course. If I finish my course and I'm selected, I will go to Korea."

Although voting is not compulsory in Timor-Leste, both young men say they will be posting ballots on polling day.

Do Timorese women have a voice in politics?

Before Adelaide de Carvalho became village chief, she was told to stay at home and cook.

"It's a big responsibility, only men can do it," she says, recalling the response from men and some women in Lausi village when she ran for the position.

"Women who want to stand for village chief, the big challenges come from the family, there is some discrimination from society and also men."

Adelaide says she wants to encourage other women in Lausi to be brave and start getting involved in family decision-making, to begin with.

"The big issue in my village right now is malnutrition. I'm planning to develop agriculture, to plant and then sell."

Timor-Leste's parliament has the highest proportion of women in Asia, and one of the highest proportions in the world. A quota system, requiring one in every three candidates on political party lists to be a woman, has resulted in women occupying 38 per cent of the seats.

It is a different story at the local level, where village politics has long been dominated by men. But in the district of Aileu, which includes Lausi village, this is changing.

Last year, Timor-Leste's government passed a law requiring at least one woman candidate in each village and hamlet election. At the same time, civil society groups have been working with women to train them in leadership, public speaking and advocacy.

Fatima Estrela Soares is a program manager with Plan International, working alongside the Women's Action for Aileu Development group, known as FADA. "I think the law has really helped, also to reduce gender-based violence."

Fatima says in 2009 there was only one female candidate for village chief positions across the district. She won.

Last year almost thirty women stood up and four were elected. Across the country the number of female village chiefs almost doubled, to 21 out of 442 positions.

But the question at a national level is whether high levels of representation have led to real power. Christina da Conceicao is the president of Aileu's FADA organsiation, and is running as a candidate for the Democratic Party in the national election.

"I will focus on women's health and also clean water, because women take water from long distances. The patriarchal system is a challenge because a long time ago, power was given to men."

Fundacao Patrias, another local women's organisation, says the quota system is a temporary measure but that for now, it is needed.

"There is a big gap in decision making," says the group's founder Laura Pina. "When in the future, women's situation in decision making has improved, we can eliminate the quota system."

During this election campaign period Rede Feto, the umbrella group for more than 30 women's organisations, met with the Fretilin party to make further demands. The party's secretary-general, former prime minister Mari Alkatiri, acknowledges there's more work to be done.

"We are attempting to upgrade the participation, not in terms of numbers, but in terms of quality. This is part of our hundreds of years of traditions and day-to-day life, it will take time.

Source: http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/2017-07-16/they-will-decide-timorleste-prepares-for-parliamentary-election/1686270

In Timor-Leste, the election campaign enters its final week

Inside Story - July 14, 2017

Michael Leach – Twenty-one parties will contest sixty-five parliamentary seats and decide who governs Timor-Leste in national elections on 22 July. In a population with a median age of just under nineteen years and a voting age of seventeen, a fifth of Timor-Leste's 750,000 registered voters will be participating for the first time. This is just one of the factors making the exact composition of the new parliament, and the complexion of the government, hard to pick.

The current government was formed in extraordinary circumstances in early 2015, when former independence movement leader and prime minister Xanana Gusmao handed the prime ministership to an opposition Fretilin figure, Rui Araujo. Best seen as a power-sharing executive rather than a formal government of national unity, this de facto "grand coalition" between Timor-Leste's two largest parties – the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction, or CNRT, and Fretilin – was a remarkable development. As recently as 2012, bitter tensions had existed between the two parties.

Power-sharing executives are not uncommon in the Pacific region, and generally award ministries to any parties winning a significant number of seats. They tend to facilitate political stability, but they can also reduce the accountability of government to parliament by incorporating all significant parties into the executive government. The fact that the smaller Partido Democratico, or PD, kept its ministries when its formal alliance with CNRT ended in 2015 suggests that this is an emerging informal feature of the East Timorese political system. Its dynamics are likely to influence the result of this month's election.

Members will be elected under Timor-Leste's proportional system, with voters selecting a party rather than individual candidates. Each party registers a list of sixty-five candidates in order of election, giving party leaders substantial power over candidates anxious to appear high on the list. But the system also allows for progressive features, like the requirement that every third candidate be a woman, which has given Timor-Leste one of the highest percentages of female MPs in Asia, at 38 per cent.

The system isn't strictly proportional. To get any of its candidates into parliament, a party needs at least 4 per cent of the vote, up from 3 per cent in 2012, which effectively awards a bonus to parties that clear the hurdle. The 4 per cent might be a substantial barrier, but the large number of parties participating in the election attests to the relative ease of party registration and political participation. This feature reflects Timor-Leste's relatively open society and pluralist culture, which saw it ranked as the most democratic country in Southeast Asia in the Economist's 2016 Democracy Index.

The March election to the presidency of Fretilin's Francisco "Lu-Olo" Guterres appeared to solidify the de facto accord between the major parties, with Gusmao's endorsement helping Guterres draw some 60 per cent of the national vote. The figure suggests that voters like the power-sharing arrangement between CNRT and Fretilin, which could continue beyond this election, though not necessarily in the same form.

Seeking to challenge the major parties, immediate past president Taur Matan Ruak and his new Partidu Libertasaun Popular (Popular Liberation Party, or PLP) have focused on basic health and education spending rather than the megaproject-led development favoured by the government. The PLP vocally opposes the unpopular life pensions for politicians, and has also raised allegations of patrimonialism and the growth of "money politics" in awarding government contracts.

While these issues have the clear potential to resonate in the electorate, the present government's success in maintaining political stability and reducing political conflict within Timor-Leste's political elite remains a major electoral asset. In a country with a long history of conflict and memories of the 2006 – 07 political crisis, this factor alone undoubtedly means that CNRT and Fretilin will remain highly competitive. Irrespective of which major party comes first, their ability to coexist will remain central to political stability in Timor-Leste.

Nevertheless, the PLP and other smaller parties will take encouragement from recent polls suggesting that far fewer people are happy with the direction of the country than three years ago, including just 50 per cent of those under twenty-five, down from 80 per cent in 2014. While anti-corruption campaigns have rarely swayed votes in the way spending programs can, alternative development visions focused on basic development indicators may resonate in communities where infrastructure spending programs have provided few benefits to date.

The parties' electoral campaigns have played to their respective strengths. Xanana Gusmao's personal legitimacy and popularity as the former resistance commander remains the cornerstone of the CNRT's appeal. Though the party also includes extremely competent and senior ministers, including minister of state Agio Pereira, the CNRT has been criticised for being little more than a political vehicle for Gusmao and entirely reliant on his charismatic legitimacy – a perception reinforced when a new PM was not chosen from within the party, and again when the party decided not to field a presidential candidate.

In fact, posters featuring the wider CNRT team of ministers were dropped in the early weeks of the parliamentary campaign in favour of images of Gusmao alone. The current party slogan, "Vote for our future," suggests continuity with earlier CNRT campaigns focused on rapid modernisation through government-led infrastructure spending, in line with Gusmao's Strategic Development Plan.

For its part, Fretilin's parliamentary campaign seems the most modern and professional, reflecting its status as the most disciplined and well-established of the East Timorese parties. With the slogan "For a more developed Timor-Leste," Fretilin's campaign materials promise improved outcomes in education and health using images of East Timorese making a "plus" sign with crossed fingers. Because resistance credentials remain central to political fortunes in Timor-Leste, the loss of the party's most senior Falintil veteran, Lu-Olo, who can't campaign actively as president, has been notable.

Fretilin's social media campaign has been at pains to counter suggestions that the current government represents a coalition with CNRT, reiterating their view that prime minister Araujo and other ministers participate in the current government as individuals. The party says that it remains committed to working with Gusmao after the election in the interests of stability, but that formalised cooperation with the CNRT more broadly is a different proposition. It is by no means clear that Fretilin would again accept ministries if it finished in second place, though it acknowledges that tough decisions may need to be made in the interests of national stability.

For the PLP, the focus on Taur Matan Ruak as leader draws on two sources of symbolic strength: his legacy as the final commander of Falintil during the resistance era, and his more immediate presidential legacy as the closest thing to a national opposition leader from 2015. Ruak attacked the government in parliament over accountability issues in early 2016, and vetoed the initial version of its budget; his relationship with Gusmao has yet to recover from this episode.

Supported by a host of younger Western-educated East Timorese from Dili's intelligentsia, the PLP campaign represents a transitional point between an older mode of resistance legitimacy and generational change. Campaign rallies have focused on opposing discrimination, criticising the vast expenditure on "megaprojects," and urging the greater focus on basic health, education and agriculture spending frequently recommended by Dili's civil society organisations. Reflecting its position at twelfth place on the national ballot, the PLP has talked of using "Vitamin 12" to combat corruption. More controversially, it backs obligatory military service, though it argues this is best seen as a nation-building program of public works projects and employment creation.

Unlike the large setpiece rallies of CNRT and Fretilin, which see supporters (known as "militants") trucked in from elsewhere in the district, the PLP has focused on smaller rallies at the posto, or subdistrict, level. The smaller scale reflects its smaller budget, and the idea that it is running a grassroots campaign. At rallies, the party points out that millions have been spent on the south-coast Tasi Mane petroleum project while the locals still have poor educational and health outcomes, and that – despite the brand new south-coast highway – the more important road from the southern town of Suai to Dili remains poor. The PLP also campaigns against the new "unelected leaders" of the exclave of Oecusse – a clear dig at Fretilin's leadership of the Special Social Market Economy Zone project in the Oecusse district, known as ZEESM.

Ruak has been joined onstage at rallies by some important characters, including well-known Falintil veteran "L4" and one of Fretilin's early leaders, Abilio Araujo, who was later expelled from the party. PLP sources privately estimate winning between ten and twenty seats, though local political commentators assess the likely range more modestly at between five and fifteen. Either way, these low and high estimates have very different implications. At the low end, the PLP would at least represent a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition. At the upper end, it would become a potential coalition partner.

Many have written off the PD, the CNRT's former alliance partner, but what little polling exists in Timor suggests its support is alive and well – if somewhat diminished by the untimely death of leader Fernando "Lasama" De Araujo in 2015, and by the rise of the PLP, which draws on some of the same clandestine youth resistance networks and associated imagery. The PD's profile was boosted by the surprisingly sound performance of Antonio da Conceicao in the presidential campaign in March, in which he received the backing of the PLP. By contrast, the fourth party in the current parliament, Frente Mudansa, appears to be in considerable trouble after one of its key figures, Jorge Teme from the exclave of Oecusse, threw his lot in with the PLP.

With an outright majority for any one party unlikely, and in the absence of reliable polling, local commentators have been looking for reasons why the major-party vote shares from 2012 (CNRT 36 per cent, Fretilin 30 per cent) might change in 2017. Some point to growing popular dissatisfaction with the direction of the country, arguing that it opens space for the PLP to gain seats. But it is also possible that new entrants like the PLP will take votes from smaller parties, which together received 20 per cent in 2012, and were excluded by the hurdle requirements. Others argue that the political value of stability will prevail, and that there is a real chance of a "business as usual" result. Reinforcing this sense, the election campaign has been very sedate, and even dull, with the most interesting question being how well the PLP can perform.

For Fretilin, positive comments by Jose Ramos-Horta about the role of Mari Alkatiri and Lu-Olo in stabilising East Timorese democracy in recent years have been welcomed by the party and highlighted in social media. More recently, Ramos-Horta has made the same comments about Gusmao, and has also encouraged Ruak to reconcile with him. At the district level, the impact of Fretilin's stewardship of the ZEESM project will be interesting to watch in Oecusse, as will the CNRT vote in the district of Covalima, where the massive Tasi Mane project is closely associated with Gusmao's party.

It is too early to say whether the "build it and they will come" approach to attracting private investment has been successful. Certainly, the rapid development of new infrastructure has resulted in some high-quality bridges and roads, but it has also created resentment and displacement in local communities governed by older customary land use practices. These two district votes will therefore offer an interesting mini-analysis of the local reception of ambitious development plans.

Overall, the key question for 22 July is whether the CNRT and Fretilin can withstand the challenge from the former president's PLP, and what sort of reconstituted cross-party government would follow. While the March presidential poll suggested a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition, it also raised the real possibility of a "business as usual" outcome in the parliamentary elections, at least in terms of seats. The nature of any arrangement between the major parties may, however, change considerably. Meanwhile, the PLP and other parties have had another four months to campaign widely and expand their national vote. Sources inside the PLP expect to do well in Ruak's home district of Baucau, where the personal vote is strong, in the populous Western town of Maliana, and in Oecusse.

With a new Fretilin president already installed, a key question will be the identity of a new prime minister in the event that CNRT and Fretilin return to some form of power-sharing arrangement. While it seems likely that a new PM would come from CNRT, no one in Dili seems sure who this might be. Obvious candidates include Agio Pereira and state administration and justice minister Dionisio Babo-Soares. Certainly, it seems clear that Gusmao himself no longer desires the role, happy to direct the government from the Ministry of Planning and Strategic Development.

For its part – assuming it is unable to form government – the PLP will need to decide if it will accept ministries if they are on offer, and thus effectively join a power-sharing executive. Or will it act as an unfettered parliamentary opposition? The poor relations between Gusmao and Ruak suggest that ministries are not likely to be on offer immediately, though this might be somewhat more likely in the event that the biggest party is Fretilin, where relations are more cordial. Either way, given the capacity of the East Timorese leadership to "hug it out" over apparently insoluble grievances, this issue may confront the PLP sometime in the life of the next government.

For East Timorese society in general, the 2017 elections represent an important transitional moment, with a full fifth of the electoral roll voting for the first time. These new voters don't remember the Indonesian era, nor necessarily the political crisis of 2006 – 07. The election has also seen the welcome rise of domestic political commentary for an international audience, written by an increasingly confident and well-informed East Timorese commentariat.

Despite these shifts, a generational transition of power from the "1975 generation" of leaders seems further away than five years ago. The last two years have seen a stronger reassertion from the older generation of leaders, including Gusmao and Alkatiri, of the need for patience among younger political leaders – a notable change in tone from the "transitional" rhetoric of 2012. The promised transition to younger leaders at the Fretilin party congress didn't occur, and Gusmao himself has remained firmly in control despite moving from centre stage. While the key roles of prime minister and chief justice are indeed filled by the younger generation, as the major parties point out, the 1975 generation remains the key power-holder behind the scenes.

For Australia, there appears to be little prospect of a change in direction in the foreign policy positions that unite the major East Timorese parties, including the determination to demarcate maritime boundaries between the neighbouring states. Both parties to the current Timor Sea conciliation process in The Hague privately report substantial progress in recent negotiations, though numerous difficult issues remain to be addressed. On balance, the likelihood that Canberra will face a substantially different government in Dili after 22 July seems low.

Source: http://insidestory.org.au/in-timor-leste-the-election-campaign-enters-its-final-week

Health & education

Almost all children under five in Timor-Leste receive their immunization

Dilly Weekly - July 13, 2017

Paulina Quintao – Some 97 percent of all children in Timor-Leste under the age of five years old received their full immunization according to national data provided by the Ministry of Health 2016.

Prime Minister Dr Rui Maria de Araujo said the immunization program from 2015-2016 in Timor-Leste showed significant progress particularly with access to immunization services but better coordination with local leaders is still necessary.

He said the role of local leaders is very important for working together with health personnel, sharing information with the community on the importance of Immunization Day's so that the community brings their children to the health facilities as per the immunization schedule.

The Prime Minister said once vaccines are opened they must be used or they will expire.

"If the community does not receive information, they will not know that they must bring their kids to the health facilities. And when they do if we said to come again tomorrow, they will go and never come back. We must consider this carefully so that there are good lines of coordination between health personnel and local leaders," he said.

The Prime Minister added that the Timorese government welcomes the support of UNICEF, GAVI and WHOL to strengthen the immunization program by increasing its area of coverage and ensure all children have access to the program.

"Over 40.000 children are born annually. They should all received a vaccine during their first year," he said.

He added that children should be vaccinated against a range diseases including Hepatitis B, polio, tetanus and BCG to protect from tuberculosis.

He encourages health personnel to seek out children in their homes if their parents do not take them to a health facility to receive their vaccines.

Meanwhile Bemori Suku Chief, Cristalina Oliveira said she was ready to work with the health staff of the health centers with sharing information to the communities about the importance of participating in the immunization program.

"As the chief of a suku and as a mother I think it is very important to protect our children from diseases," she said.

She acknowledged that it was not easy to convince the community but it was their responsibility to keep reminding mothers about the importance of giving immunization to their children.

On the other hand, the representative of UNICEF in Timor-Leste, Desiree Monique Jongsma agreed that the immunization program in Timor-Leste is very good because of the high number of children accessing the program.

She hopes rates in Timor-Leste will remain high and that more effort goes into ensuring all children access the program.

"Timor has very good line coordination with the hospitals, health centers and health posts to help communities, especially children, getting vaccinated," she said.

She added the government should also establish outreach programs that ensure families with children living in remote areas also access health services such as the immunization program. It is her hope that all children in Timor-Leste are immunized.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/health/14569-almost-all-children-under-five-in-timor-leste-receive-their-immunization

LGBT & SAME-SEX MARRIAGE

Asia's youngest nation offers glimmer of hope for LGBT rights

Asia Correspondent - July 20, 2017

Marching through the streets of East Timor's capital Dili with a rainbow flag in his hand, Natalino Guterres was overwhelmed with emotion, reminding him of how he felt 15 years ago when he saw the Timorese flag raised for the first time.

"It was an emotional moment," he said of the pride parade. "The sense of euphoria... I saw happiness written on people's faces and some teared up. It reminds me of Independence Day in 2002."

Guterres was among some 500 people taking part in East Timor's first-ever pride parade. The atmosphere was carnival-like, with participants waving colourful rainbow flags, cheering and beating drums in the capital.

Campaigners say the parade last month was a milestone for the tiny, half-island nation – Asia's youngest democracy – and a beacon of hope for a region where lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights are under increasing attack.

LGBT rights in the nation of 1.2 million people have not been a major focus. International headlines about the country have been dominated by its 24-year resistance to occupation by neighbouring Indonesia, which eventually led to East Timor's independence in 2002.

However activists say social stigma and discrimination are common for LGBT people. Same-sex behaviour is not criminalised under East Timor's laws but they also do not offer protection against discrimination.

Kicked out from home, bullied at school

Guterres, a development consultant who runs a youth group that organised the parade, said many like him grew up feeling "lonely" and do not know where to turn when they suffer discrimination.

"If you talk to the (LGBT) community, people have been kicked out of home or feel uncomfortable about going to school because they are bullied. They live from house to house because they are not accepted at home.

"That is why visibility of the LGBT community is important. We want to empower people who are still struggling," the 27-year-old told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone from Dili.

Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo gave a boost to LGBT rights supporters when he recorded a video message ahead of the march urging Timorese to create an inclusive nation, and accept people with different sexual orientations and gender identities.

The call was a "welcome glint of leadership amidst officials elsewhere in the region who openly stoke anti-LGBT bigotry", said Kyle Knight, a LGBT rights researcher with New York-based Human Rights Watch.

Although Taiwan's top court ruled in favour of same-sex marriage in May, paving the way for the island to become the first place in Asia to legalise gay unions, progress of LGBT rights elsewhere in the region has been slow.

In neighbouring Indonesia, the LGBT community has faced a series of attacks since last year with senior officials saying there is "no room" for gay rights movement, while authorities detained 141 men in a gay club raid in May.

In the same month too, two young Indonesian men were publicly flogged for gay sex in the ultra-conservative Aceh province which has Islamic laws.

In Malaysia, health authorities prompted a public uproar last month over a video contest on how to "prevent" homosexuality, and were forced to amend the competition.

But Knight said East Timor could still offer more to the LGBT community by enacting laws to outlaw discrimination based on sexual identity.

"Timor Leste's current legal environment presents a mix of silence, protection and gaps for LGBT people," Knight said, using another name for the Southeast Asian country.

Long way to equality

The parade – which was supported by international groups including UN agencies and diplomats – has nevertheless raised hopes among the LGBT community in East Timor, and provided an impetus for the public to debate the topic.

"LGBT issues have been swept under the carpet all this while, now it is time to talk about them," said Felix Maia, the spokesman of UN Women in East Timor, who was at the parade.

"It creates polarising opinion but we can only start raising awareness when people start talking about it," he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Guterres said there is a long way to go to achieve equality but he was optimistic, as he has seen how his family attitude has changed over the years.

His brother, who stopped talking to him for two years after Guterres came out to him as gay, showed up at the pride parade clad in a T-shirt emblazoned with the slogan "You are not alone" and appeared on stage with him.

"He hugged me on stage and told me he was very proud of me," he said. "We were both in tears." – Reuters

Source: https://asiancorrespondent.com/2017/07/asias-youngest-nation-offers-glimmer-hope-lgbt-rights/

Tiny war-torn island holds first Pride parade as Prime Minister comes

Pink News - July 4, 2017

Josh Jackman – A tiny war-torn island in Asia has taken two huge steps forward in promoting LGBT rights.

East Timor, which only declared its independence in 2002 after a traumatic, deadly struggle, held its first Pride parade last week. The celebration in the capital of Dili was attended by several hundred people, according to The Associated Press.

But that wasn't enough for the tiny island nation of 1.2 million people, which lies north of Australia and south of Indonesia. In the same week, Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo called on his citizens to accept differences and even to celebrate them.

In a speech posted online, he said: "Discrimination, disrespect and abuse towards people because of their sexual orientation or gender identity does not provide any benefit to our nation."

Allowing everyone in the country to contribute to its development would "make the most of the independence we all fought for." The leader said that his country was "known in the region and internationally as a nation which promotes and protects human rights.

"However, many people will suffer discrimination." He warned that "violence and discrimination may affect the future of the country's physical and mental health."

In a developed country, he said, "all children need to live in an environment which provides protection, love, and the opportunity to develop themselves, regardless of their differences.

"Parents need to receive their children, and schools need to create conditions which can protect all students.

"As Prime Minister, I ask you to accept each other, to see each other and have mutual respect.

"God teaches us to love one another. The principles of democratic nations hold that we are born free with dignity and respect for one another."

More than 200,000 people died during the Indonesian occupation of the country, which lasted for a quarter of a century. Even after the East Timorese voted for independence in 1999, anti-independence militia subjected the island to death and destruction.

Source: http://www.pinknews.co.uk/2017/07/04/tiny-war-torn-island-holds-first-pride-parade-as-prime-minister-comes-out-in-support-of-lgbt-rights/

East Timor holds first LGBT parade, PM calls for acceptance

Associated Press - July 4, 2017

Dili, East Timor – Gay rights have taken a step forward in East Timor with its first LGBT pride parade and the prime minister announcing that the young nation's development depends on respecting the rights of all its citizens.

The parade in the capital, Dili, on June 29 attracted several hundred people and was supported by local and international organizations including the Hatutan youth group, the U.N. and U.S. Embassy.

The same week, Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo called on Timorese to accept people's differences.

He said, "Discrimination, disrespect and abuse towards people because of their sexual orientation or gender identity does not provide any benefit to our nation."

East Timor gained independence from Indonesia following a referendum in 1999, though it suffered devastating reprisals by the Indonesian military and militias.

Source: http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/A/AS_EAST_TIMOR_LGBT?SITE=AP&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT&CTIME=2017-07-04-02-34-26

Timor Leste PM comes out supporting LGBTI rights

Gay Star News - July 3, 2017

Shannon Power – In an act described as a 'breath of hope in the region', Timor Leste's Prime Minister has made a definitive statement in support of LGBTI rights.

Rui Maria De Araujo is the Prime Minister of Timor Leste (East Timor) and is now the first Southeast Asian leader to publicly support LGBTI rights. The small country is located in the Timor Sea between Indonesia, Australia and Papua New Guinea.

It gained independence from Indonesia in 2002 and has since worked to build itself as an autonomous nation-state in the region. Timor Leste is known as a region leader on human rights and the PM's statement confirms that.

'Everyone has the potential to contribute to the development of the nation, including members of the LGBT community,' De Araujo said in a video last week.

'Discrimination, disrespect and abuse towards people because of their sexual orientation or gender identity does not provide any benefit to our nation.'

De Argujo argued for the young nation to develop its people needed to live free from violence and discrimination.

'For a nation to develop well, every young person needs to be able to grow up in an environment that provides them with protection, love, and opportunities for personal growth – regardless of their differences,' he said.

'Parents need to accept their children, and schools need to create an environment where all students are protected.

'This is how we can create an inclusive nation, where everyone can participate in the development process and make the most of the independence we all fought for.

'One for all, all for one.'

LGBTI advocates in Asia and Timor Leste celebrated the PM's statement including Natalino Ornai Guterres who helped orchestrate the historic moment.

Ornai Guterres heads the organization Hatutan Youth and he wrote to the PM asking him to become involved in the LGBTI awareness initiative. Only hours after reaching out to him the PM agreed to record the video. The prompt response shows a willingness to promote LGBTI rights in Timor Leste.

'It means a lot because throughout this whole time, none of the government officials, let alone a Prime Minister has said anything on the issue,' he told Gay Star News.

'The country seems to promoting human rights in the region and the UN, we keep voting yes for every resolution about LGBTI rights, but on the ground there's still quite a few problems we need to tackle.

'The Prime Minister is a family man with an open mind... he is also aware of the issue and knows of the problem.'

Ripple effect

The ASEAN SOGIE Caucus (Association of Southeast Asian Nations and sexual orientations and gender identity expression) also welcomed the PM's statement.

'Assurance and positive encouragement from high level government officials is crucial in order to make LGBTIQ people feel accepted and welcomed in their own home countries,' said Ryan Silverio, regional coordinator, ASEAN SOGIE Caucus.

'We are glad that Timor Leste is becoming a breathe of hope in the region. We hope that his action creates positive ripples, inspire more leaders in our region to take a stand for inclusion and human rights.'

Timor Leste's first Pride march

The PM's statement came during a very big week for Timor Leste's LGBTI community. Last week the capital, Dili, hosted a huge LGBTI Pride event and the country's first Pride parade.

A Catholic nun who runs a shelter for vulnerable people, including LGBTI people, opened the proceedings with a prayer. 'We marched with a marching band and everyone came with their signs about diversity and inclusiveness and equality,' Ornai Guterres said.

The march ended in a concert with many of Timor Leste's leading musicians performing.

Source: https://www.gaystarnews.com/article/timor-leste-pm-comes-supporting-lgbti-rights/

Refugees & asylum seekers

Indonesian nun offers lifeline to refugees who fled Timor-Leste

Asia Pacific Report - July 20, 2017

Konradus Epa in Atambua, Indonesia – Rostiana Bareto experienced tough living conditions as a refugee when she and her family settled in Atambua, western Timor, on the border with Indonesia.

Despite the fundamental challenge of making ends meet, 49-year-old Bareto and her husband decided to stay and avoid the political instability back home.

More than 250,000 people fled Timor-Leste or were forcibly transferred west following violence that escalated around an independence referendum, August 30, 1999. The initial attacks on civilians by anti-independence militants expanded to general violence throughout the country.

Many returned to Timor-Leste after the declaration of independence in 2002. But about 100,000 people chose to continue their lives in East Nusa Tenggara province, including 60,000 people in Belu regency.

Since her arrival, Bareto, now widowed, has not received any assistance from the government, causing great frustration for her family and many others living in similar conditions.

Their lives began to change when they met Holy Spirit Sister Sesilia Ketut. Seven years ago the nun gave Bareto some money to start her own cloth-weaving business. Working in a group of widows she learned to weave and cook, and make bags, rosaries, flowers and wallets, which were then sold to markets.

Weaving every day

"Every day our job was weaving and we never stopped, although the products were sold at a cheap price," said the mother of six.

Now, more than 300 widows – whose husbands either died before or after the 1999 conflict – are receiving help from the 59-year-old nun.

Sister Ketut said she decided to work with the widows because she felt moved by their suffering in the early days when they first sought shelter in western Timor.

To help those in Belu regency, Sister Ketut established the Forum for Women and Children in 2000. The forum continues its operations today providing aid to the people in cooperation with non-government organisations such as the Jesuit Refugee Service, UNICEF and Save the Children.

They provide critical support services to domestic violence and rape victims and deliver much-needed education.

Lourdes Clara Dedeus, 23, a former refugee from Timor-Leste who became a volunteer for the forum in 2013 said she helped Sister Ketut because of her noble service to the people.

"I was educated by the nun," Dedeus said and now she accompanies the nun in helping victims of domestic violence and rape.

Trained in business

According to Sister Ketut, besides helping the widows, she also trains other former refugees in business and education and helps them to reconnect with their relatives back home.

Each year, she offers loans with low interest to more than 30 former refugees. Sadly, only a few people succeed, while others spend the money on parties and other non-essentials. "Most of them cannot return the money," she said. "So there's a need to train them in business."

In the early years, many children born to former refugees had no access to school in the settlement areas. This inspired the nun to establish early childhood education and development services. "We started the school under trees because there were no facilities," she said.

When Save the Children joined the fold in 2010, a school house was constructed. Now there are two schools that accommodate more than 60 children.

Yosep Benediktus Lake, chairman of a school committee, said each family has five to eight children and most of them do not go to school. "The sister has helped the children free of charge but many parents were unaware of the importance of education for their children," he said.

Reconnecting in Timor-Leste

Every year, dozens of former refugees return to Timor-Leste, and since 2000 the nun has facilitated the return of more than 400 people to their homeland. "We accompany them until they reunite with their families and they are welcomed with custom rituals and parties," she said.

But lately, the number of those repatriating to Timor-Leste has decreased due to the high US$384 (NZ$520) fee for administration costs and the long waiting times for passports to be issued.

Bishop Dominikus Saku of Atambua gave high praise, saying "I see her service is good for the former East Timorese refugees and I support her."

Bareto, who is the head of a community unit, said the local government has also expressed its gratitude to Sister Ketut for her extensive work and commitments to the former refugees.

Source: https://asiapacificreport.nz/2017/07/20/indonesian-nun-offers-lifeline-to-refugees-who-fled-timor-leste/

Legislation & parliament

Portuguese language major obstacle for MP's intervention in parliament

Dilly Weekly - July 13, 2017

Venidora Oliveira 00 The Judicial System Monitoring Program (JSMP) considers grave that five members of the national parliament raised their objection and did not make an intervention during the plenary session in Portuguese because they did not feel they were fluent enough in the official language.

Executive Director of JSMP Luis Oliveira Sampaio said the rule of speaking Portuguese only during the plenary session on Tuesday whilst a good initiative, inhibits some Members of Parliament from making interventions.

"The parliament is the place for the debating of political, social and economy affairs of state so language should not be an obstacle to anyone being able to make an intervention," he said.

He added that the Portuguese language should not be compulsory for MPs during any of the plenary sessions, even though Portuguese is an official language in the constitution because the People chose their representatives to sit at parliament to represent them and raise their concerns.

JSMP recalled observing MPs in 2011 trying to discuss the Civil Law Code and that most MPs did not participate in in-depth discussions because they did not know how to speak Portuguese.

He urged the national parliament to create the necessary conditions to facilitate MPs who are not able to speak Portuguese so they may learn it.

Meanwhile, MP Cesar Valente acknowledged 5 MPs raised objections and did not make their interventions due to language inability. He said the five of them understood Portuguese but had difficulties speaking, so they decided to not make interventions.

"We should speak correctly as the parliament is an institution of the state open to the public. They decided not to make their intervention," he said.

On the other hand, national MP Antonio Serpa disagreed with some MPs who did not make interventions because they do not know how to speak Portuguese because the parliament provides Portuguese languages courses to MPs.

"I think it is not good enough of an argument because there are several Portuguese courses available, and the parliament also provides a Portuguese language course," he disagreed.

"They cannot be bother attending the course and the use language as an excuse to not make an intervention. That's not good enough," he said. He urged moving forward that all MPs must learn and make efforts to speak Portuguese to ensure the implementation of regulations and laws as prescribed by the Constitution.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/14575-portuguese-language-major-obstacle-for-mp-s-intervention-in-parliament

Tourism & hospitality

Hilton moves into Dili

BTN News - July 27, 2017

There is to be a Hilton Hotels and Resorts-branded hotel in Timor-Leste. Under a management agreement with The Lay Group, Hilton will manage Hilton Dili Palm Springs in the capital city of Dili, the country's main centre of economic activity.

The Hilton Palm Springs will offer convenience to corporate and government travellers with its location in the heart of Dili.

The hotel will offer 140 guest rooms of 40 square metres and 10 suites of 60 square metres. It will also feature event and meeting spaces, as well as an executive lounge and a signature restaurant, lobby bar, rooftop bar, fitness centre, spa and outdoor pool.

Construction of the 150-room hotel has commenced and is due for completion by late 2018.

Hilton says Timor-Leste is emerging as a popular leisure escape, known for its untouched beaches, pristine reefs, beautiful rugged landscapes and rich cultural history.

Source: http://www.impactpub.com.au/micebtn/85-news/btn-news/20550-hilton-moves-into-dili

Timor-Leste island community fears large-scale tourism development on

ABC Radio Australia - July 17, 2017

Felicity James – Tourism businesses from an island off the coast of Timor-Leste's capital say they fear large-scale government projects could destroy their community and local voices are being ignored in the debate.

In Timor-Leste, there has been a push for the Government to develop the tourism sector as the country tries to end its reliance on oil and gas revenue.

Documents obtained by the ABC show plans drawn up for a government authority in 2015, depicting a transportation hub, more than a dozen jetties, an airport and 11 helipads on the tiny island of Atauro, near Dili.

The documents appear to have been produced for the authority known as ZEESM, which oversees two regions designated as special economic zones in Timor-Leste – the enclave of Oecusse and Atauro.

Timor-Leste's Acting Tourism Minister Maria Isabel J Ximenes said she had not heard about the plans and that eco-tourism would be the "obvious approach" for the island.

"I'm not aware of any plan of having many helipads, I don't think so," she said. "You can go around Atauro by boat and it's very easy because all the villages – the population – live along the beaches."

Marselina de Araujo Balamba, the president of Atauro's tourism association, said local organisations and community members had not been consulted about the Government's or ZEESM's plans for the island.

"We still want development but only the small one, we don't want the big one – we don't want a casino, we don't want big hotels, we don't want a big helipad," she said.

"They have to come to this island and then listen to the people – listen to the island and see what has been done here."

Atauro could be 'eco-tourism model' for Timor-Leste

Ms de Arujo Balamba said Atauro could be an eco-tourism model for the rest of the country, with its biodiverse coral reefs, mountains and beaches. "Our dream is one day maybe this place is going to be a national park, to have a lot of people coming to this place," she said.

"We heard that they are going to make a very big port here for the transportation and everything, but we don't really need one. A big port for who? Who's going to use it? Who's going to come?"

She said her group had been asking the Government to fix electricity, water supplies and rubbish disposal on the island for more than five years.

Atauro resident Alfonso Soares and his wife have just opened their home to tourists as part of a homestay project. "In addition to seeing our riches in the ocean, they also come to learn our culture," he said.

Mr Soares said he and others on the island were worried about the future for local jobs. "If tourists come to a big hotel, the community here, we won't get an opportunity," he said. "No one will stay at our small homestay."

The Boneca de Atauro cooperative is a major source of income for women on the island, with almost 60 women employed. The profits from the dolls they make go directly to the community.

The ABC understands the organisation has fears about its land tenure because the property it operates from is on government land.

Tourism strategy a 'work in progress'

Civil society groups, including the Asia Foundation, have been working closely with Timor-Leste's Government to draft a new tourism policy.

The foundation's Timor-Leste country representative, Todd Wassel, said the Government was aiming to increase tourist numbers from about 50,000 a year to 200,000 a year by 2030.

"Tourism is just one of those pieces that has to work if Timor wants to become an integrated, diverse economy," Mr Wassel said.

"Timor needs to be careful about destroying its main product – that's its natural beauty – so environmental regulations and standards are necessary. There also needs to be a concerted effort to makes sure that tourism revenue actually flows back to the community."

The national tourism policy was finalised in March, but according to Ms Ximenes and the ZEESM president, Fretlin's Mari Alkatiri, the country's tourism strategy is still a work in progress.

Ms Ximenes said the Government was working closely with ZEESM and the community would be consulted about any plans.

"We have to understand, this is a new country. This is a very, very, very young country," Ms Ximenes said. "We have to start from small, small scale, and we can see what we can do in the future."

Mari Alkatiri said all policies, including tourism, would need further work after Timor-Leste citizens elect a new parliament on July 22. "We need first of all to develop community tourism, link it to the community, link it to agriculture, link it to development of the rural areas."

Researcher Charlie Scheiner from local organisation La'o Hamutuk, which analyses the country's economy and government policy, said the agriculture sector should be prioritised.

"We think the primary focus for economic development should be agriculture," Mr Scheiner said. "About two thirds of Timorese are farmers and they can provide food, which allows people to eat, allows people to live. You can't eat a tourist."

Source: http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/2017-07-17/timorleste-island-community-fears-largescale-tourism-development-on-atauro/1686378

Analysis & opinion

Timor-Leste elections a significant milestone

The Interpreter - July 27, 2017

Georgina Downer – For a nation that only won its hard-fought battle for independence 15 years ago, Timor Leste has travelled a long way fast.

On 22 July, the Timorese people voted for the fourth time in parliamentary elections to elect the 65 members of the National Parliament. As the first election administered solely by the Timorese themselves, without the guiding hand of UN officials, Saturday's poll was a significant milestone and a remarkable success. After all, this is a nation that has had to more or less build its democracy from scratch. Former revolutionary leaders exchanged their fatigues for business attire, drafted a constitution and created democratic institutions and governance. Of course there was help from the international community but there is no taking away from what has been achieved on the ground.

I observed the latest election as part of the International Republican Institute's (IRI) election observation mission in Timor-Leste. Like the Australian government and many civil society organisations, IRI has assisted Timor-Leste on its democratic journey. IRI has maintained a continuous presence in Timor-Leste since 2000, preparing political parties for elections in 2001 and helping them to become more issue-based and responsive in recent years.

The month-long election campaign was peaceful and uneventful. Former President Jose Ramos-Horta moderated a three-hour televised debate between several candidates that was watched by thousands on Timor-Leste's national broadcaster, RTTL. Political parties held rallies and put up billboards, and used social media (particularly Facebook) to engage with voters.

It was uplifting to see political parties engaged in a vigorous yet peaceful competition for votes, and it was clear that the result was never a fait accompli, but something that the parties had to work to achieve.

That said, as an election observer I was struck by the absence of harsh criticism of political opponents or scare-campaigning in Timor. This is partly due to a cultural aversion to the aggressive bluff and bluster that characterises Westminster-style political campaigning – yet it also reflects a real fear that strong and negative language could spark a return to the violence that erupted in 2006.

Timor-Leste's leaders are making a considerable effort to avoid the experiences of other former Portuguese colonies such as Mozambique and Angola, which fell into civil war and experienced extended periods of violence after achieving independence. Yet ironically, in their effort to preserve peace and develop their democracy, the country is not engaging in the kind of robust political debate that is crucial to democracy – nor is there an effective opposition to hold the government to account.

I spent Election Day in Manatuto District, near Dili. The election officials from the National Elections Commission (CNE) and the Technical Secretariat for Electoral Administration (STAE) were phenomenal. Citizens lined up at sunrise to vote at more than 1000 polling stations around the country. After casting their votes, people had their right index finger dipped in ink to prevent multiple voting.

The following day, people flashed their inked fingers with pride. They had taken yet another step towards a democratic society where each person, irrespective of their wealth, education or status, has an equal say. In a country with over 760,000 registered voters, more than 583,000 turned out to vote – that's about a 76% turnout in a relatively new democracy where voting is non-compulsory.

That's not to say that the situation in Timor-Leste is perfect. It's no secret that the country's challenges remain daunting – its human development figures are some of the worst in the world, and its economy must begin to diversify as its petroleum sovereign wealth fund continues to dwindle.

Yet despite the economic and development challenges ahead, IRI's opinion polling indicates the Timorese people are incredibly optimistic about their future. With an increasingly strong democracy, there is every reason to believe Timor-Leste is moving towards a system in which its people will be able to craft policies that deal effectively with those challenges. For now, it's important to give credit where credit is due, and laud a remarkably peaceful (and robustly democratic) parliamentary election.

Source: https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/timor-leste-elections-significant-milestone

Time (and oil) running out for Timor-Leste

The Diplomat - July 24, 2017

Anthony Fensom – Elections in Timor-Leste have highlighted the challenges facing one of Southeast Asia's poorest nations, amid predictions that its key oil and gas resources could be depleted by the end of the decade.

Preliminary results Sunday from parliamentary elections indicated the ruling coalition of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) and the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) had secured a majority, although with increased support for opposition parties.

By midday Sunday, CNRT, the party of independence hero Xanana Gusmao, had secured 27.6 percent of the vote, down from 36.7 percent in 2012, while its partner Fretilin was up slightly at 31 percent. The Democratic Party had won 10 percent of the vote, while the People's Liberation Party, a new party led by former President Taur Matan Ruak, had gained around 9 percent.

The relatively peaceful vote was the nation's first parliamentary election since UN peacekeepers departed in 2012. Voter turnout was around 70 percent, with 21 parties competing for 65 seats.

The reduced support for CNRT was attributed to voter impatience over economic progress and corruption, amid concerns that the nation of 1.3 million people is overly reliant on oil and gas revenues.

"They need to provide roads, electricity, water, and sanitation because these are the needs people are facing in their daily life," voter Jacinta Mau told AAP. Another voter, Aleixo da Costa Sarmento, said the government "must create more jobs for the youth, because so many are still unemployed."

Around 78 percent of the $1.38 billion state budget for 2017 was derived from oil and gas revenues, but the nation's only producing gas field is expected to dry up by 2020. The poverty rate remains high at around 30 percent, amid high unemployment, low education levels, and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita of just $1,239.

The government led by Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo has dipped into the nation's sovereign wealth fund, the $16 billion Petroleum Fund (PF), to support the budget amid a sharp drop in oil revenues, which fell from $1 billion in 2015 to $400 million last year. In 2016, the government's budget deficit was projected to reach 29 percent of total GDP.

Outside oil, the most significant commodity export is coffee, with annual exports of $30 million in 2016. Tourism is also limited, with an estimated 60,000 international arrivals per year, although the number has been gradually increasing.

The Asian Development Bank expects GDP growth to pick up next year, rising to 6 percent compared to this year's forecast 4 percent. However, the government is under pressure to generate new jobs in a nation with a median age of 19 and with 60 percent of its population aged under 25.

"The overriding fiscal challenge for Timor-Leste is to transition to a more sustainable economy and move toward private-sector led growth over the next 5 to 10 years," the World Bank said in an April report.

New projects

The ruling coalition has placed its faith in some major projects to drive growth, including Gusmao's proposed multi-billion dollar "Tasi Mane" petrochemical industry project designed to process gas from the Greater Sunrise oil and gas field, and a $216 million free trade zone in the Oecusse district near Indonesian-controlled West Timor that includes a new airport, hotels, and marina.

However, Australia and Timor-Leste are embroiled in a dispute over Greater Sunrise, while the gas field developers are in no hurry to develop the field amid current low gas prices. Gusmao's project has also been criticized as offering only marginal benefits.

"High-cost developments such as the Tasi Mane project are expected to have only a very weak impact on poverty reduction in the near term, and may never yield a social return in a range of feasible scenarios," the World Bank said.

The Washington-based financial institution said the prospect of new oil fields being exploited "remains highly uncertain."

"Even if viable fields were developed, which is unlikely to happen for 10 years, efforts to diversify towards sustainable models of private-sector growth would be just as important to provide a range of economic livelihood opportunities and guard against possible effects of Dutch disease," it added.

The government aims to increase tourist arrivals to 200,000 a year by 2030, helped by new projects at Oecusse and Atauro. However, reported plans for more than a dozen jetties, an airport and 11 helipads on the island of Atauro have been criticized by locals, according to Australia's ABC.

"We still want development... [but] we don't want a casino, we don't want big hotels, we don't want a big helipad," said Marselina de Araujo Balamba, president of Atauro's tourism association.

In its November 2016 report, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) said the medium-term outlook for Timor-Leste depended critically on economic diversification, with risks including whether the front-loading of public investment would generate sufficient social and economic returns.

"Public investment should be better prioritized, focusing on projects with higher returns determined by rigorous investment appraisal. This would help to ensure more 'bang for the buck' in tapping into the PF," the IMF said.

In its 2016 "corruption perceptions index," Transparency International rated Timor-Leste 101st, the same rank as the Philippines and Thailand. Timor-Leste also placed a lowly 176th in the World Bank's latest "ease of doing business" survey, getting its lowest marks for enforcing contracts and registering property.

According to critics, there is "widespread discontent" among the public that families of the elite are benefiting from lucrative government contracts, while others have complained about bureaucratic hurdles.

"It's a third world country to do business in," Australian businessman Ed Turner told the Sydney Morning Herald, having left the country after reportedly trying to establish its national airline, Air Timor. The airline hit turbulence after quitting the previously lucrative Dili to Bali, Indonesia route in January 2017 after the authorities gave licenses to rival Indonesian carriers.

"Many people will tell you to get officials on side you have to give them girls and money," he said. "If you don't do that you won't succeed... even people who do that often don't succeed anyway."

Jose Ramos Horta, a former president and prime minister, told the newspaper that claims of corruption were exaggerated "because of the way the system is set up."

Nevertheless, after 15 years of independence, Timor-Leste faces a race against time to ensure its economic future by successfully diversifying into new industries. The government's post-election honeymoon might not last long.

Source: http://thediplomat.com/2017/07/time-and-oil-running-out-for-timor-leste/

After Timor-Leste's election, a young democracy looks forward

The Diplomat - July 25, 2017

Khoo Ying Hooi –- On July 22, 77 percent of Timorese cast their votes in the Timor-Leste's parliamentary election, which was contested by almost two dozen political parties in a country of just about 1.2 million people.

This election witnessed the expected victory of the two major political parties, the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) and the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT). The final count of ballots showed that Fretilin led with almost 30 percent of the vote, securing 23 seats, while the CNRT, led by Xanana Gusmao, was running second with a slightly lower percentage of the vote and 22 seats.

The much talked about new People's Liberation Party (PLP), led by Taur Matan Ruak, trailed in third place with about 10 percent of the vote and eight seats, and the Partido Democratico (PD) locked in seven seats. A small element of surprise came from the success of another new party, Kmanek Haburas Unidade Nasional Timor Oan (Khunto), which gathered about 7 percent of the vote and five seats.

During the events leading up to the election day, the National Elections Commission (CNE) and the Technical Secretariat for Election Administration (STAE) conducted extensive civic and voter education programs. The CNE's publication of the official campaign schedule helped not only locals but also media outlets and observers to cover campaign events. The election campaign has also proceeded peacefully, without any significant problems or instances of violence. Political debates were conducted vigorously.

Through the election, the Timorese showed how much they valued their hard-won democratic rights. Many turned up on election day, even before the opening of polling centers. This is a remarkable year for a country that just gained its independence 15 years ago, as both presidential and parliamentary elections were organized in a peaceful manner (the presidential vote took place back in March). On this alone, the Timorese deserve credit for their successful conduct of elections, as this is a major achievement in the maturing of Timor-Leste's young democracy. The country has been able to move forward through an understanding of forgiveness and an awareness that political stability is particularly crucial for a young democracy like Timor-Leste.

While negotiations are now still ongoing, both the Fretilin and the CNRT are anticipated to continue their de facto partnership to form a government. Whatever the make-up of the next government, it faces huge challenges and some very difficult negotiations on much-needed reforms. With half of Timor-Leste's population living in poverty, the government will need to find ways to improve the livelihoods of its 1.2 million people.

The economy, corruption, and the government's failure to utilize the wealth generated by oil resources to support development and create jobs dominated the political discourse during the political campaign. These issues will not go away until a feasible solution is crystallized. For example, the 20-year Strategic Development Plan (2011-2030), the "brainchild" of CNRT's Gusmao, is in need of another revision in view of the public frustrations over widespread social and economic injustices in the country. At the end of the day, democratic leadership also requires a shift in Timor-Leste's development principles.

From blogs, Facebook, public forums, and community spaces across Timor-Leste, the public sphere has been vibrant and dynamic during the election season. This is an indication of a popular interest in Timorese politics among its people. Public discourse is now much more important in the country than it was during the past.

For outsiders, the democracy in Timor-Leste can seem bewildering. Compared to many countries in Southeast Asia, Timor-Leste is boldly democratic. But Timorese want to be better and are eager to see more. Timor-Leste is without a doubt better prepared to face the future than it was five years ago, at the last elections, but progress is long-term and could not be measured in months.

While democracy is flourishing in Timor-Leste, at the same time, there are problems. The political society, with its multi-party politics and public elections, has functioned somewhat well, for instance, with reasonably high voter turnouts. Yet the Fretilin and the CNRT are still the dominant powers in the country. A power-sharing agreement between them might arguably be the best model for Timor-Leste; however, the risk of a weak opposition voice remains a concern. This could potentially undermine the further development of democratic norms.

As the excitement and surprise at the results of the election begin to settle, decisions will be made about the formation of the next government and the appointment of ministers. The new government will basically need to tackle a series of unsolved problems that were left by the outgoing government. Increasing rural-based development is critical but it will not be simple; progress here is also intertwined with the issues of governance and balanced development. Over-dependence on foreign aid is gradually becoming another key challenge and the new government would want to avoid falling into the aid-dependency trap.

These are some of the issues that cannot be neglected in Timor-Leste's political discourse, as the problems are obvious in every part of the country. The next government is going to have to do a lot of deal making. The worry, though, is that the capacity to do all this still remains quite limited.

Economically, the new government following the election will have much to do but will probably lack the capacity to get it all done. In economic and social terms, sustainable transformation in Timor-Leste requires a continuous investment in the capacity building and empowerment of its own people. The new government will have to work hard to prevent vested interests from leading the resource-rich country to fall prey to the "resource curse" as well as implement reforms in key areas that remain under-explored, such as agriculture and community-based tourism.

Meanwhile, whoever the next prime minister is, in five years' time he or she will face the thorny question of how to bring this young democracy a step ahead by diversifying its economic opportunities and development as well as moving away from its aid and oil dependency. Ultimately, the real test for this young democracy's survival is whether tolerance and understanding of the different aspirations of the people can prevail for the betterment of the country.

[Dr. Khoo Ying Hooi is Senior Lecturer at the Department of International and Strategic Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya.]

Source: http://thediplomat.com/2017/07/after-timor-lestes-election-a-young-democracy-looks-forward/

Timor-Leste elections suggest reframed cross-party government

The Interpreter - July 24, 2017

Michael Leach – With final votes tallied in the Timor-Leste parliamentary elections overnight, the results in Dili suggest a reframed power-sharing government will emerge, showing some continuity with the previous government but with a different flavour.

The two main parties – the Frente Revolucionaria de Timor-Leste Independente (FRETILIN) and the Congresso Nacional de Reconstrucao de Timor (CNRT) – have once again taken the majority of the vote, with 29.65% and 29.45% respectively. One interesting twist to the result is that FRETILIN has received the largest vote-share, a reversal of 2012.

Though FRETILIN's lead is narrow, it appears that Timor-Leste's D'Hondt proportional system will deliver the party 23 MPs to CNRT's 22. FRETILIN's professional and modern campaign appears to have paid dividends, as the party maintained its 2012 vote share despite the rise of two new contestants in Timor-Leste's vibrant politics. For its part, the CNRT vote dropped from 37% in 2012 to 29.45%, affected by the immediate ex-President Taur Matan Ruak's new party, the Partidu Libertasaun Popular (PLP).

Though no party has a majority of 33 seats, FRETILIN's victory gives an advantage to the historical party, as it will commence and lead negotiations to form government. The chances are strong that a new power-sharing agreement of some form involving former Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao's CNRT will be reached, lending the result some continuity, albeit with a new flavour that shifts the status quo.

FRETILIN leader and former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri has already noted that his party's 'arms are open' to discussions with all the elected parties, and the first conversation he will have is with the 'inescapable' figure of Timorese politics and CNRT leader Gusmao. Throughout the campaign, FRETILIN had committed to continue to working with Gusmao in the interests of political stability.

For its part, Ruak's PLP has performed very creditably in its first outing, with 10.6% of the national vote, an outcome which marks it as the new third force in Timor-Leste politics and will translate into eight seats. Ruak's early comments suggest the PLP will act as an active opposition in the parliament.

While the previous government (effectively a power-sharing executive between the two largest parties, led by Gusmao's CNRT) brought political stability to Timor-Leste and ended conflicts within Dili's small political elite, the downside of those arrangement was a far weaker opposition voice in parliament.

The emergence of the PLP, which combines resistance veterans with members of Dili's young intelligentsia, will meet civil society's desires for a more active opposition. Notable also was the way the Partido Democratico (PD) vote remained strong, with a share of 9.8% and seven seats, despite some commentators arguing that they would fail in this election following the death of their founder in Fernando 'Lasama' de Araujo in 2015. One reason for PD's relative success is their strong party structure, second only to FRETILIN in terms of district organisation.

Of equal interest is the rise of Kmanek Haburas Unidade Nacional Timor Oan (KHUNTO), with 6.4% of the vote and five seats. This party is linked to Timor-Leste's large martial arts groups, and pitched its campaign at Timor-Leste's unemployed and disaffected youth. In this sense, the party has a genuine social base that has seen its vote more than double from what it received in 2012.

Early analysis of the results suggests that the rise of the PLP has occurred mainly at the expense of CNRT, which has seen its 2012 vote drop almost 8%. On another reading, the rise of both the PLP and KHUNTO could be a sign of shifting voter alignments as Timor-Leste's demographic 'youth bulge' enters political life, with some 20% of the roll voting for the first time in 2017. If so, the PLP vote could be one to watch in the future.

The parties will now enter negotiations to form a government. FRETILIN and CNRT offer the only two-party combination that can deliver a majority in parliament, with other combinations requiring three parties to reach 33 seats. That said, a broader government involving more than two parties remains a live option, as does the idea of a power-sharing executive, in which ministries are shared between a number of parties in a way that does not necessarily constitute a formal coalition. One notable question will be whether the smaller parties accept ministries if they are offered, or choose to act as an unfettered parliamentary opposition. While ministries bring greater influence, parties accepting ministries will become less effective voices in parliament.

In this process, there is no question CNRT will enter the negotiations with considerable bargaining power. In particular, Gusmao is likely to be accommodated in a senior position of his choosing, befitting his political status. As Alkatiri's comments suggest, FRETILIN has publicly committed to working with Gusmao in the interest of national stability – a more interesting question is whether other parties will be offered ministries to widen the power-sharing.

For Timor-Leste, running the national elections entirely on its own for the first time, the parliamentary elections were notably peaceful (despite complaints of voter intimidation by former guerrillas in Baucau district) and a clear technical success – a tribute to Timor-Leste's highly competent electoral administration agencies. During the campaigning period there was a spirit of friendly competitiveness between supporters of different parties, a far more amicable tone than that of the 2012 and 2007 elections.

For Australia, the implications of the 2017 election are potentially significant. Any government emerging in the coming weeks is unlikely to shift the unified position of Timor-Leste's parties to demarcate maritime boundaries, and Gusmao himself is likely to retain the lead in bilateral negotiations. But a new government in Dili presents an opportunity to reset the relationship, which is at an historical low point, with no ministerial visits from Australia since 2013. The simple notion that the new government will have a different composition with a wider array of leaders will likely be welcomed by Canberra.

Also of significance is the powerful US House Armed Services Committee, whose recent annual National Defence Authorisation Act for the fiscal year 2018, was specifically amended to encourage resolution of the maritime boundary dispute between Australia and Timor-Leste.

With the South China Sea disputes clearly in the background, the committee has noted its belief that negotiations between Australia and Timor-Leste to establish maritime boundaries sends 'a positive signal to other states in the region regarding adherence to a rules-based international order'. The Act goes on to highlight the committee's interest in 'ensuring processes to resolve territorial and maritime disputes are done fairly and peacefully in accordance to international law', and notes the 'potential security benefits' likely to flow from a peaceful resolution of the dispute. There is little question that this shift in Washington signals extra pressure on Canberra to resolve the matter in the current UNCLOS conciliation process, due to conclude in September.

Source: https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/timor-leste-elections-suggest-reframed-cross-party-government

Timor-Leste consolidates its young democracy

Asian Studies Association of Australia - July 22, 2017

Damien Kingsbury – In a colourful and noisy event, unblemished so far by the violence that marred the first few years of independence, Timor-Leste prepares for its fourth parliamentary elections this Saturday. By conventional criteria, it has passed the test of consolidating its young democracy.

This year, the number of parties contesting the elections has jumped to 21, from 14 in 2012. It is expected to slow the counting process. However, the main parties – perhaps four or five – are likely to take the lion's share of the vote.

Parties that do not receive four per cent of the total vote in the single constituency will have their vote treated, in effect, as not counted. It means the threshold for parties over four per cent to get members in parliament is functionally lowered.

Coalition of national unity

It will be difficult for any single party to achieve an absolute majority of 33 seats in the 65-seat parliament. So, the next government is likely to be a coalition of two or more parties.

Since 2015, Timor-Leste has operated under a 'government of national unity', in which the major parties Fretilin and CRT have shared power. This arrangement initially included the smaller Democratic Party, which was later dumped from the governing bloc.

The coalition has provided Timor-Leste with stability. This has been especially important as the young country continues to heal the wounds of a violent split in 2006-7 that led to foreign intervention.

However, with the two largest parties dominating government, the country has had little by way of an opposition to hold the government to account, not least for the growth in alleged corruption.

The task of 'opposition' effectively fell to the past president, Taur Matan Ruak, who did not re-contest the largely ceremonial presidency in order to contest the parliamentary elections with his new People's Liberation Party. In the March presidential elections, PLP and PD joined forces to support a joint presidential candidate, but were soundly beaten in the first round by the CNRT-supported Fretilin candidate Francisco 'Lu-Olo' Guterres.

A multiplicity of parties in Timor-Leste reflects fewer ideological distinctions, particularly since the formation of government of national unity. Though there is one small, avowedly socialist party whose leader is regularly included in the multi-party cabinet.

Beyond that, the real issues revolve around the management of the country's oil-based sovereign wealth ('petroleum') fund. This fund underwrites both the government budget and, by extension, most of the rest of the economy.

However, government spending since 2008 has exceeded interest-only income from the petroleum fund. Income into the petroleum fund has been in decline for several years and the oil fields are beginning to dry up.

Based on recent budgets and rates of government spending – albeit on much needed infrastructure – Timor-Leste will be broke before the end of the 2020s.

There is common agreement across the parties that this issue will be largely redressed by accessing the wealth locked up in the Greater Sunrise liquid natural gas field. Most of this LNG field lies in Australian waters under the terms of the Timor Sea Agreement foisted on the struggling new democracy in 2002.

Timor-Leste is arguing for a permanent equilateral boundary to be agreed to between it and Australia, rather than the current income-sharing arrangement under a 'Joint Petroleum Development Area'. The matter is under international arbitration, but progressing slowly.

Even if the country was to gain control of the Greater Sunrise field, Timor-Leste's medium-to-longer term concern is that interest in developing it has waned with the drop in the price of LNG. This has been further complicated by its government's insistence that the LNG be processed in Timor-Leste.

This means piping the LNG across a deepwater trench to a refining facility that does not yet exist. But this goes to longer-term economic planning which in turn reflects government and, to a lesser extent, party policy. These are matters for the government following these elections.

Democratic success story

For the moment, however, the country is in the thrall of the electoral process. The political speeches reflect sometimes soaring rhetoric if less hard substance.

If the future will not quite take care of itself, now is a time for celebrating the electoral contest. A social occasion in which people come together around their local polling station to catch up on local stories, to share food and drinks, and perhaps watch or gamble on a cock fight. Oh, and to vote.

As the tally gets underway, the local vote count is open and public. Voters watch and cheer for each of their candidate's votes, catcall votes for others and generally treat the event like a sporting contest.

The people of Timor-Leste have embraced their elections, as shown by their relatively high voluntary voter turn-out, and the electoral process works well. For now, at least, Timor-Leste is one of the world's developing country democratic success stories.

[Damien Kingsbury is Professor of International Politics at Deakin University and Coordinator of the Australia Timor-Leste Election Observer Mission.]

Source: http://asaa.asn.au/timor-leste-consolidates-young-democracy/

In Timor-Leste, more power-sharing likely but election hard to pick

Asia Pacific Report - July 20, 2017

Michael Leach, Dili – Twenty-one parties will contest 65 parliamentary seats and decide who governs Timor-Leste in national elections this Saturday.

In a population with a median age of just under 19 years and a voting age of 17, a fifth of Timor-Leste's 750,000 registered voters will be participating for the first time. This is just one of the factors making the exact composition of the new Parliament, and the complexion of the government, hard to pick.

The current government was formed in extraordinary circumstances in early 2015, when former independence movement leader and prime minister Xanana Gusmao handed the prime ministership to an opposition Fretilin figure, Rui Araujo.

Best seen as a power-sharing executive rather than a formal government of national unity, this de facto "grand coalition" between Timor-Leste's two largest parties – the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) and Fretilin – was a remarkable development. As recently as 2012, bitter tensions had existed between the two parties.

Power-sharing executives are not uncommon in the Pacific region, and generally award ministries to any parties winning a significant number of seats. They tend to facilitate political stability, but they can also reduce the accountability of government to Parliament by incorporating all significant parties into the executive government.

The fact that the smaller Partido Democratico, or PD, kept its ministries when its formal alliance with CNRT ended in 2015 suggests that this is an emerging informal feature of the East Timorese political system. Its dynamics are likely to influence the result of this month's election.

Members will be elected under Timor-Leste's proportional system, with voters selecting a party rather than individual candidates. Each party registers a list of 65 candidates in order of election, giving party leaders substantial power over candidates anxious to appear high on the list.

Progressive features

But the system also allows for progressive features, like the requirement that every third candidate be a woman, which has given Timor-Leste one of the highest percentages of female MPs in Asia-Pacific, at 38 percent.

The system isn't strictly proportional. To get any of its candidates into Parliament, a party needs at least 4 percent of the vote, up from 3 percent in 2012, which effectively awards a bonus to parties that clear the hurdle.

The 4 percent might be a substantial barrier, but the large number of parties participating in the election attests to the relative ease of party registration and political participation. This feature reflects Timor-Leste's relatively open society and pluralist culture, which saw it ranked as the most democratic country in Southeast Asia in The Economist's 2016 Democracy Index.

The March election to the presidency of Fretilin's Francisco "Lu-Olo" Guterres appeared to solidify the de facto accord between the major parties, with Gusmao's endorsement helping Guterres draw some 60 percent of the national vote. The figure suggests that voters like the power-sharing arrangement between CNRT and Fretilin, which could continue beyond this election, though not necessarily in the same form.

Seeking to challenge the major parties, immediate past president Taur Matan Ruak and his new Partidu Libertasaun Popular (Popular Liberation Party – PLP) have focused on basic health and education spending rather than the megaproject-led development favoured by the government.

The PLP vocally opposes the unpopular life pensions for politicians, and has also raised allegations of patrimonialism and the growth of "money politics" in awarding government contracts.

While these issues have the clear potential to resonate in the electorate, the present government's success in maintaining political stability and reducing political conflict within Timor-Leste's political elite remains a major electoral asset.

History of conflict

In a country with a long history of conflict and memories of the 2006-07 political crisis, this factor alone undoubtedly means that CNRT and Fretilin will remain highly competitive. Irrespective of which major party comes first, their ability to coexist will remain central to political stability in Timor-Leste.

Nevertheless, the PLP and other smaller parties will take encouragement from recent polls suggesting that far fewer people are happy with the direction of the country than three years ago, including just 50 percent of those under 25, down from 80 percent in 2014. While anti-corruption campaigns have rarely swayed votes in the way spending programmes can, alternative development visions focused on basic development indicators may resonate in communities where infrastructure spending programmes have provided few benefits to date.

The parties' electoral campaigns have played to their respective strengths. Xanana Gusmao's personal legitimacy and popularity as the former resistance commander remains the cornerstone of the CNRT's appeal. Though the party also includes extremely competent and senior ministers, including minister of state Agio Pereira, the CNRT has been criticised for being little more than a political vehicle for Gusmao and entirely reliant on his charismatic legitimacy – a perception reinforced when a new PM was not chosen from within the party, and again when the party decided not to field a presidential candidate.

In fact, posters featuring the wider CNRT team of ministers were dropped in the early weeks of the parliamentary campaign in favour of images of Gusmao alone. The current party slogan, "Vote for our future," suggests continuity with earlier CNRT campaigns focused on rapid modernisation through government-led infrastructure spending, in line with Gusmao's Strategic Development Plan.

For its part, Fretilin's parliamentary campaign seems the most modern and professional, reflecting its status as the most disciplined and well-established of the East Timorese parties. With the slogan "For a more developed Timor-Leste," Fretilin's campaign materials promise improved outcomes in education and health using images of East Timorese making a "plus" sign with crossed fingers.

Because resistance credentials remain central to political fortunes in Timor-Leste, the loss of the party's most senior Falintil veteran, Lu-Olo, who can't campaign actively as president, has been notable.

Fretilin's social media campaign has been at pains to counter suggestions that the current government represents a coalition with CNRT, reiterating their view that prime minister Araujo and other ministers participate in the current government as individuals. The party says that it remains committed to working with Gusmao after the election in the interests of stability, but that formalised cooperation with the CNRT more broadly is a different proposition.

Tough decisions necessary

It is by no means clear that Fretilin would again accept ministries if it finished in second place, though it acknowledges that tough decisions may need to be made in the interests of national stability.

For the PLP, the focus on Taur Matan Ruak as leader draws on two sources of symbolic strength: his legacy as the final commander of Falintil during the resistance era, and his more immediate presidential legacy as the closest thing to a national opposition leader from 2015. Ruak attacked the government in Parliament over accountability issues in early 2016, and vetoed the initial version of its budget; his relationship with Gusmao has yet to recover from this episode.

Supported by a host of younger Western-educated East Timorese from Dili's intelligentsia, the PLP campaign represents a transitional point between an older mode of resistance legitimacy and generational change. Campaign rallies have focused on opposing discrimination, criticising the vast expenditure on "megaprojects," and urging the greater focus on basic health, education and agriculture spending frequently recommended by Dili's civil society organisations.

Reflecting its position at 12th place on the national ballot, the PLP has talked of using "Vitamin 12" to combat corruption. More controversially, it backs obligatory military service, though it argues this is best seen as a nation-building programme of public works projects and employment creation.

Unlike the large setpiece rallies of CNRT and Fretilin, which see supporters (known as "militants") trucked in from elsewhere in the district, the PLP has focused on smaller rallies at the posto, or subdistrict, level. The smaller scale reflects its smaller budget, and the idea that it is running a grassroots campaign.

At rallies, the party points out that millions have been spent on the south-coast Tasi Mane petroleum project while the locals still have poor educational and health outcomes, and that – despite the brand new south-coast highway – the more important road from the southern town of Suai to Dili remains poor.

The PLP also campaigns against the new "unelected leaders" of the exclave of Oecusse – a clear dig at Fretilin's leadership of the Special Social Market Economy Zone project in the Oecusse district, known as ZEESM.

Ruak has been joined onstage at rallies by some important characters, including well-known Falintil veteran "L4" and one of Fretilin's early leaders, Abilio Araujo, who was later expelled from the party.

Different implications

PLP sources privately estimate winning between 10 and 20 seats, though local political commentators assess the likely range more modestly at between five and 15. Either way, these low and high estimates have very different implications. At the low end, the PLP would at least represent a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition. At the upper end, it would become a potential coalition partner.

Many have written off the PD, the CNRT's former alliance partner, but what little polling exists in Timor suggests its support is alive and well – if somewhat diminished by the untimely death of leader Fernando "Lasama" De Araujo in 2015, and by the rise of the PLP, which draws on some of the same clandestine youth resistance networks and associated imagery.

The PD's profile was boosted by the surprisingly sound performance of Antonio da Conceicao in the presidential campaign in March, in which he received the backing of the PLP. By contrast, the fourth party in the current parliament, Frente Mudansa, appears to be in considerable trouble after one of its key figures, Jorge Teme from the exclave of Oecusse, threw his lot in with the PLP.

With an outright majority for any one party unlikely, and in the absence of reliable polling, local commentators have been looking for reasons why the major-party vote shares from 2012 (CNRT 36 percent, Fretilin 30 percent) might change in 2017. Some point to growing popular dissatisfaction with the direction of the country, arguing that it opens space for the PLP to gain seats.

But it is also possible that new entrants like the PLP will take votes from smaller parties, which together received 20 percent in 2012, and were excluded by the hurdle requirements. Others argue that the political value of stability will prevail, and that there is a real chance of a "business as usual" result.

Reinforcing this sense, the election campaign has been very sedate, and even dull, with the most interesting question being how well the PLP can perform.

For Fretilin, positive comments by Jose Ramos-Horta about the role of Mari Alkatiri and Lu-Olo in stabilising East Timorese democracy in recent years have been welcomed by the party and highlighted in social media. More recently, Ramos-Horta has made the same comments about Gusmao, and has also encouraged Ruak to reconcile with him.

Fretilin's stewardship

At the district level, the impact of Fretilin's stewardship of the ZEESM project will be interesting to watch in Oecusse, as will the CNRT vote in the district of Covalima, where the massive Tasi Mane project is closely associated with Gusmao's party.

It is too early to say whether the "build it and they will come" approach to attracting private investment has been successful. Certainly, the rapid development of new infrastructure has resulted in some high-quality bridges and roads, but it has also created resentment and displacement in local communities governed by older customary land use practices. These two district votes will therefore offer an interesting mini-analysis of the local reception of ambitious development plans.

Overall, the key question for July 22 is whether the CNRT and Fretilin can withstand the challenge from the former president's PLP, and what sort of reconstituted cross-party government would follow. While the March presidential poll suggested a welcome reinvigoration of parliamentary opposition, it also raised the real possibility of a "business as usual" outcome in the parliamentary elections, at least in terms of seats.

The nature of any arrangement between the major parties may, however, change considerably. Meanwhile, the PLP and other parties have had another four months to campaign widely and expand their national vote. Sources inside the PLP expect to do well in Ruak's home district of Baucau, where the personal vote is strong, in the populous Western town of Maliana, and in Oecusse.

With a new Fretilin president already installed, a key question will be the identity of a new prime minister in the event that CNRT and Fretilin return to some form of power-sharing arrangement. While it seems likely that a new PM would come from CNRT, no one in Dili seems sure who this might be.

Obvious candidates include Agio Pereira and state administration and justice minister Dionisio Babo-Soares. Certainly, it seems clear that Gusmao himself no longer desires the role, happy to direct the government from the Ministry of Planning and Strategic Development.

For its part – assuming it is unable to form government – the PLP will need to decide if it will accept ministries if they are on offer, and thus effectively join a power-sharing executive. Or will it act as an unfettered parliamentary opposition? The poor relations between Gusmao and Ruak suggest that ministries are not likely to be on offer immediately, though this might be somewhat more likely in the event that the biggest party is Fretilin, where relations are more cordial.

'Hugging it out'

Either way, given the capacity of the East Timorese leadership to "hug it out" over apparently insoluble grievances, this issue may confront the PLP sometime in the life of the next government.

For East Timorese society in general, the 2017 elections represent an important transitional moment, with a full fifth of the electoral roll voting for the first time. These new voters don't remember the Indonesian era, nor necessarily the political crisis of 2006 – 07.

The election has also seen the welcome rise of domestic political commentary for an international audience, written by an increasingly confident and well-informed East Timorese commentariat.

Despite these shifts, a generational transition of power from the "1975 generation" of leaders seems further away than five years ago. The last two years have seen a stronger reassertion from the older generation of leaders, including Gusmao and Alkatiri, of the need for patience among younger political leaders – a notable change in tone from the "transitional" rhetoric of 2012.

The promised transition to younger leaders at the Fretilin party congress didn't occur, and Gusmao himself has remained firmly in control despite moving from centre stage. While the key roles of prime minister and chief justice are indeed filled by the younger generation, as the major parties point out, the 1975 generation remains the key power-holder behind the scenes.

For Australia, there appears to be little prospect of a change in direction in the foreign policy positions that unite the major East Timorese parties, including the determination to demarcate maritime boundaries between the neighbouring states. Both parties to the current Timor Sea conciliation process in The Hague privately report substantial progress in recent negotiations, though numerous difficult issues remain to be addressed.

On balance, the likelihood that Canberra will face a substantially different government in Dili after July 22 seems low.

[Dr Michael Leach is professor of politics and international relations at Swinburne University of Technology, Victoria. This article is republished from Inside Story with permission of the author.]

Source: https://asiapacificreport.nz/2017/07/20/in-timor-leste-more-power-sharing-likely-but-election-had-to-pick/

Timor-Leste: Failing state or missed opportunity?

The Diplomat - July 19, 2017

Tahnee Reed – There is a lot of doom and gloom about the possibility of Timor-Leste becoming a failed state. Caution is understandable, as failed states create regional instability. However, there is a tendency to overlook the positive steps that Timor-Leste takes toward stability.

At first, during Timor's struggle for independence, the ongoing narrative was that the country would never achieve independence, and was foolish to try. Now, an independent Timor-Leste is considered the most democratic nation in Southeast Asia, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit. But the narrative remains dark: Timor-Leste is heading toward becoming a failed state, toward economic collapse and toward increasingly poor living conditions for its citizens.

We need to consider that this young nation is only 15 years old. It can be argued that while still fragile, Timor-Leste shows signs of solidifying its position in the region. According to the Fragile State Index, indicators show that Timor-Leste is overall progressing toward becoming a more stable state. States and regional neighbors would be wise to acknowledge this potential.

It has long been argued among external observers that Timor-Leste is heading toward becoming a failed state, as the state is over-reliant on oil income. While concerns about a non-diversified economy are valid, this narrative neglects to consider the difficulty post-conflict states have in attracting foreign investment. Being blessed with natural resources allows a country like Timor-Leste to fund its own development during the arduous process of attracting external investment. And this investment is coming. In 2012, Heineken established a factory in Timor-Leste to supply the local region. This factory is the first of its kind in the country. The establishment of a global brand paves the way for other businesses to establish themselves in Timor-Leste, helping the country move toward a more diversified economy.

Still, the biggest contributor toward GDP is oil income. However, the way these oil profits are managed goes against the failed state hypothesis. All the profits are deposited into the Petroleum Fund, which was modeled on Norway's sovereign wealth fund. The depositing of oil profits into this fund allows Timor-Leste to avoid the "resource curse" by allowing full transparency on the investment and withdrawal of funds. The profit from these investments is used to pay for public services and develop strong institutions without depleting the principle. Using dividends to cover public spending does not put Timor-Leste in the perilous failed state position that some forecast.

The World Bank's World Development Report states that conflict and violence are key influencers of poverty. Countries that are peaceful and stable are escaping poverty. Since independence in Timor-Leste, only one bout of violence has broken out, with no wide-scale violence in the past ten years. Former military members have integrated back into their communities, as opposed to causing internal disarray or forming militias. According to the Global Peace Index, Timor-Leste is in the top third of the world's peaceful countries. The lack of conflict within Timor-Leste creates an optimal environment for development toward continual economic and social growth.

Economic development is only half the story. Social development is vital in progress to becoming a stable state. According to the United Nations Development Program's Human Development Index, Timor-Leste ranks in the Medium Human Development category, scoring higher than several other countries in Southeast Asia. This is no small feat in a country were infrastructure was burnt to the ground on the departure of Indonesian forces.

Another key marker of development is the fight against malaria. There has been a 97 percent decrease in reported cases of malaria within Timor-Leste, from 223,002 in 2006 to 6,202 in 2012. In 2016, there was only 95 cases countrywide. Timor-Leste is fast moving toward eradicating this disease within its borders. Continual social development will allow better outcomes for the citizens of Timor-Leste.

Post-conflict states are fragile and concerns of failure are warranted. However, it is important not to let such concerns override achievements and progress toward stability. By making progress toward a diversified economy with proper management and careful budgeting of state owned investments, fostering a peaceful society, and achieving solid development goals, Timor-Leste is moving away from the fragility of being a post conflict state. When Timor-Leste achieves stability and a consistently growing GDP, it will be in a prime position to assist other states and their neighbors to negotiate their way toward stability. It is time that we recognize achievements alongside potential pitfalls to balance out the narrative.

[Tahnee Reed holds three MAs from universities in Europe, including the University of Amsterdam. She is now working as a Political Affairs Officer at the Embassy of Timor-Leste. Tahnee contributed to this article in her own personal capacity. The views expressed are her own and do not necessarily represent the views of the Government of Timor-Leste or associated institutions.]

Source: http://thediplomat.com/2017/07/timor-leste-failing-state-or-missed-opportunity/

Young voters will decide Timor-Leste's parliamentary election

The Diplomat - July 7, 2017

Khoo Ying Hooi and Guteriano Neves – A total of 21 political parties are registered to contest the Timor-Leste parliamentary election on July 22.

In the race for political office, many observers are keeping an eye on four political parties – the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin), National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), Democratic Party (PD), and People's Liberation Party (PLP).

In our previous article, we noted that young voters will help to decide the result of the upcoming parliamentary election as their loyalties are up for grabs.

Youths are a significant part of the 2017 election for many reasons. For one, they represent a large bloc of voters – approximately 70 percent of Timor-Leste's population is below 30 years old. More specifically, this will be the first election in which Timorese born after the 1999 independence referendum will be eligible to vote.

A research report titled "New Voices: The Engagement of Young Timorese in the Political Process," jointly conducted by Counterpart International and Belun in December 2016, showed that while Timorese youths are cynical about political leaders and political manipulation, their level of political interest remains high.

The recent International Republican Institute (IRI) and Asia Foundation (AF) polls reaffirm those findings. The AF poll indicated that there's growing discontent among young Timorese, in particular those younger than 25 years old, while the IRI poll shown that 46 percent of voters are still undecided. Below, we will explore the patterns of young voters, many of whom are likely undecided voters.

It is reported that 51 percent of the total registered voters currently fall under the category of young people. Recognizing the importance of young voters, including first time voters, the Technical Secretariat for Electoral Administration (STAE) and UNDP Electoral Project (LEARN) initiated a campaign, "Our Votes Determines Our Future," to motivate them to participate in the election.

Young voices are critical for this election. At the macro level, economic opportunity is the major concern that youths are facing. This is primarily driven by the fact that a big portion of the population is of prime working age. Moreover, the existing economic structure cannot accommodate the growing number of youths.

According to 2015 the Demographic Census, aside from self-employment and farming activities, the public sector employs more people than any other sector in the country, with most of the employment opportunities concentrated in the capital Dili.

To overcome the challenge, the government employs several approaches. One is by creating job opportunities in the private sector. This is observed through the construction activities financed by the government. This is, however, not a sustainable approach.

Another approach is by promoting self-employment and rural employment through the Secretary of State for Employment Policy and Vocational Training. The government also promotes labor migration by facilitating overseas employment in South Korea and Australia. Many Timorese are also working in the United Kingdom under Portuguese passports.

Speaking to youths around Dili, there appears to be a mixture of reactions when asked to describe political leaders and government performance. We found that while most of the youths that we spoke with tend to be either neutral or critical, there are also some who are more inclined to choose certain political figures when it comes to deciding whom to vote for. On the other hand, some of the youths we spoke to, who left their home districts years ago to work in Dili, said that they would not be voting due to the costs of travelling back home.

Regardless of their backgrounds and political affiliations, most felt that the elected government should pay more attention to areas such as basic health and education, roads, and agriculture in order to meet basic community needs.

Marcos Pinto, a graduate from Benguet State University in the Philippines who is currently working in the field of natural resource management, will be a third-time voter. Asked about how he will decide whom to support in the upcoming parliamentary election, he said he has decided to vote for a political party based on the party program and the extent to which it focuses on the needs of the community. He believes that the elected government should focus on key areas such as education, agriculture, and most importantly, balancing infrastructure development for every municipality.

For Isac Mascarenhas, who originated from Viqueque district but is currently living in Dili, this election will be his second time exercising his right to vote. He is a senior undergraduate student in the international relations department at the National University of Timor Lorosa'e (UNTL) and also a volunteer researcher at the Peace Center. Asked about how would he decide whom to vote for, he said, "I will seek for their vision, mission, and the program that they will implement during five years, if they elected VII Government Constitutional Republic Democratic of Timor Leste (RDTL)." (all sic)

Sharing some similarities to Marcos, Isac believes that the elected government should focus on increasing the quality of education, infrastructure, health, security, and defense; expanding the agriculture sector; combating corruption; and also defending state sovereignty, specifically referring to the dispute maritime boundary with Australia. Isac thinks that the government has a weak policy on how to increase youth knowledge, particularly leadership skills, and also not much of a plan to tackle the high unemployment rate. Asked about his hope for the country, he said, "My personal aspiration to my beloved country is we need the leader who might be lead by example to the people around Timor-Leste."

Eugenia Correia works at a national non-governmental organization (NGO) in Dili, While remaining undecided on whom to vote for, as she is unclear about each party's program and action, she opines that the government should not merely focus on the oil as a single source for running the country. For example, she says, in order to develop the agriculture and tourism sector, the government needs to create good quality infrastructure to link people to tourism areas and farmers to markets.

These issues cannot be neglected in Timor-Leste's political discourse, as the problems are obvious in every part of the country. Encouragingly, most youths that we spoke to focused on policy platforms rather than simple affiliation to a political party. Social media has also shown a pattern of some concerted efforts by the young, educated elite to motivate people to vote based on issues and programs rather than political parties and individuals. It will be crucial for this young country to not just practice a democratic system but to continue to uphold democratic values.

[Khoo Ying Hooi, Ph.D., is Senior Lecturer at the Department of International and Strategic Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya. Guteriano Neves is Timorese independent researcher and a postgraduate student at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University.]

Source: http://thediplomat.com/2017/07/young-voters-will-decide-timor-lestes-parliamentary-election/

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